Black Rage Research Articles

"The Sound of That Rage": Bell hooks, James Baldwin, and the Sonic Pedagogies of Black Rage

"The Sound of That Rage": Bell hooks, James Baldwin, and the Sonic Pedagogies of Black Rage

“Siyah Öfke: Ortaçağ İslam Dünyasında Zenci Kölelerin İsyanı (869-883)” adlı kitabın dəyərləndirilməsi

Prof. Dr. Mustafa Demirci's monograph "Black Rage: The Rebellion of Negro Slaves in the Medieval Islamic World (869-883)" on the 'Zanj rebellion' that took place between 869-883 A.D., during the Abbasid period, and was led by the Ali b. Muhammad, is one of the most important studies both in terms of its subject matter and the author's approach and perspective on the subject. The study, which was prepared with a rich academic literature using basic sources and modern research on the subject, deals with issues such as the geography of the event, the causes and spread of the rebellion, the wars and warfare techniques to suppress the rebellion, the short and long-term effects of the damage left behind by the rebellion from an academic perspective in chronological order. The Zanj revolt started in the marshes of Basra in 869 as a result of Ali b. Muhammad (d. 883), who was originally white and claimed to be a descendant of Ali, organizing black slaves working under difficult conditions in the large farms in and around Basra, and the rebellion grew and spread in a short time. Muwaffak Billāh (843-891), the brother of the Abbasid Caliph Mu’temid Alallâh (843-892), who was assigned to suppress the revolt, was victorious against the rebels after tough struggles, and the revolt ended with the killing of the leader of the rebellion, Ali b. Muhammad, in 883.

Mustafa Demirci, Siyah Öfke: Ortaçağ İslâm Dünyasında Zenci Kölelerin İsyanı (869-883), Çizgi Kitabevi Yayınları, 3. Baskı, Konya 2021, 318 s. ISBN: 978-605-196-027-2*

During the Abbasîd period, Prof. Dr. Mustafa Demirci's monograph on the 'black rebellion' that took place between 869-883 A.D. and was led by the Shiite leader Ali b. Muhammad, titled "Black Rage: The Rebellion of Negro Slaves in the Medieval Islamic World (869-883)" by Prof. Dr. Mustafa Demirci is one of the most important studies both in terms of its subject matter and the author's approach and perspective on the subject. The study, which was prepared with a rich academic literature using basic sources and modern research on the subject, deals with issues such as the geography of the event, the causes and spread of the rebellion, the wars and warfare techniques to suppress the rebellion, the short and long-term effects of the damage left behind by the rebellion from an academic perspective in chronological order. The Negro rebellion started in the marshes of Basra in 869 as a result of Ali b. Muhammad (d. 883), who was originally white and claimed to be a descendant of the Prophet Ali (d. 883), organizing black slaves working under difficult conditions in the large farms in and around Basra, and the rebellion grew and spread in a short time. Muwaffak Billāh (843-891), the brother of the Abbasid Caliph Mu’temid Alallah’ın (843-892), who was assigned to suppress the rebellion, was victorious against the rebels after tough struggles, and the rebellion ended with the killing of the leader of the rebellion, Ali b. Muhammad, in 883.

Haunted Flesh and Chaos Theory: Gender, State Violence and the Afterlife of Slave Rebellions

Abstract: This article explores the gendered afterlife of slave rebellions, building on historical and sociological scholarship that takes death and haunting as central analytics. It focuses on a moment of state repression in Cuba in 1844, in the aftermath of two substantive slave insurgencies, and the movement of enslaved and free people of color known as La Escalera. While a voluminous colonial record has documented the spectacle of public punishment in 1844, I trace an invisible, largely unarchived form of punishment that haunted Black people who were forced to witness acts of torture and execution, stalking their psychic worlds. Alongside the masculinization of this public punishment, this article explores a phenomenon that I call encumberment, which encompasses the absorption of state terror on the most intimate of levels; the act of contending and coping with torture's impact on wider communities; and the labor of rebuilding and caring for traumatized loved ones—all of which were deeply gendered processes. Yet if haunting was a central feature of moments like 1844, these moments were also characterized by a counter-haunting, illustrating how the aftermath of slave insurgencies also stalked and plagued the colonial state, and disrupted the fantasy of the rebellion's undoing. Encompassing the memory of collective Black rage, the colonial pursuit of public tranquility, the care for traumatized Black bodies and the attention to the dead, counter-haunting became central to the afterlife of 1844. The deep entanglement of haunting and counterlife was a critical legacy of this and other slave rebellions.

Black Dignity: The Struggle against Domination, by Vincent W. Lloyd

Black Dignity: The Struggle against Domination, by Vincent W. Lloyd

Played Out: The Race Man in Twenty-First-Century Satire

Played Out: The Race Man in Twenty-First-Century Satire

Nietzsche Contra Manu: Ambedkar’s Nietzsche Moment and the Politics of Dalit Rage

AbstractEchoing bell hooks’s discussions on “black rage,” this article explores the politics of “Dalit rage” by juxtaposing some instances of projections of Dalits as an “angry,” “illiberal,” and “intolerant” constituency with examples of anger from Dalit literature. While these projections in “mainstream” media and caste Hindu–dominated civil society narratives often represent them as engulfed in the emotive states marked by anger, intolerance, and impatience, the instances from Dalit literature archive a “Dalit rage” that demands to be dissociated from the Nietzschean category of ressentiment. Through B. R. Ambedkar’s readings of Nietzsche in Philosophy of Hinduism and Nietzsche’s readings of Manu’s Manavadharmashastra in Twilight of the Idols, this article draws a fine line of differentiation between Nietzsche’s contempt for ressentiment and Manu’s disdain for anger. “Dalit rage” occupies a distinctly different thymotic space and articulates a Dalit predicament that exploits rage as a marker of protest, resistance, and caste-ridden social conflicts. This article shows why we cannot bracket Nietzsche’s contempt for ressentiment with Manu’s demands of the sudras (and, in extension, other “lower castes”/Dalits) to be “meek” by exploring Manu’s perpetuation and legitimization of the varna order through a “morality of breeding” and Nietzsche’s more wholesale rejection of morality as he deems it a pia fraus (moral fraud). Thus this “Dalit rage” offers us a repository of the limits of a liberal democracy and enables an Ambedkarite reading of Nietzsche whose project of constructing ubermensch is markedly different from Manu’s “morality of taming” through a “morality of breeding.”

We Have Never Been White: Afropessimism, Black Rage, and What The Pandemic Helped me Learn About Race (and Psychoanalysis)

Amidst a pandemic and the events following George Floyd’s murder in 2020, discussions of race have escalated in the psychoanalytic community. One theoretical formulation, Afropessimism, has served as a lightning rod across both psychoanalytic and academic circles. Another, Black Rage, offers a psychoanalytic theory of the psychic effect of racial oppression on traumatized subjects. Using both as catalysts, this essay explores the historicity of the questions raised by the racial unrest of the pandemic–-the deep embedding of questions of race and Blackness in unconscious prehistories of modernity, the human, and our understanding of our social worlds.

On James Baldwin and Black Rage

Abstract What I aim to elucidate in this article is Baldwin's moral psychology of anger in general, and black rage in particular, as seen in his nonfiction. I'll show that Baldwin's thinking is significant for moral psychology and is relevant to important questions at the intersection of philosophy of emotions, race, and social philosophy. It also has pragmatic application to present-day anti-racist struggle. Baldwin's theoretical account of Black rage, I'll argue, (1) dignifies Blacks by centering them as people with agential capacities and (2) provides them with a pragmatic politics of rage that is useful in the fight against white supremacy and racial injustice.

Mistresses as Masters?

Recent texts in the historiography of slavery have focused on slave-owning women in an attempt to overturn the paradigm of the benevolent mistress. While “benevolence” has silenced and exceptionalized mistresses’ violence, newer interpretations draw from slave testimony to establish forms of equivalence between the power of the mistress and that of the master. Because this normalization of white women’s power nonetheless relies on standards of historiographical interpretation—the predominance of political economy, the imperatives of affect and agency—it does not sufficiently access how historiographical methods participate in stabilizing gender and pathologizing black rage. This article proposes that the difference between the mistress and master is a fantasy necessary to the circulation of the libidinal economy of slavery. In doing so, it pursues an inquiry into the pleasures of interpretation and speculates on the ways historiography invests in the white woman in order to extend its interlocutory life.

RAGE!, Retaliation, and Retribution: Recurring Themes in August Wilson’s Work

Following the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and so many others, recent protest in Minneapolis, New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Washington, DC, LA, Portland and a host of other locations, both, stateside and abroad are being framed in the public discourse as everything from radical resistance to public madness and everything in between. From the Black Lives Matter movement activist to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion advocates, one of the key components in, both, radical resistance strategies or public expressions of cultural madness, is a ground swelling of rage! But what is rage? How can we recognize it? Historically, what has been the consequences of Black rage? And in this unique, historical moment, what if anything can be done to leverage it? Mining August Wilson’s work for definitions, instances, and consequences of Black rage, this paper interrogates August Wilson’s narratives on rage as a way to talk about the historiography and commodifying of Black rage as a way of victimizing and disposing of Black bodies in America. In this way, we hope to offer suggestions in this historical moment on how to leverage Black rage, rather than to be snared by it.

Challenging Essentialist Anti-Oppressive Discourse: Uniting Against Racism and Sexism

Challenging Essentialist Anti-Oppressive Discourse: Uniting Against Racism and Sexism

Black Rage: The Psychic Adaptation to the Trauma of Oppression

Integrating the story of a young Freud's racial trauma with a novel application of the concept of moral injury has led to a realization and conceptual formulation during the pandemic uprisings of the mental construct of Black Rage as an adaptation to oppression trauma. As formulated here, Black Rage exists in a specific dynamic equilibrium as a compromise formation that is a functional adaptation for oppressed people of color who suffer racial trauma and racial degradation, an adaptation that can be mobilized for the purpose of defense or psychic growth. Black Rage operates as a mental construct in a way analogous to the structural model [corrected], in which mental agencies carry psychic functions. The concept of Black Rage is crucial to constructing a theoretical framework for a psychology of oppression and transgenerational transmission of trauma. Additionally, in the psychoanalytic theory on oppression suggested here, a developmental line is formulated for the adaptive function of Black Rage in promoting resilience in the face of oppression trauma for marginalized people.

Claudette Colvin & I take the bus, and: Heaux Creed

Claudette Colvin & I take the bus, and: Heaux Creed Honora Ankong Claudette Colvin & I take the bus What radicalized you? She asks & I look up from my worn-out copy of the bluest eye. It is early fall in Blacksburg & the marigolds are still in bloom. We speed past plantation rd. what didn't? even her stares know me I wanted to birth a revolution but they wouldn't let me. I was young too dark already pregnant with child. They said it wasn't a good look. I want to tell her everything—how I got off the waitlist my black blasphemy mouth calling to a god I wasn't even sure existed. I wanted to write poems & they offered money but when I grew mad with anger and poemed all my black rage they clapped & said but it sings so beautifully. At the next stop, she moves to sit even closer to me us colored folks were never allowed to try on the merchandise at the stores, mama would use a brown paper bag trace & cut out our foot outlines when it was time for new shoes. Too often I've been the only Black person in the room & too often I have felt invisible, I tell her. Like the day my white professor insisted to say nigger as we read Countee Cullen. I resisted but she insisted & the department did nothing. Harriet & Sojourner was in the bus with me that day we were learning bout them in school & my mind was filled with so many things black. They held me down, one on each side. I couldn't move, I wouldn't move. Pointing at my book us black girls only as ugly as the hate reflected on us. Staring out the bus at the sap-green trees zooming past us, I ask her how we escape this place. We don't run— we walk away with the daylight. [End Page 93] Heaux Creed In the name of my freest self—In the name of a slow whine at the club on a nigga I just met & have no intention of sexing.In the name of his liquored breath against my neckIn the name of it's packed & sweltering hot in here & I'm sweating out my edges & the next bitch that step on me gone catch these hands.In the name of 1 dollar fake-gold bamboo earrings from the beauty supplyIn the name of loose morals & my third tequila soda & I'm drunk & confessing my everlasting love to the gxrl I just met in the bathroom.In the name of ratchet intellectualism,In the name of Toni Morrison braless at a disco in '74 & some of my best poems were written on a napkin at the bar counter, something about the fellowship of being amongst kin.In the name of all that I consider to be gospel— [End Page 94] In the name of Khia's "Don't Trust No Niggaz," me & the homegxrls driving home after the party & it's bout 3:30am & we shouting out lyrics like spells:In the name of "everything is everything" & bag lady, you gone hurt yourselfIn the name of we got a lot to be mad about & didn't they tell you that I was savage? Giggling down the dorm hallway & fumbling the keys & everytime I get drunk I text an ex.In the name of my friend who grabs my phone before I get a chanceIn the name of the sankofa tattoo on her nape she looks me soft in the eyes & whispers, this time next year we'll be living so good, I swear & I dream—In the name of that one picture of Nina Simone & Miriam Makeba sharing a kiss & a cigIn the name of poem for a woman whose voice I like & homage to my hips & hull & hoodwitch, gumbo yaya & build yourself a boat, salt body shimmer & the black maria, magical negro & how to carry water.In the name of all that we name ourselves: hoe, hoochie, thot, trick, gawd. asé asé asé [End Page 95] Copyright © 2021 University of Wisconsin Board of Regents

The Black Avenger in Atlantic Culture by Grégory Pierrot

Reviewed by: The Black Avenger in Atlantic Culture by Grégory Pierrot Robert Hawkins (bio) The Black Avenger in Atlantic Culture grégory pierrot University of Georgia Press, 2019 264 pp. HBO's 2019 series Watchmen deservedly garnered attention for its treatment of the history of racial violence in the United States. Opening with gripping scenes of the 1921 Tulsa Massacre, Watchmen explored intergenerational trauma, grappled with the raced and gendered nature of superhero stories, and, via the character of black vigilante Hooded Justice, encouraged viewers to empathize with black rage. Yet, for a narrative rooted in collective loss, a story that introduced the topic of reparations against a backdrop of lingering racial conflict, the political agendas of Tulsa's broader black community were virtually indiscernible. With The Black Avenger in Atlantic Culture, Grégory Pierrot offers an explanation for this absence: figures similar to Hooded Justice, he contends, have long served to dismiss black collective agency. Pierrot's study is a sweeping exploration of textual incarnations of black avengers, fictionalized figures whom generations of writers have imagined rising from the masses to deliver retributive violence on the heads of their [End Page 877] oppressors. Though scholars have studied these characters before, largely within the bounds of national literatures, The Black Avenger builds on previous work to tell what the author describes as the "history of an essential trope of Atlantic modernity" (9). His aim is to reveal the persistent political purposes of black avenger narratives; despite the frequent association of black avengers with resistance to white supremacy—the book explicitly invokes responses in this vein to the film Django Unchained (2012)—Pierrot contends that the trope has served a very different agenda (7–9). Rather than a challenge to systemic black subjugation, he argues that the figure "always simultaneously contributed to maintain this system by promoting extraordinary, individual black heroism to the detriment of collective agency" (10). The legend of the exceptional black avenger, revised and adapted over centuries to suit changing national and racial contexts, functioned to narratively corral and exterminate any vision of a viable, autonomous black polity. The scope of The Black Avenger is expansive, encompassing the late seventeenth through early twentieth centuries and spanning the Atlantic to draw together literary, historical, and diplomatic writings from Great Britain, France, the United States, and Haiti. Beginning with Aphra Behn's novella Oroonoko (1688), Pierrot dissects the anatomy of this vengeful black messiah: he is of royal or aristocratic lineage, is enslaved through trickery, is schooled in European culture, and exacts revenge primarily in response to personal rather than collective injuries—often in the form of the rape or abduction of his spouse. But above all, his insurrection invariably fails because he is the exception to the ostensible rule of black inferiority and incapacity for mass politics. Though molded to specific circumstances, the general composition of avenger narratives remained, in Pierrot's view, remarkably consistent through iterations in eighteenth-century England and France, the Haitian Revolution, and the United States of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In all of these adaptations Pierrot interprets the black avenger as a trope that writers deployed to delineate boundaries of national belonging. In the hands of British, French, Haitian, and US American authors, the figure became "either a model or a foil to design national visions and project them into the world," usually erasing the politics of the black masses in the process (14). To elucidate the role of avenger narratives in demarcating various bodies politic, Pierrot enlists Benedict Anderson's conception of the nation as an [End Page 878] "imagined political community" predicated on the limitation of membership and the cultivation of a sense of commonality among members that transcends even profound differences of station (Anderson, Imagined Communities [1983; 2nd ed., Verso, 1991], 6–7). In Pierrot's analysis, black avengers emerged as crucial components for such imagining as European nations increasingly defined themselves in racial terms. Behn's Oroonoko (1688) and its various adaptations, for example, drew together aspects of earlier black stage characters to create a protagonist uniquely suited to binding Englishness to whiteness. The novella's ostensibly sympathetic portrayal offered English readers at the time of the...

Jeopardized Bodies: Representations of Race, Gender, and Mortality in the Notorious R.B.G.

We examine the popular “Notorious R.B.G.” image through a lens informed by scholarship on Black masculinity, Blackface, and Black rage. The Notorious R.B.G. is predicated on the juxtaposition of the “small,” “octogenarian,” white body of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg with the “larger than life,” corpulent, and youthful Black body of Christopher George Latore Wallace (Malone, Rosin, and Thomas). Wallace, also known as The Notorious B.I.G., was a renowned rapper tragically murdered in 1997. We argue the Notorious R.B.G. deploys symbolic markers of Black masculinity to further racist oppression while elevating Ginsburg’s aged, white female body. The racial configurations animating the Notorious R.B.G. deflect attention from the mortal violence to which Black bodies are subject within the United States and hamper intersectional advocacy. Ultimately, the Notorious R.B.G.’s constructions of mortality, discrimination, and progressive politics affirm whiteness as it circulates alongside contemporary racial justice movements.

‘Good in the Hood’ or ‘Burn It Down’? Reconciling Black Presence in the Academy

ABSTRACTThis paper provides a phenomenological analysis of the navigation of academia as experienced by two Black scholars, situated in dissimilar disciplinary and cultural traditions and origins. What is shared is an interest in the academic space that exists within which Black scholars may freely roam, and the structure and function of the boundaries that are present. The policing of Black thought and Black emotion within those boundaries, the violence with which the boundaries are enforced, and the strategies and rationales employed by Black academics in expanding, resisting, subverting, and acquiescing to said boundaries is explored by way of the authors’ testimonies. Drawing on our lived experience of academia, we suggest that the academy functions as a frontier of racist violence, where the thinking that grounds state-based racist violence is taught, legitimated and fostered. Through a dialogue which brings to the fore the tensions and contradictions of the outlooks and strategies employed by Black academics, we testify to the emancipatory potential of Black pain, Black rage and Black thought.

Hypermasculinity and infantilization of black superheroes: Analysis of Luke Cage and Rage origin stories

This study covers the relation between popular superhero culture and racial difference, specifically, narratives about black superheroes. With the analysis of the origin stories of two black superheroes, Luke Cage and Rage, the paper will point out how their stories consequently and predominantly form discourses of representing difference through the process of infantilization, and by perpetuating stereotypes saturated primarily in hypermasculinity. By theoretically framing the notions of representation of difference within the works of Stuart Hall and Homi Bhabha, this analysis argues that hypermasculinity, anger issues, and infantilization came as specific subversive popular culture texts to respond to social and cultural challenges and problems in American society. In so doing, these discourses formed new stereotypes and maintained their circularity in expressing differences between the dominant white area in America’s society and various ethnic and racial minorities.

America's First M'Naghten Defense and the Origin of the Black Rage Syndrome.

The 1843 M'Naghten verdict led to reformulation of the British criminal insanity standard, which American jurisdictions noted. In 1846, New York State tried William Freeman for slaying several members of the Van Nest family at their home near Auburn, New York. Mr. Freeman had been obsessed with false imprisonment for horse theft. His defense attorney, former governor William Seward, sought an insanity verdict, citing reaction to racist maltreatment as the cause. Though Mr. Freeman was impaired, a jury found him competent to stand trial. The competency adjudication created confusion in the trial court about the admissibility of medical testimony on criminal responsibility, resulting in exclusion of key psychiatric findings. Meanwhile, the interracial killings caused a sensation in the press, which vilified the defendant. Again, the defense argued that maltreatment created mental illness. A second jury convicted Mr. Freeman and the judge sentenced him to death. Seward filed a Writ of Error, and the New York State Supreme Court reversed the conviction, clarifying competency versus criminal responsibility and proclaiming the M'Naghten Rule as the standard in New York. A century later, attorneys cited Mr. Freeman's dynamics to explain and mitigate the violent actions of some African-Americans. We examine the insanity defense during the 1840s and explore twentieth-century "black rage" reverberations of the Freeman case.

Get Out: A Study of Interracial Dynamics in an Unrepaired and Unrepentant America-A Modern Day Racial Horror.

Get Out: A Study of Interracial Dynamics in an Unrepaired and Unrepentant America—A Modern Day Racial HorrorBryan K. NicholsBryan K. NicholsBryan K. Nichols, PhD, received his doctorate from UCLA. His early professional experiences included being a trainer and trainer of trainers in the Effective Black Parenting Program and conducting numerous trainings in the Dealing With Anger Program, designed for African-American youth. Currently, Dr. Nichols is a Los Angeles-based clinical psychologist whose practice focuses on teens, families, adults, and couples. He is a long-time consultant with a community-based organization where he has been the supervising psychologist for a Los Angeles gang prevention and intervention program.Search for more papers by this authorPublished Online:April 2018https://doi.org/10.1521/prev.2018.105.2.223PDFPDF PLUS ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack Citations AboutREFERENCESAlford C. (1990). 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