Bourgeois Rights Research Articles

Uma análise marxiana da política de cotas no ensino superior público brasileiro

Resumo Construído por meio de revisão teórica e bibliográfica, este artigo objetiva discutir a política de cotas sociais e étnico-raciais nas instituições federais de ensino superior brasileiras a partir do materialismo histórico e dialético. Toma a universidade como arena onde a luta de classes também é travada e questiona: em que medida a política de cotas sociais e étnico-raciais constitui processos de resistências frente à distribuição justa e ao igual direito burguês? Compreende-se que a política de cotas emerge e justifica-se no pressuposto de que o igual direito não contempla a população negra. Essa pseudoigualdade burguesa não considera o acesso historicamente negado dessa população aos bens e à riqueza socialmente produzida. Por isso, há de se ter outra forma de acesso, que se vincule a outro tipo de universalidade e que, assim, contemple uma universalidade a partir da diversidade e da desigualdade, pois, sob a ótica da igualdade, a desigualdade permanece.

One facet of Maozhedong's ideology: Focusing on 'Criticism over Bourgeois Rights'

One facet of Maozhedong's ideology: Focusing on 'Criticism over Bourgeois Rights'

On the Tension between Democracy and Concentration of the National Governance from the Perspective of System Engineering

A nation or state can be seen as a system so it is reasonable to discuss issues on national governance from the perspective of system engineering. In the process of transformation from government to governance,how to build and keep the tension between democracy and centralism is a key issue, which asks for a major transformation of government functions and expansion of mass democracy. National governance needs the instruction of state theory. After reviewing the national theory of bourgeoisie and Marxism, this article puts forward advice to research the national theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics and so to solve problems in practice. The highest value of National governance system should be that people are masters of the country and really in power.In socialist states, bureaucratism and bourgeois rights are the biggest obstacles of above value. Social governance should form such a situation that government and social organization support each other and share responsibility for social good governance.

Cultural Studies and/of Economic Rights: Neglect and Promise

This article theorizes the historical non-relation between cultural studies and economic rights discourse, tracing it to ideal typical distinctions between economy and culture in early cultural studies; Karl Marx's influence on Left thought generally via his critique of bourgeois rights; and Foucauldian governmentalist treatments of rights as neoliberal technologies of control and treatments of economy as having no agency of its own but rather as an effect of governmentality. It then introduces a case-study conjunctural history of American economic rights as a history of present American citizenship and politics in order to demonstrate the historically contingent articulations of individual freedom, government, and economic relations, which are not easily explained by the Marxist or Foucauldian vocabularies. The conjunctural history provides cultural studies research with a new perspective for attention to radical democracy and critiques of neoliberal capitalist policies without surrendering the utility of rights to (neo)liberalism.

The Cultural Revolution—A Complete Show of Mao Zedong's Erroneous Thinking in His Later Years

Abstract According to the domestic and international situation as related above, Mao Zedong sensed an impending danger of capitalist restoration. It seemed to him that various struggles waged before in villages, factories, schools, and cultural circles, and the socialist education movement (the four cleanups movement) in the wake of the struggle against Right opportunism, still could not solve the problem. Only through a more open and comprehensive mass movement launched from the bottom up to expose the negative side in every aspect within and outside the Party could the question be settled thoroughly, the ideology be radically reformed, and the power usurped by the capitalist-roaders seized back. He gradually focused his attention on the inside of the Party Central Committee, holding that the policies and line pursued by Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping ran counter to the "three red flags" and stood for revisionism, which represented the struggle between the two classes and the two roads. The socialist society for which he had been unremittingly fighting was to take class struggle as the key link, criticize and restrict "bourgeois rights, " which, featuring "large-scale, public ownership, and purity, " would combine industry, agriculture, culture and education, and military affairs, restrict the development of the commodity economy, and be quite egalitarian in distribution. The "socialist revolution" launched to reach this goal was to him the continuation of the struggle against the Guomindang reactionaries and a great political revolution in which one class would overthrow another. Only by constantly initiating the struggle between the two classes, two lines, and two roads was it possible to build and consolidate the kind of socialism he envisaged. Therefore he said that in the later stage of the Cultural Revolution, such a revolution would have to be waged time and again in the future. So-called theoreticians like Kang Sheng and Chen Boda extolled the erroneous "Left" thesis and practice as a creative development of Marxism and as the "third milestone" of Marxism after Lenin; Lin Biao, on the other hand, praised it as "the pinnacle of Marxism."

Milice Bourgeoise et Identité Citadine a Paris au Temps de la Ligue

L'on n'est pas seulement bourgeois d'une ville. Ce statut privilégié s'acquiert par l'insertion dans des lieux particuliers où s'exercent les devoirs, contreparties des droits dont on jouit. C'est le jeu social à l'intérieur des micro-localités qui construit la logique générale de l'appartenance : l'intégration se paie ainsi avec une menue monnaie locale. La logique des corps territoriaux n'est sans doute pas différente de celle des corps de métier : elle se crée au travers de conflits de faible intensité qui manifestent une culture hiérarchique et holiste.

Making a Place for Cultural Analyses of Law: [Commentary

In Expulsion of Law: Toward a Retrieval, Alan Hunt attempts to reconcile Foucault with Marx by focusing on Foucault's analysis of law.' Hunt advances theory in the sociology of law by forging links between scholars whose works are icons of opposing frameworks: structuralist and poststructuralist social theory. Instead of expelling law from a central role among modern apparatuses of power as Foucault seems to do, Hunt claims that errors, false moves, and incompletions in Foucault's work can be overcome by a retrieval of law. Moreover, Hunt suggests that this retrieval, made possible even within Foucault's work, establishes theoretical connections between Foucault and Marx that are now elided and untheorized. I read Hunt's essay as an invitation, and a challenge, to field researchers to provide empirical studies that can be synthesized to flesh out this developing yet incomplete theory. In this exposition of the possible connections in these heretofore divergent approaches, Hunt provides a conceptual context and authority for the proliferating literature that goes under the rubric of cultural analysis. Foucault's analysis of law relies on an important distinction between classical and modern society. In Hunt's explication of Foucault's analysis, the premodern state symbolizes the integration of sovereignty with law through juridical monarchy; in the premodern era, law provides the discursive cement of the state. In contrast, the modern era is no longer characterized by the dominance of law, which Foucault describes as the right to command, or by the discourse of bourgeois rights that also suffused the premodern form. Instead, power in modern societies is de-

Distribution According to Work and Bourgeois Rights

Marx first brought up the idea that bourgeois rights will continue to exist in socialist society. Marx's famous quotations in section 3, chapter 1 of Critique of Gotha Program tell us: (1) In the initial stage of communism, distribution is made according to the work (of every producer after various deduct ions).

Why Did the "Gang of Four" Limit Chairman Mao's Directives on Theoretical Questions to the Restriction of Bourgeois Rights?

At the end of 1974, the great leader and teacher Chairman Mao issued some important directives on theoretical questions. The purpose of these directives was to clarify to the people of the whole country the problem of bourgeois dictatorship. These directives explained in depth the necessity of tightly grasping the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and between the socialist road and the capitalist road and firmly upholding the brilliant thought of the continuing revolution under the proletarian dictatorship in the socialist period. They pointed out in greater detail to the people of the whole country the direction of opposing and preventing revisionism, consolidating the proletarian dictatorship and building socialism.

The Politics of the Body: The Chilean Junta and the Anti-Fascist Struggle

The aftermath of the repression launched by the military coup d'etat of September 1, 1973, in Chile has brought with it the need for the victims of arbitrary arrest, torture, detention, and exile to find a way to express this unprecedented experience. Their testimonies respond to a rupture in the mode of collective perception of Chile's political development. The relative enforcement of bourgeois rights in previous decades, together with the acritical and general acceptance of an ideology that represented Chile as a nation with a solid democratic tradition, masked the intermittent massacres of workers, military plots, and repression of unions and left wing parties from the late 19th century to the present. Nevertheless, the military Junta's policy of systematic repression unquestionably marks a break in Chilean history that the intelligentsia has been forced to confront, analyze, and express. In particular, the coup and the repression have imposed new urgencies, themes, and forms on recent Chilean literature as it has sought to represent in artistic form the movement of the present. We should speak here of a literature founded on a patrimony of accumulated collective suffering. For this reason, a meditation on technique, its application, and concrete results cannot simply be located at the level of a solitary and gratuitous alienation. Chilean writers of the post-coup period are working to establish modes of consciousness and sensibility through which those who support the popular movement can think and feel the political tasks they will have to confront individually and collectively in the immediate future. Chilean literary criticism must also play a role in this process. This essay begins from the presupposition that literature is an ideological form. Literature is the imaginary representation of real social relations. Ideologies are typifications of human groups in the process of generating a culture. Human groups reproduce themselves as historical beings in the context of the prevailing cultural, economic, and political structures. Literature differentiates itself from other ideological forms-such as religion, philosophy, political theory, law, and science (to the extent that scientific practice remains bound up with ideology)-on the basis of its choice of anthropocentric representational

The Concept of Intellectual Property in the People's Republic of China: Inventors and Inventions

This article will examine the constitution and evolution of the concept of “intellectual property” in the People's Republic of China through an analysis of policy regarding incentives for inventive activity – which in western legal systems would be generally covered by patent law. Hopefully, such an analysis will not only enable us to understand incentives for inventive activity in China, but also to understand crucial property concepts in China, especially “private” or “individual” ownership, during its “socialist transformation.” This, in turn, may shed additional light on the debate on the nature and future disposition of “bourgeois rights.”

Socialist vs. Bourgeois Rights: An East-West German Comparison

Socialist vs. Bourgeois Rights: An East-West German Comparison

An Historical Investigation Of The Theory Of Bourgeois Rights

In order to usurp Party power and restore capitalism, the "gang of four" has deliberately confused Marxist theories and the people's thinking. "Bourgeois rights" under the socialist system is a question which has been greatly confused by the clique. Like [Max] Stirner who was denounced by Marx, they abused the concept of "bourgeois rights" "on any occasion" in the manner of "fleas hopping" (1) and turned out their fantastic "rights economics."

Criticize The Reactionary Fallacies Of The "Gang Of Four" Concerning Bourgeois Rights

In his political report to the Eleventh CCP Congress, our wise leader Chairman Hua pointed out that the gang of four, a clique of counterrevolutionary plotters operating under the cloak of Marxist theories, was tampering with Marxist philosophy and political economy and scientific socialism. Chairman Hua called on us to carry through the great struggle against the gang of four and to rectify the confused line, thinking and theories caused by the gang of four. With respect to political economy, the gang of four undermined socialist production under the pretext of opposing the emphasis on productive forces and undermined socialist production relations using the excuse of criticizing In this article, I am going to offer some criticisms of the fallacies spread by the gang of four concerning bourgeois rights.

Urban Youth in the Countryside: Problems of Adaptation and Remedies

Since the Cultural Revolution, 12 million urban youths, for the most part graduates of secondary schools, have been resettled in the countryside under the programme of “up to the mountains and down to the villages” (shang-shan hsia-hsiang). Urban youths have been sent to the countryside for three reasons. First, the transfer seeks to alleviate difficulties in finding employment for them in the urban sector, as well as to contribute to China's goal of limiting urban growth. The second reason is ideological: because urban opportunities are limited, the values and expectations of young urbanites have to be changed and it is hoped that the experience of the transfer will lead to attitudinal change. More broadly, the programme is seen as contributing to such ideological goals as the restriction of “bourgeois rights” and as the elimination of the “three great differences” (between town and country, worker and peasant, and manual and mental labour). The third goal of the transfer is that it should contribute to the development of the rural areas, including particularly those of frontier provinces such as Heilungkiang.

Consolidate and Carry Forward the Achievements in the Movement up to the Mountains and Down to the Countryside

Since the start of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, tens of millions of educated youths, in response to Chairman Mao's call, have gone up to the mountains and down to the countryside in a gigantic revolutionary flow. This drive bears far-reaching significance for combating and preventing revisionism, reducing the three great differences, restricting bourgeois rights and bringing up millions of successors to the cause of the proletarian revolution. Spurred by the movement to study theory of the proletarian dictatorship, we must further consolidate and carry forward the great achievements in the movement up to the mountains and down to the countryside.