Breeds Violence Research Articles

A Four-Wave Cross-Lagged Study of Exposure to Violent Contexts, Cognitive Distortions, and School Bullying during Adolescence.

School bullying represents a widespread expression of violence in the peer context. Guided by the social-ecological model, this study investigated the longitudinal and transactional pathways linking domestic and neighborhood/community violence exposure (through direct victimization and witnessing), self-serving cognitive distortions (CDs), and school bullying perpetration. Furthermore, consistent with the previous literature, we tested the cognitive desensitization process that could develop in response to chronically violent contexts. Two four-wave cross-lagged panel mediation models were tested in a sample of 778 high school students (28.1% males; Mage [Time 1; T1] = 14.20, SD = 0.58). The results showed differential effects of multiple contexts and forms of violence exposure, with domestic violence victimization and community violence witnessing being associated with self-serving CDs and bullying perpetration over time. Moreover, significant associations between CDs and bullying perpetration over time were found, with bidirectional effects for each of these longitudinal patterns. Finally, self-serving CDs significantly mediated the relationships between both domestic violence victimization and community violence witnessing and school bullying perpetration. These findings highlight the need to consider school bullying as a social phenomenon stemming from a complex and bidirectional interplay between individuals and the environments they inhabit, confirming a basic postulate that "violence breeds violence".

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ ВЗАЄМОДІЇ УСТАНОВ ВИКОНАННЯ ПОКАРАНЬ, УПОВНОВАЖЕНИХ ОРГАНІВ З ПИТАНЬ ПРОБАЦІЇ ТА СУБ’ЄКТІВ СОЦІАЛЬНОГО ПАТРОНАЖУ ПІД ЧАС ПІДГОТОВКИ ДО ЗВІЛЬНЕННЯ ОСІБ, ЯКІ ВІДБУВАЮТЬ ПОКАРАННЯ У ВИДІ ОБМЕЖЕННЯ ВОЛІ АБО ПОЗБАВЛЕННЯ ВОЛІ НА ПЕВНИЙ СТРОК

This article is devoted to the peculiarities of interaction among penal institutions, authorized probation bodies and subjects of social patronage while preparing persons serving a sentence of restraint of liberty or imprisonment for a certain period for release. Penitentiary institutions are not institutions intended for recreation. Convicts in places of deprivation of liberty pass and must pass certain difficulties. That is why these institutions are points of increased social and psychological tension, which in one way or another determine the whole meaning of convict’s life. But all these difficulties and legal restrictions should be, firstly, based on the law, and secondly, optimal, that is, conditioned only by considerations of achieving the goal of correcting a convicted person and preventing the commission of new crimes. A state that claims the high rank of law has no right to revenge. Revenge and unjustified cruelty are not only immoral, but also ineffective in criminological terms, because evil breeds evil, violence breeds violence. Thus, the process of release from penitentiary institutions should maximize a released person’s socialization in the shortest possible time, taking into account the pooling of efforts of all interested structures: penitentiary institutions, authorized probation bodies and subjects of social patronage. This will allow a released person to integrate into society quickly, restore the lost social ties, which will subsequently ensure the safety of the society itself and make it impossible for a released to commit new crimes. In this regard, the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners states that it is worth thinking about prisoner’s future after release from the very beginning of their sentence. Until then, they should be encouraged and helped to maintain and strengthen ties with individuals or institutions outside the prison who can promote inclusion in society and protect the best interests of their family. Key words: interaction, penitentiary institutions, probation period, social patronage, release, restriction on freedom, imprisonment.

Ubuntu’s philosophy and the challenge of Xenophobia: towards peace in Africa

Xenophobic attacks in South Africa have put to question the authenticity and veracity of Ubuntu philosophy. Remarkably, Ubuntu as a normative philosophy, promotes and conveys the openness and availability of the individuals for the benefits of others, especially in the paradigm of “I” and “others.” This philosophy unequivocally presents an African world view of care for others, the affirmation of the existence of others and the participation of others. Altruism, which is the western version of Ubuntu, encourages show of compassion, generosity, care and living with others. Yet, the resurgence of the xenophobic attack is a signpost of misguided individuals who have lost the traits of personhood and otherness, which are central in Ubuntu. Xenophobia breeds violence, hate, destruction of lives and property and threatens peace in Africa. Cognizant of this asymmetry between Ubuntu philosophy and xenophobia lineaments, this work attempts to restate a mutual need for African togetherness and maps a commitment to Ubuntu norms.

TANAKA SAKABE Yukako, Why Democratization Breeds Violence: Conditions for Post-Conflict Peace

TANAKA SAKABE Yukako, <i>Why Democratization Breeds Violence: Conditions for Post-Conflict Peace</i>

Economic Inclusion: A paradigm Shift from the Radical Economic Transformation (RET) in the Context of Growing Xenophobia in South Africa

&lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;This article analyses the experience of migration in the light of Radical Economic Transformation (RET) program of the SA government and argues that the program has been high jacked by nationalists who are now using transformation to side-line non South Africans in the socio-economic development programmes.&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Article contends that &lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;migrants contribute to regional, national, and global development through networks and (like anywhere in the world) are an integral part of the South African society,&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;playing a “multifaceted role” in various capacities such as workers, business owners, community members/organisers and leaders of social justice and faith based movements. Given the volatility of the South African society, it suggested that use of a term such as “Economic Inclusion” could be less controversial than Radical Economic Transformation which breeds violence. In addition, it is suggested that while acknowledging that the extremes between poverty and wealth require a radical economic paradigm, political and public discourse should be sensitive to the volatility of the South African context and promote the inclusion of migrants in socio-economic development programs.&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

The Golden Rule: Interfaith Peacemaking and the Charter for Compassion

The Charter for Compassion has been signed by over two million people from around the world and partnered with hundreds of interfaith organizations and cities seeking to put into practice the Golden Rule, common to the main faith traditions, of doing unto others as you would be done by. This article sets the Charter within the context of a post secular international society and faith-based diplomacy, in which religious interreligious initiatives emerge as serious, rather than peripheral, actors in developing sustainable peace making through bottom-up approaches. The article critically engages with the Charter's claim that ‘any interpretation of scripture that breeds violence, hatred or disdain is illegitimate’ while accepting that peaceful interpretations of scriptures are helpful to peace processes where religious actors are involved. The article explores the claims of the Charter for Compassion International as they seek to make peace through compassion, before concluding that the Charter for Compassion is a long-term project aimed at changing hearts and minds but has had limited substantive impact to date.

Weapons used to harm female victims of intimate partner violence and community violence

Introduction The pattern of intimate partner violence has not been studied in-depth in Sri Lanka. The aim of this study was to investigate the weapons use among women exposed to intimate partner violence (IPV) and to compare with community violence (CV). Method A retrospective, comparative cross-sectional study of women who have undergone medico-legal examination after reporting IPV or CV to a tertiary care hospital, in Colombo, Sri Lanka years from January 2011 to December 2012 was conducted. Of 9000 Medico-Legal Examination Forms, women above 18 years who had reported IPV and CV were studied. Results The prevalence of reported cases of IPV was 2.8%and CV was 5%. Of them, 255 (36%) IPV and 449 (64%) CV were reported. IPV was common among young, married, unemployed women (p 0.05). Assault with a weapon was common at home in the morning and resulted in severe injuries (p Conclusions Women exposed to IPV were young, married and unemployed. Most assaults were due to manhandling while sexual violence reports were fewer than expected. Weapon assaults are common at home in the morning and result in severe injuries but not associated with alcohol abuse. There were many similarities between IPV and CV assaults which indicate that both groups take their basis in a gender-unequal society that breeds violence. The victim knew the abuser, not only in the IPV group as expected but also in the CV group.CV occurs outside the home by known perpetrators using ‘occasional weapons’. CV in Sri Lanka and worldwide is an almost unexplored area that needs to be further investigated in order to develop evidence-based intervention programmes.

Violence breeds violence: burnout as a mediator between patient violence and nurse violence

The present study examines whether patient-perpetrated violence triggers anger, hatred and other negative emotions that, under certain circumstances, might motivate nurses to behave violently with patients. In doing so, this study considers burnout as a mediator in the patient violence–nurse violence relationship. To test the causal paths, data were collected from 182 nurses working in two government-sector teaching hospitals of Pakistan's Punjab province. Results confirm that patient violence toward nurses leads to nurse violence toward patients through the mediating effect of burnout. The study advises hospitals to provide wellness and stress management programs to nurses who regularly experience events involving patient violence. Hospitals may consider allowing nurses to take short breaks after an encounter with violently behaving patients. In addition, hospitals should conduct empathy-promoting training, emotional intelligence training and ‘lens of the patient’ training programs to sensitize their nursing staff.

How Violence Breeds Violence: Micro-dynamics and Reciprocity of Violent Interaction in the Arab Uprisings

How Violence Breeds Violence: Micro-dynamics and Reciprocity of Violent Interaction in the Arab Uprisings

Rethinking Counterterrorism in the Age of ISIS

Failing states are havens for terrorism. A toxic combination of social, economic, and political crises attract violent extremist groups to establish bases in these lawless areas. As the groups grow in strength, the violence spreads from the immediate vicinity to the nation, region, and sometimes even other continents. One need only look to the terrorist attacks in New York, London, Madrid, and Paris as proof that terrorists operating out of failing states eventually set their sights on attacking Western capitals. Although the underlying causes of terrorism are often local, the violence is no longer constrained within a particular country or region. Whether originating in Afghanistan, the Northwest Frontier of Pakistan, Somalia, Iraq or Syria, the rise of terrorist groups has become a worldwide problem that threatens the safety of citizens in both the Eastern and Western Hemispheres, albeit in differing degrees. Yet, global counterterrorism strategies focus more on symptoms rather than the underlying social, political, and economic conditions that produce politically-motivated violence. In particular, counterterrorism policies are driven by military and security interests of authoritarian states whose state violence breeds more violence by non-state actors. Western nations often limit their counterterrorism practices to merely preventing violence on their soil. With the advancement of technology, fluidity of borders, and ubiquity of international travel, countries can no longer afford to ignore the deteriorating conditions in failing states where terrorists set up bases. Nor can they limit their interest in failed states to bombing terrorist training camps or pushing terrorists underground. Only when the underlying political, social, and economic local hardships that produce fertile grounds for terrorists to operate are addressed can security improve for all people. Simply put, citizens in the West can no longer wall themselves off from violence inflicted on citizens in the East.Accordingly, this Article argues for a paradigm shift in the preventive goals of global counterterrorism policies that prioritizes human development based on the local needs of failing states. Furthermore, human development should go beyond meeting fundamental needs such as food, shelter, and water to address political reforms demanded by the local population. By failing to confront authoritarianism and its offspring of political repression, the international community misguidedly relies on counterproductive military and security-driven policies. With the rise of violent transnational actors and fluid borders, the international community loses more than it gains by supporting dictators under the auspices of preserving stability. To the contrary, dictatorships breed terrorism as they inculcate a culture of violence and instill fear, suspicion, and aggression among the citizens. In turn, violence becomes the only means to effectuate change in a zero-sum game, winner takes all political system.

Comparison of injuries due to lethal weapons during and after civil strife in Sri Lanka: A medico-legal study.

Background and Aims:“Injuries due to lethal weapons” has emerged as a subject of public discussion in Sri Lanka. This study was conducted to describe the nature and characteristics of injuries due to lethal weapons during civil strife and to compare those with injuries after civil strife.Methods:A cross-sectional study was conducted on patients reported with injuries caused by lethal weapons from 2004 to 2014. Periods before and after May 19, 2009 were considered as during and after civil strife periods, respectively. A total of 21,210 medico-legal examination forms were studied.Results:There were 358 (1.7%) injuries caused by lethal weapons. Of them, 41% (n = 148) were during and 59% (n = 210) were after the civil strife. During civil strife, 63% occurred during daytime (P < 0.05). Types of lethal weapons that caused injuries were sharp weapons (n = 282), explosives (n = 49), and firearms (n = 27). Of them, 32% of during and 01% of after civil strife were explosive injuries (P < 0.01). Regarding severity, 73% of during and 57% of after civil strife injuries were severe (P < 0.05). During civil strife, 34% injuries were in lower limbs (P < 0.01) and after civil strife, 37% were in upper limbs (P < 0.05).Conclusions:The presence of many similarities indicated that both groups learnt their basis in a society that breeds violence. During civil strife, more injuries occurred during daytime, to lower limbs by explosive weapons and after the civil strife during nighttime, to upper limbs by nonexplosive weapons. Nonexplosive lethal weapon use after civil strife needs further investigation to develop evidence-based interventions.

The Social State and Globalization : A Legal Analysis of Forms of Solidarity

It is easy to recognize that injustice breeds violence. But this is where difficulties begin. Difficulties of two types, theoretical and political, which Aristote had already neatly distinguished and prioritized : “It is extremely difficult”, he wrote in Politics, “to discover the truth about equality and justice. Nonetheless to do so is easier than to dissuade those who are in a position to manipulate it to their own advantage ; for it is always the deprived who seek equality and justice, w...

Slavery’s Afterlife in Text and Image

SLAVERY'S AFTERLIFE IN TEXT AND IMAGE Monstrous Intimacies: Making Post-slavery Subjects by Christina Sharpe. Perverse Modernities, edited by Jack Halberstam and Lisa Lowe. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010. Pp. 272, 21 illustrations. $79.95 cloth, $22.95 paper.In Christina Sharpe's book Monstrous Intimacies, there is the palpable sense of the total encompassing of black subjectivity, part and parcel of slavery's brutality, its horrendous intensity, and its transnational legacy. Explicitly linking visual and literary texts across slave nations and imperial registers, Sharpe is invested in exploring how freedom and slavery are performed and adhere to a set of intimate relations (familial, sexual, national) informing social and political arrangements (5). Thinking about monstrous intimacies, Sharpe writes in introduction, means examining those subjectivities constituted from transatlantic slavery onward and connected then as now, by the everyday aren't acknowledged to be horrors (3). lack of visibility of the mundane horrors is what links project with Saidiya Hartman's Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth Century America (1997), as both books highlight the terror, making, and self-making necessarily produce and extend racial trauma.While Sharpe pairs texts do not immediately adhere to the structures of slavery's recognizable imprint (Gayl Jones's Corregidora [1975], Isaac Julian's Attendant [1993 film], Bessie Head's Maru [1971]), upon deeper examination it is precisely these imprints, according to Sharpe, allow the measure of postslavery memory to propel itself in specific (rhetorically, imagistically) manifestations. Visuality is central in Monstrous Intimacies (as it is for Hartman in Scenes) to the ways in which bodies are read and inscribed, subjected, and delineated.In the introduction, Sharpe carefully lays out the stakes of freedom's cloaking mechanism: that is, freedoms for those people constituted as white . . . produced through an other's and thus creating slaves out of slaves and molding freedom through unfreedom (15). She uses two case studies to tether these paradigms to a larger discourse of gender and restraint: Frederick Douglass's writings concerning the beating of his aunt Hester, and Essie Mae Washington-Williams's memoir of racial lineage as the outside daughter of the Southern segrega - tionalist Strom Thurmond. From the middle of the nineteenth century through the earliest part of the twenty-first century, spatial and familial lineage breeds violence and engenders human indifference. Like the Charles Chesnutt short story The Dumb Witness (1897), slavery's legacy is both literally and figuratively of multiple inculcations of violated bodies. servant in Chesnutt's story seemed a bit younger than the man (her owner, brother?), but her face was enough like his, in a feminine way, to suggest they might be related in some degree, unless this inference was negatived by the woman's complexion, which disclosed a strong infusion of darker blood.1 Since in the story she speaks the unspeakable-the violations against body by this man, brother-to his beloved future wife (the wedding is called off), she is silenced. At first she cannot speak, then she refuses to. But much like any slave on any plantation, she knows where the bodies are buried, as well as the treasure. Such proximity and violated intimacy, Sharpe's books seems to say, is the space of profound articulations of irony and imagery, and the perfect place to parse out racialized subjectivities often rendered invisible.The first chapter extends out from the introduction to deepen the exploration of the import of slavery-as-incest narrative. Examining the quintessential representation of this narrative, Gayl Jones's Corregidora, Sharpe asserts, Jones writes out something like a Corregidora complex; an Oedipus complex for the New World (29). …

Non-violent Culture in Relation with Some Mental Disorders

The World Health Organization defined health in 1946 as a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being. This definition underscores a very important point which is; health is as much a social as a biological issue, and it provides major clues as to how a society or nation works. Societies with a lot of sickness and early death are likely to be socially organized very differently from those where people live longer lives and experience less illness. Though there is some non-epidemic diseases like: suicide, the addiction of drugs, alcohol abuse and mental disorders, which lead to the exercise of violence in the society. Epidemiology draws on the work of a wide variety of scientists and researchers, among them physicians, sociologists, demographers, biologist, anthropologists and psychologists. These non-epidemic diseases need the knowledge how to take care of the mental-disorder, patient without violence, understanding the symptoms and give him/her the right treatment. There are some mental disorders, which are less identified in the third world. We see daily many children and adults with behavioral problems, such aggressive behavior. Many of the social and educational institutes like schools, families and places, face difficulties in the treatment of them. Often the only way to meet these situations is the violence. And like sociologists we know that Violence breeds Violence.

La Ilegalidad: una herramienta de análisis para la naturaleza del conflicto en Colombia

&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;Para muchos teóricos sobre la paz, encontrar respuestas al problema: ¿cómo superar la guerra? convergen múltiples áreas a su que hacer que pueden y pretenden dar respuesta a dicha pregunta, sin embargo una respuesta se encontraría en la naturaleza humana y en la misma naturaleza del conflicto. Para el caso colombiano, encontrar herramientas de análisis que lleven a la superación del conflicto, emplea elementos más allá de las políticas internas y la lucha del Estado frente a grupos ilegales, esta es la ilegalidad, que se encuentra por tanto dentro de la cultura de violencia definida por Johan Galtung. Desde estas disímiles teorías a las causas de la guerra, se puede afrontar la cuestión de cómo lograr una mayor paz en Colombia. De lo anterior el principal objetivo de este artículo no es construir un modelo para la paz, sino analizar elementos importantes que se dan dentro del conflicto y que son analizados bajo sucesos acometidos en ciertos momentos de la historia del conflicto colombiano. La principal conclusión es que en Colombia la naturaleza del conflicto prima por la cultura de violencia y la violencia que engendra junto con la ilegalidad en que también la sociedad basa su legitimidad junto con el narcotráfico, las pandillas, la insurgencia es hoy para el colombiano una salida fácil a los problemas económicos y sociales que enfrenta.&lt;/p&gt;

Not Just Roommates: Cohabitation after the Sexual Revolution

It has become common for couples to live together outside of marriage—and the seeming acceptance of this trend masks a long history of social and legal discrimination. Elizabeth H. Pleck provides a comprehensive study of cohabitation from the 1960s onward. Her book documents “a failure of beliefs, laws, and policy to keep up with changing reality,” as cohabitation has served as grounds to deny people housing, public assistance, custody, and privacy (p. 4). Popular discourses have deemed cohabitation a sinful practice that undermines families and that breeds violence, poverty, and instability. The stigmatization of unwed couples, Pleck claims, stems from a persistent “culture of marriage promotion” strengthened by the 1970s emergence of the New Right, currently evident in debates over same-sex marriage and government programs that promote marriage as a solution to poverty (p. 5). Pleck views cohabitation as a matter of “sexual citizenship,” which includes the right not to marry and to have one's family form recognized (ibid.). Her study ponders the legacy of the 1960s, when cohabitation became visible and central to public debate.

Violence against women in intimate relations: A contrast of five theories

This paper explores the correlates of violence against women in intimate relations. Using data from a large victimization survey, we assess five theoretical explanations based on patterns of association between violence and key attitudinal and socio-demographic variables: sexism, family violence, dependency, exchange and status inconsistency. We conclude that status inconsistency, understood as a complex multidimensional theory of patriarchy that integrates core elements of other theories, offers the best explanation. Women’s odds of suffering violence are higher if they have sexist partners, are disempowered or have higher statuses than their partners. Disempowered women have fewer resources to oppose the sexist culture on which violence breeds. Women with elevated statuses defy men’s dominance. Violence is intrinsic to a patriarchal system of power that fosters sexism and manifests violently when women are vulnerable or challenge men’s statuses.

'Sakaarson the World Breaker': violence and différance in the political and legal theory of Marvel's sovereign

The graphic novels Planet Hulk and World War Hulk feature the green goliath of the Marvel Universe, The Incredible Hulk (Hulk, or the Hulk, hereafter) as the protagonist in two tales both which deal with gladiatorial violence and sovereignty. The novels feature classic archetypal comic narratives such as violence leading to retribution, law leading to justice and sovereignty leading to rule. However the novels feature pervasive critiques which imbue these homogenous narratives, leading to their subversion. These normalising narratives of le politique are thus warped into alternate manifestations, wherein violence breeds total annihilation, law succumbs to mutation and sovereignty implodes to nothing. Consequently the novels feature an unusual yet poignant subversion of the traditional metaphysics of political and legal theory.

Logics of Political Secrecy

In the modern age, the political secret has acquired a bad reputation. With modern democracy’s ideal of transparency, political secrecy is identified with political crime or corruption. The article argues that this repression of secrecy in modern democracies falls short of a substantial understanding of the structure and workings of political secrecy. By outlining a genealogy of political secrecy, it elucidates the logic as well as the blind spots of a current culture of secrecy. It focuses on two fundamental logics of secrecy, deduced from the Latin terms ‘ arcanum’ and ‘ secretum’. Whereas the logic of arcanum regards secrecy as a legitimate dimension of government, a modern logic of secretum is marked by an inextricable dialectics between the withdrawal and communication of knowledge, between secrecy and publicity. Here, the secret is not so much a piece of withheld knowledge as a ‘secrecy effect’ that binds the realm of secrecy to the public sphere by a dialectics of permanent suspicion and scandal. Instead of falling into the trap of this ‘secrecy effect’ it is worth taking a closer look at the tradition of thought on the arcana imperii, from Tacitus to early modern doctrines of raison d’état to Carl Schmitt. What this tradition deals with is the functionality of secrecy and its complicated relation to the law. The arcana tradition elaborates the crucial point of secrecy: its potential, but also its profound ambivalence. Secrecy opens up a discretionary space of action exempt from the rule of law, and, according to Carl Schmitt, ignores the law so as to allow it to become effective. Secrecy serves to protect and stabilize the state, but at the same time it opens a space of exception from the rule of law that breeds violence, corruption and oppression. Instead of seeing secrecy as the opposite of a political culture of transparency, it is more productive to regard secrecy as transparency's complement – a counterpart, however, that is marked by the profound paradox of being both a consolidation of and a threat to democracy.

Curbing the Global Culture of Violence in Nigerian Secondary Schools: The Role of School Administrators

The interactions of learners from distant contrasting cultures through the use of modern communication technologies are integral part of global learning experience leading to globalization. Globalization rides on the crest of technological and information revolution and has numerous gains.Unfortunately, globalization also breeds violence and conflicts. In Nigeriatoday, violence is one of the major causes of death for the adolescents.Teaching and earning have been impaired by violence in schools. This paper suggests administrative strategies to curb the escalation of violence among the youths so that Nigerians can maximally enjoy the benefits ofglobalization.