Bonus Money Research Articles

Reminders undermine impressions of genuine gratitude.

While reminders can help by encouraging prosocial behaviors, we propose that they can also hurt. Across 10 studies, most of which focus on reminders to express gratitude, we find that reminders interfere with impressions of genuine prosociality. Whether people are reminded subtly (Studies 1a and 6-8) or blatantly (Studies 2-5) to express gratitude, the reminder is perceived to put social pressure on the potential thanker, making reminded thankers seem less genuine and less likable than spontaneous thankers. This is true from the perspective of both a third-party observer (Studies 1a and 2-7) and the receiver of thanks (Study 4), regardless of whether the judgments are about hypothetical (Studies 1a, 2-3, and 6-7) or real behavior (Studies 4-5). We find that this phenomenon can have material consequences: Receivers of gratitude expressions allocated a larger proportion of bonus money to a spontaneous thanker compared to a reminded thanker (Study 5). We also find that to overcome the decrement in their perceived genuineness, reminded thankers must engage in costly signaling by thanking more elaborately (Study 7), and reminded thankers spontaneously do this (Study 8). Overall, while reminding people to engage in prosocial actions may encourage laudable behavior (Study 6), our findings suggest that doing so may also undermine the actor's perceived genuineness, leading to material consequences and raising the bar for what is required to signal sincerity. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Material Bonuses for Combat and Service Activities of Fighters and Commanders of the Red Army (1918–1946)

Introduction. The article analyzes the experience of creating and improving the system of material bonuses for Red Army soldiers and officers of the Red Army during the Civil War, the interwar period and during the Great Patriotic War. Materials and Methods. Collections of official documents, scientific literature, as well as sources of personal origin were used in the work. The study was conducted on the basis of the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency. The need to consider material bonuses in the context of the activities of state bodies to motivate the combat activities of military personnel led to the use of the historical-systemic method. Results. The study revealed a clear financial vertical from the central bodies of military administration (financial administration of the Red Army) through intermediate financial authorities in military formations to an individual soldier. Bonus money was issued at the choice of a serviceman either in banknotes or transferred non-cash to deposit books. Conclusions. It is stated that material bonuses have led to an increase in professional skills through the personal interest of military personnel in the results of combat and service activities.

PsychPRO Reaping Benefits for Clinicians Reporting MIPS Data

Back to table of contents Previous article Next article APA & MeetingsFull AccessPsychPRO Reaping Benefits for Clinicians Reporting MIPS DataMark MoranMark MoranSearch for more papers by this authorPublished Online:19 Feb 2020https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.pn.2020.2b35AbstractAnnual Meeting attendees who participate in Medicare can learn how PsychPro can help them report MIPS quality data during a session that will also provide an update on an APA initiative using registry participants to develop quality measures.PsychPRO, APA’s mental health registry, continues to grow and is now helping more than 1,000 participants, including psychiatrists and behavioral health clinicians, meet quality reporting requirements.For psychiatrists, who comprise more than half of the PsychPRO participants, the registry is also helping them meet maintenance of certification requirements.The registry makes it especially easy for mental health professionals who participate in Medicare and are required to report quality data under MIPS (Merit-based Incentive Payment System) to do so—and that can mean higher reimbursement: 38% of PsychPRO participants who were required to report MIPS data in 2017 qualified for as much as a 4% bonus in reimbursement in 2019; this year, an estimated 55% of PsychPRO participants reporting 2018 performance data will reap up to a 5% increase in payment, depending on their MIPS score.Mental health professionals interested in how PsychPRO can help them meet MIPS and other requirements will want to attend the Annual Meeting session “MIPS and Beyond: Using PsychPRO to Inform the Development and Testing of Quality Measures.” The registry will also have a demonstration area in APA Central in the Exhibit Hall.The Annual Meeting session will describe how the registry is assisting in the development of new quality measures. In 2018, under a cooperative agreement with the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), APA received a three-year award to develop meaningful quality measures for behavioral health. The initiative engages patients, technical experts, and a Learning Collaborative of diverse behavioral health clinicians. Learning Collaborative participants are members of PsychPRO.PsychPRO (Psychiatric Patient Registry Online) was launched in May 2017 to help members achieve the following:Avoid payment penalties and earn bonuses for meeting quality reporting requirements while minimizing the burden of data collection.Achieve optimal patient outcomes through tools to measure, chart, and benchmark clinical care.Automatically obtain Maintenance of Certification Part IV credit for quality improvement.Develop better ways to treat and prevent psychiatric illnesses and help the field of psychiatry develop and test its own quality measures.There are four MIPS performance categories: quality, promoting interoperability, cost, and improvement activities.A total MIPS score of 70 or greater in the 2017 reporting year qualified a practice for possible bonus money on its 2019 Medicare reimbursements. Not reporting anything resulted in a 4% penalty. (For an overview of the Quality Payment System, go to the APA’s Payment Reform Toolkit.)PsychPRO participation has grown steadily, with an average of 300 clinicians joining each year. In 2017, well ahead of schedule, the registry qualified as a CMS Qualified Clinical Data Registry and has maintained that status through 2020. Individual clinicians and small and large group practices from 25 states are represented in PsychPRO.Nonetheless, an estimated minimum of 5,000 psychiatrists required to report MIPS data could benefit from joining PsychPRO; according to CMS data, 30% of these failed to report the data in 2017 required to avoid a penalty in 2019. And the stakes will get higher with possible bonuses (or penalties) of 7% in 2021 for those reporting 2019 performance data, and 9% in 2022 for those reporting data this year.“I urge APA members and other mental health professionals to join PsychPRO,” said APA CEO and Medical Director Saul Levin, M.D., M.P.A. “It’s one of APA’s most successful initiatives and provides real, tangible benefits to participants—making their professional lives easier, reducing administrative burdens by making reporting requirements simple, and potentially helping them earn bonuses under the MIPS program.”APA President Bruce Schwartz, M.D., who has made quality a priority issue in his presidency, commented, “If you aren’t a PsychPRO participant yet, please attend the Annual Meeting session and learn how this tool can help your practice and how you can become a part of a community that is helping to drive the quality of mental health care forward in the field.” ■“MIPS and Beyond: Using PsychPRO to Inform the Development and Testing of Quality Measures” will be held Tuesday, April 28, from 1 p.m. to 2:30 p.m. ISSUES NewArchived

ИСТОРИЯ ФИНАНСОВ ОРЛОВСКИХ ПЕНИТЕНЦИАРНЫХ УЧРЕЖДЕНИЙ В XIX – НАЧАЛЕ ХХ ВВ.

The purpose of the article is to study the financial and economic sphere of penitentiary institutions of the Orel province in the 19th - early 20th centuries. The income consisted of funding through the State Treasury, the funds from benefactors, and the labor of prisoners. Expenses included staff sala-ries, the main part of which was paid by the state via the local Treasury, and the additional part, in the form of bonus money, was withdrawn from the payment for the work of prisoners. Prison build-ings maintenance, the construction of new buildings and structures; maintenance of prisoners; pro-duction in prison needed current expenses. To reduce costs, penitentiary institutions conducted subsistence farming – they maintained farms, vegetable gardens, fattened pigs, produced many items of prison use by the prisoners themselves, and performed construction and repair work.

THE EFFECT OF MENTAL ACCOUNTING ON STUDENT’S INVESTMENT DECISIONS: A STUDY AT INVESTMENT GALLERY (GI) FEB UNIVERSITY OF BENGKULU AND SYARIAH INVESTMENT GALLERY (GIS) FEB IAIN BENGKULU

Our study tries to explore the existence of mental accounting (MA) phenomenon among the investors at Investment Gallery FEB University of Bengkulu and the investors at Sharia Investment Gallery FEB IAIN Bengkulu, and to test its influences on the stock investment decision. We collect data using questioner. This study uses simple linear regression analysis to test the hypothesis. The results show that investors do have the MA. The average respondents' answers indicate that they treat monthly money with bonus money differently in investing while using monthly money as the capital, they averagely use a smaller portion of their monthly money for investment, but when the capital is their bonus money, then they use more portion of the money for the investment. For the respondents, their monthly money is more important than the bonus money, and they are also more afraid of the risks of investing the monthly money than investing the bonus money, and when there is a loss, the regret level of losses from investing monthly money is higher than regret level of losses from investing bonus money. The result shows the MA exists among the investors, and have a significant effect on the stock investment decisions.

PDA Union advises members not to repay bonus money to LloydsPharmacy until it explains calculation error

PDA Union advises members not to repay bonus money to LloydsPharmacy until it explains calculation error

Start Preparing Now for MACRA Changes to Come

Start Preparing Now for MACRA Changes to Come

Change in Spending Pattern of Employee Before Bonus, after Receipt of Bonus as Compare to Normal Times

India has been one of the fastest emerging markets in the world and Employees rightfully are one of the most important resources of economy. It is imperative that corporate pay due respect to Human Resources’ and keep them motivated for mutual benefits. There are numerous incentives and perks being offered to attract and retain best talent. Bonus payment is one of the most prevalent incentives offered as part of remuneration often. Though Bonus is part of statutory payment to be made to employees according to Indian laws it is paid annually at a festive time of Divali. This payment, though part of salary, comes over regular salary; adding to additional liquidity at a time when there is tendency to spend due to festive mood. We decided that an attempt should be made to examine how, additional liquidity, changes spending pattern of employees. Three time frames were taken one before bonus receipt, second soon after receipt of bonus money and third one month after bonus receipt. Change here means either improvement from before or deterioration from previous level. Employee sample of 30 was selected comprising of 15 male employees and 15 female employees. All employees were at least 18 years of age and in continuous employment of 12 months or more, with one employer. Employees pursued different jobs e.g. Manufacturing, trading, services etc. on full time basis. Employees belonged to Vapi, Navsari, Vadodara and Ahmedabad. It was observed that Employees’ score do show significant relationship with receipt of bonus money. Scores are Gender independent.

Modulation of working memory function by motivation through loss‐aversion

Cognitive performance is affected by motivation. Few studies, however, have investigated the neural mechanisms of the influence of motivation through potential monetary punishment on working memory. We employed functional MRI during a delayed recognition task that manipulated top-down control demands with added monetary incentives to some trials in the form of potential losses of bonus money. Behavioral performance on the task was influenced by loss-threatening incentives in the form of faster and more accurate performance. As shown previously, we found enhancement of activity for relevant stimuli occurs throughout all task periods (e.g., stimulus encoding, maintenance, and response) in both prefrontal and visual association cortex. Further, these activation patterns were enhanced for trials with possible monetary loss relative to nonincentive trials. During the incentive cue, the amygdala and striatum showed significantly greater activation when money was at a possible loss on the trial. We also evaluated patterns of functional connectivity between regions responsive to monetary consequences and prefrontal areas responsive to the task. This analysis revealed greater delay period connectivity between and the left insula and prefrontal cortex with possible monetary loss relative to nonincentive trials. Overall, these results reveal that incentive motivation can modulate performance on working memory tasks through top-down signals via amplification of activity within prefrontal and visual association regions selective to processing the perceptual inputs of the stimuli to be remembered.

A comparison of minimal group induction procedures

For 40 years researchers have studied minimal groups using a variety of induction procedures which, surprisingly, have never been formally evaluated. This article reports two experiments that compared minimal group induction procedures based on: (1) memorization of novel ingroup names; (2) an imagination instruction; (3) random assignment; and (4) false feedback from painting preferences. The memorization procedure produced the largest ingroup favoritism effects on implicit measures of attraction and identification, whereas all procedures produced comparable ingroup favoritism effects on explicit measures of attraction and identification and bonus money allocation. The memorization procedure is recommended as a practical and effective minimal group induction procedure, particularly in cases in which implicit assessments are of primary interest.

Learning probability and reward through experience: Impact of value structure on reach planning

Throughout our everyday routine we must make actions in the face of uncertainty. From a decision theoretic standpoint, optimal actions are those that maximize the value associated with the task. However, in order for humans to act optimally, it necessitates the brain has an accurate representation of both the reward and probability associated with each outcome. Previous research investigating how humans use value structure to perform reaching movements has exclusively focused on asymptotic performance, ignoring how this structure is learned. Therefore, this project investigates how value is learned by requiring subjects to reach to targets that appear after completing a portion of their movement towards the possible target locations. Since subjects have no information about the target at the beginning of the reach, their initial trajectories provide a way to quantify reach plans. Value is manipulated by varying either the probability or reward associated with each target. Subjects are awarded points for correctly acquiring the target, no points for reaching to the incorrect target, and are penalized points for taking too much time. Subjects receive bonus money after the experiment that is based on their point total, assuring that value structure in this paradigm has actual utility. Furthermore, we developed a model that learns through the subject's experience what initial biases result in maximal points. We can use the model to make predictions about the biases people should use and what experience is important for forming value estimates. The results show that as the difference in value between the targets increases, subjects' biases also increase at a rate that closely matches the maximum-point predictions. Moreover, changes in biases across trials are better predicted by recent experience, rather than global experience. Together, this suggests that people learn value structure through recent experience, and this knowledge is used to guide reach planning.

Bonus Hunter: Confessions of an Online Gambler

Bonus HunterConfessions of an Online Gambler Todd James Pierce (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution Illustration by Liz Priddy [End Page 112] To say I was addicted to gambling would not be accurate. I was never addicted to gambling. I was merely addicted to the money I made from gambling. For almost six years I earned my living as an online gambler. I gambled at casinos and sport books, many of which eventually blacklisted me. I played over a million hands of blackjack, my game of choice, and when I was banned from blackjack, I played video poker, roulette and baccarat. I wrote “gambler” as my profession when I filed taxes. On a good month I made $12,000; on a bad month $6,000. At the time, the money seemed important because I was a graduate student and therefore poor, but money is never the real story. The real story is always more complex than the simple [End Page 113] accumulation of wealth. In my case, the real story is how money changed me, how it made me understand the dark underside of the American dream. In 1999 I was a fourth-year PhD student at Florida State University. My field was English, with an emphasis in creative writing. I managed our university’s visiting writers series. I coedited our literary journal, which was then called Sundog: The Southeast Review. I taught one undergraduate course each term. I read voraciously. In terms of professional development, I had published twenty short stories and had recently sold my first novel to a publisher in England. But despite a $7,000 publishing advance, I was still living check to-check. I was carrying $14,000 in credit-card debt, all of it acquired while I’d been in school. And my $900 monthly teaching stipend covered little more than rent and basic living expenses. To acquire books, I scouted the Internet for coupons. Back in the early days of e-commerce, startup online “e-tailers,” such as Amazon and Buy.com, sent out weekly coupons to entice customers to browse the wares on their virtual shelves. These coupons offered customers $10 off a $10 purchase and sometimes $20 off a $20 purchase. This meant I could buy two or three books each week, paying little more than the cost of shipping. I found the coupons posted on various web discussion boards, but the coupon discussion board at Fat Wallet was by far the most helpful resource on the web. Then one day, next to the coupons, I saw a thread for an online casino, mixed in with the usual Amazon coupons: this works! $500 free with $500 deposit! Out of curiosity, I clicked on the thread, believing it to be a scam, only to find that two or three well-known discussion board members were claiming to have won and been paid by this online casino. My reaction was one of skepticism: only morons would try such a scheme. But in actuality, these ludicrous-sounding offers weren’t a scam. At least, most of them weren’t. They were a desperate attempt by overseas casinos to establish an online customer base in the United States. To accomplish this, these operations faced a large problem: How does a business based in Costa Rica, Grenada or the Isle of Man persuade wealthy Americans to enter their credit-card numbers into an unregulated online casino? Their solution: offer each new player hundreds of dollars in bonus money simply to establish an online gambling account at their casino. For the next six months, I passively watched as regular board members posted messages on Fat Wallet saying that they had made money by playing [End Page 114] at online casinos. The early deals were ridiculously easy: deposit $500, receive a $500 bonus, gamble it all once and make a withdrawal. No skill whatsoever was required to make a profit using roulette. Simply throw $480 on black, $480 on red, the rest on zero (assuming the casino used a single-zero roulette wheel). With this strategy, every player was guaranteed a minimum profit of $460. If the wheel struck zero, you won a little extra...

Staffing High-Needs Schools: Insights from the Nation's Best Teachers

RECRUITING and retaining teachers for high-needs schools may be the most vexing problem facing America's education policy makers. Study after study confirms that poor children and children of color are far less likely than their peers to be taught by teachers--no matter how good is defined. Teachers who are better trained, more experienced, and fully licensed in the subjects they teach are more likely to be teaching in low-poverty schools, serving more academically advantaged students. (1) The same holds true for teachers who generate higher student test scores and for those who earn National Board Certification, a credential granted by the National Board for Professional Teaching Standards (NBPTS). (2) As have many businesses, education has tried a range of incentives to entice people to tackle challenging assignments. As teacher shortages have escalated, states and school districts have launched a slew of such efforts. A few years ago, the Massachusetts Signing Bonus Program and the New York Teaching Fellows Program sought to recruit teachers for challenging schools. The former effort paid a $20,000 premium for talented individuals to teach in high-needs schools. Both encouraged recruits to bypass teacher education and move quickly to fill growing vacancies. More recently, Guilford County, North Carolina, launched Mission Possible--an incentive program that pays algebra teachers up to $14,000 in bonus money if they teach in high-needs schools and their students show solid progress on state exams. In nearby Charlotte, teachers can earn $3,000 for teaching in high-needs schools and another $2,500 if they are successful and stay. The U.S. Department of Education recently launched its $99-million Teacher Incentive Fund designed to recruit and retain teachers for high-needs schools and to pay them more for higher student performance. This federal program funded 34 state and school district programs in fiscal year 2007. In New York City, the teacher union and the administration have offered a 15% salary increase, coupled with other inducements, as a way to entice teachers with at least five years' experience to teach in the city's lowest-performing schools. Launched in 1999, the effort has not generated much evidence of effectiveness. Just recently, the district announced a $30-million pay-for-performance program targeting its 200 highest-need schools. Efforts such as these have, in retail parlance, a great deal of curb appeal for high-needs districts. But for incentive programs to be truly successful, policy makers must understand the multiple factors that influence teachers' decisions about where to teach. The issues are far from simple, and often a number of recruitment and retention myths get in the way of the facts. Four of the most pervasive myths include: * financial incentives alone are sufficient to entice talented teachers to high-needs schools; * effective teachers can get the job done no matter the school context; * incentives that entice some teachers will entice all teachers; and * individual accomplished teachers can fix high-needs schools. Granted, not many efforts to entice and keep high-quality teachers in high-needs schools have been formally studied or evaluated. (3) Some studies currently under way will be years in the making. In our own efforts at the Center for Teaching Quality to catalog and assess these recruitment and retention reforms, we found few programs that had management information systems and evaluation designs in place that could provide policy makers with the effectiveness data they need. More sound research is clearly needed. But in this article I take a different tack. By drawing on the wisdom of some of the nation's most accomplished teachers--those who are National Board Certified--I hope to bring more reality-based solutions into the policy debate. While policy makers do not necessarily ignore the opinions of accomplished teachers on purpose, they most often hear from policy gurus, union leaders, school administrators, labor economists, and educational researchers. …

Effects of Subordinate Likeability and Balanced Scorecard Format on Permformance-Related Judgments

Previous appraisal research has found that subordinate manager likeability biases appraisal related judgments (Cardy and Dobbins, 1986; Tsui and Barry, 1986; Turban et al., 1990). We investigate whether the format and structure of the Balanced Scorecard (BSC) moderates subordinate likeability bias on evaluators' performance-related judgments (overall performance rating, strength of conviction in rating, and bonus money allocation). Following Lipe and Saltario (2002), we characterize the evaluation of subordinate managers using a multidimensional performance measurement system as a cognitively difficult task. We hypothesize that, in comparison to when a BSC format is not used, use of a BSC format fosters a 'divide-and-conquer' approach by evaluators and that the structure of the BSC will guide the application of this approach, which, in turn, is expected to mitigate the influence of subordinate likeability on evaluators' performance-related judgments. Unexpectedly, we find that the biasing effect of subordinate manager likeability on performance-related judgments is not moderated by the format and structure of the BSC. We also provide supplemental mediation analysis which demonstrates that likeability has a direct effect on bonus allocations in addition to the indirect effect it conveys through improved overall performance ratings.

Youth deception: Malingering traumatic stress

To explore how youths malinger symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), college students completed the Trauma Symptom Inventory (TSI) under standard instructions (honest condition). Then, after learning the symptomatology of traumatic stress, they completed the TSI a second time attempting to fake symptoms of PTSD (deception condition). Motivation level was manipulated: 100 students were given course credits, allowing them to avoid writing a research paper, while 50 students were paid and given the incentive of bonus money for successfully faking PTSD symptoms. Cutoff values were applied to the validity scores to identify students who were malingering by exaggerating or by over-endorsing symptoms. Overall, a majority of participants (57%) responded in a manner that fabricated symptoms of PTSD in the deception condition. However, many of the fabricators (45%) did not pass the validity scales and were identified as malingerers. In addition, most of the successful malingers (66%) also over-endorsed the symptoms of dysphoria and reduced internal resources. This pattern of responding suggests that the malingering youths did not selectively endorse only symptoms of traumatic stress. Hence, some youths are capable of using minimal, publicly available information to fake symptoms of PTSD, regardless of motivation.

New Teachers and the Massachusetts Signing Bonus: The Limits of Inducements

In 1998, Massachusetts instituted a $20,000 Signing Bonus to address concerns about the supply of quality teachers. This article reports on a longitudinal, qualitative study of the experiences of 13 of the original 59 recipients of the Signing Bonus, and analyzes their responses to various incentives embedded within the Massachusetts Signing Bonus Program (MSBP). Interviews revealed that the bonus money had very little influence on recipients’ decisions to enter teaching. Far more important was the alternate certification program created to implement the policy. Findings suggest that the MSBP: (a) relied too much on inducements and not enough on capacity-building; (b) focused too narrowly on recruitment and not enough on retention, and (c) centered too much on individuals and not enough on schools.

On the measurement of social orientations in the minimal group paradigm: norms as moderators of the expression of intergroup bias

AbstractContrary to most other research conducted in the minimal group paradigm tradition, Bornstein, Crum, Wittenbraker, Harring, Insko and Thibaut (1983a) found little evidence of ingroup favoritism when they employed a revised measurement system (i.e. the Multiple Alternative Matrices; MAMs). The current experiment examined whether Bornstein et al.'s effects could be attributed to norms that prohibit intergroup discrimination, which are made salient by framing the outcome values in the intergroup allocation task as monetary payment. We manipulated the salience of prohibitive norms by varying whether participants allocated on the MAMs monetary payment, bonus money or feelings. Participants more strongly associated ‘having to be fair and equal’ with payment than with bonus or feelings and category members made fewer allocations that maximized the ingroup's relative and absolute profit and more allocations that minimized intergroup differences when allocating monetary payment than when allocating bonus money or feelings. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS IN THE PUBLIC GOODS PROBLEM

In an experiment using 60 undergraduates as subjects, members of five-person groups decided whether they would contribute their resource money to the prvision of a public good. Expectation of other members' cooperativeness (or the likelihood that thay would contribute to the provision of a public good) was manipulated by letting subjects believe that other members' cost for cooperation (the amount of resource money they were required to contribute) was high (low expectation conditon) or low (high expectation condition). Two types of functions (conjunctive and disjunctive) were used to relate the number of contributors to the amount of public good provided. In the conjunctive condition, an additional contributor increased the amount of public good (bonus money given to all members) more as the number of contributors increased, and the additional increase in the bonus was less as the number of contributors increased in the disjunctive condition. Both trust in other members and the motivation of fre

Cross-Cultural Similarities and Differences in Perceptions of Fairness

Indian and American respondents were presented vignettes that portrayed two target individuals, one meritorious and one financially needy. The respondents' task was to allocate a resource between the targets in the fairest way. In half of the vignettes the resource was positive (bonus money); in the other half it was negative (reduction in salary). Every combination of sex-of-target was used. Results showed significant positive and negative effects in both cultures, such that respondents gave preference to the needy target significantly more in the negative than in the positive situation. Indians, in general, gave preference to the needy over the meritorious more than did the Americans.