Black Hundreds Research Articles

The fate of the «bison»

The review talks about the book by A.A. Ivanov about the leader of the Black Hundreds N.E. Markov. It is emphasized that the book was written on a very serious source base and is the result of many years of work. The author explores in great detail all stages of Markov’s biography, the features of his political views, party, zemstvo and Duma activities. It is shown that Markov, like most other party leaders of the early twentieth century, weakly expressed the interests and desires of their supporters. Work by A.A. Ivanov is a significant contribution to historical science.

«И младотуркам не воскресить своего отечества»: русские правые и Младотурецкая революция

The article examines the views of early 20th-century Russian conservatives (Black Hundreds and nationalists) on the causes of the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, their attitudes towards the development of the revolutionary situation, and the judgments of the Russian right-wing about the consequences of the power shift in the Ottoman Empire. These questions have not previously been the subject of independent research in the scientific literature. Based on materials from right-wing periodicals (newspapers “Zemshchina,” “Russkoe Znamya,” “Moskovskie Vedomosti,” “Kolokol,” “Kievlyanin,” “Novoe Vremya”) and journalistic works by conservative authors, three significant aspects through which the opinion of the Russian right on the Young Turk Revolution was formed are identified: the ideological positions of conservatives rejecting revolutionary social changes; Turkey’s place in the system of international relations and the forecasting of geopolitical changes in light of the Young Turks’ rise to power; and the perception of revolutionary events in Turkey as a negative example of potential further developments in Russia’s domestic political situation. The range of issues related to the Turkish revolution raised by conservatives allows for a more comprehensive understanding of the foreign policy views of the early 20th-century Russian right-wing.

Identification of captured soldiers of the tsarist army based on nationality in Austria-Hungary, 1915: separation of Ukrainians

The article summarizes the process of identifying and separating Ukrainians from tsarist army soldiers who were captured by the Austrian-Hungarian forces. In 1915, such efforts were initiated by members of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (ULU) who surveyed camp inmates and compiled a list of prisoners willing to move to a Ukrainian camp in Freistadt. The procedure was complex because many inmates supported the imperial ideology, including the Black Hundreds and Little Russians who exerted psychological pressure on the prisoners and attempted to prevent communication between the Ukrainians and the ULU envoys. The compiled lists of Ukrainian nationals laid long-lasting foundations for the ULU’s efforts to unite Ukrainians and establish a community of Ukrainian activists, albeit a small one, who were willing to risk their lives and carry out the difficult task of spreading national liberation ideas not only in POW camps, but also on Ukrainian lands in Russia. Owing to the ULU’s efforts, Ukrainian prisoners were transferred to the camp in Freistadt which was the center of Ukrainian life in 1915–1918.

Where Did the Black Hundreds Disappear? Electoral Statistics as a Source for the Study of the National Identity of Ukrainian Peasantry at the Beginning of the 20th Century

The article traces the fates of the members of the Black Hundred organizations of Right-Bank Ukraine after the revolution of 1917. In 1905–1917, this region was one of the centers of the monarchist movement, and the Pochaev department of the Union of the Russian People was the most numerous black hundred organization in the Russian Empire. There is a lot of indirect evidence that after the overthrow of the monarchy, many Black Hundreds of the Right Bank found themselves in the ranks of Ukrainians and Bolsheviks, actively participating in various rebel detachments and gangs, but it is impossible to draw far-reaching conclusions based on such sources, most often of a memoir nature. To understand what happened to the former black-hundredists and in which political camp they found themselves, the author turns to electoral statistics. Comparing the data about the size of organizations of the Union of the Russian People in different settlements of the Kiev province in the 1910s with the results of the elections to the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly in 1917–1918 in the same localities, the author comes to the conclusion that the former black-hundredists did not vote for Russian nationalists and monarchists, but for the Ukrainian Social revolutionaries and occasionally for the Bolsheviks, that is, for the parties that promised a radical solution to the agrarian question. At the same time, the peasants who voted for the socialists because of the desire to divide the landowners’ land, did not support the party programs of the Ukrainian Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks on other issues, retaining elements of the black-hundred worldview. This is why during the Civil War “black-hundred sentiments” could be found both in the army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and in the Red Army.

Вплив чорносотенців на економічні процеси початку ХХ ст. на Волині

The purpose of the paper is to study the struggle for economic dominance of Pochaiv branch of the Union of the Russian People and the Orthodox clergy of Volyn at the beginning of the 20th century. The key factors that influenced the activity of economic and financial institutions that were under the influence of the Black Hundreds are analyzed.
 The scientific novelty of the study: based on archival documents and materials of the Black Hundreds’ press, the peculiarities of the struggle for the economic dominance of the Black Hundreds and the Orthodox clergy in Volyn at the beginning of the 20th century are clarified, and the results of the activities of the Union of the Russian People and their role in the aggravation of international relations are analyzed.
 Conclusions. It is proven that since the beginning of its activity, Pochaiv branch of the Union of the Russian People had launched an active and purposeful campaign to create a strong network of primary centers in the region. With the support of the imperial authorities and the clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church, which played an active role in the process of formation of the organization, the ‘allies’ managed to achieve their goal quite quickly. They put the struggle against ‘non-Russians’ as one of their priority tasks.
 Taking into account that during the studied period in Volyn, Poles, Jews, and, to a lesser extent, German agrarian colonists played a key role in the economy, just with those ethnic groups the Black Hundreds began the struggle for economic dominance.
 They saw one of their main tasks in that field of activity in creating a number of small credit societies and opening consumer stores. Covering up themselves with demagogic slogans about Jewish usury, they actively promoted the organization’s ideology through the named institutions with the help of the influence of parish priests.
 In 1911, thanks to the persistent efforts of the Head of Pochaiv branch of the Union of the Russian People, Archimandrite Vitalii, the Black Hundreds managed to open their own bank, the main declared purpose of which was to help the peasants purchase land and oppose non-Russians in that. Due to the use of demagogic slogans, the Black Hundreds succeeded in achieving certain positive results in their efforts and strengthened their economic position in the region shortly before the First World War. However, that area of activity of the Union of the Russian People contributed to an even greater aggravation of inter-ethnic relations in Volyn during the period under study.

Ideological and political attitudes in Yekterinoslav dioceses at the beginning of the 20th century

The purpose. The research intent of the study is to show the specifics of the ideological atmosphere in the Eparchy of Katerynoslav, as well as to highlight certain aspects of the relationship between the church corporation of the eparchy and imperial-patriotic organizations around the «Jewish threat». Scientific novelty. The evolution of the attitude of the Katerynoslav church community, represented by the diocesan publication, towards anti-Semitic policy is shown: from condemnation of mass violence, favorable attitude towards political and linguistic freedoms, to approval of pogroms and anti-Semitic propaganda. This evolution is connected with the post-revolutionary reaction of tsarism, which reached its apogee in 1912-1913, the church actually synchronized anti-Semitic speeches in its press with the processes of Governmental anti-Semitism. Conclusions. The anti-Semitic church campaign is directly related to serving the election campaign of extreme right-wing forces to the State Duma in 1912. At the same time, the relations of church leaders with the secular Black Hundreds («chornosotentsi») were not cloudless, positions did not coincide on many issues, in particular, the local church took a more conservative position regarding the conduct of religious freedom in society, and the Black Hundreds accused their church allies of pro-Jewish sympathies. The topic needs further research with the involvement of materials from the regional archives of southern Ukraine.

Methods of struggle of the Russian Black Hundreds against Ukrainians in the prisoner-of-war camps in Austria-Hungary and Germany (1914-1917)

The article is aimed at analyzing forms and methods of struggle of the Russian Black Hundreds against Ukrainian activists of the tsarist army in the prisoner-of-war camps on the territory of Austria-Hungary and Germany (Freistadt, Rastatt, Wetzlar, Salzwedel), being ukrainized at the end of 1914-1915, which was accompanied by the removal of ethnic Russians from those camps.
 The research novelty of the article lies in the objective evidence of those factors that initially made it almost impossible to carry out cultural and educational work among captured Ukrainians, as well as the reconstruction of the process of gradual overcoming by the camp residents of their non-acceptance of national liberation slogans and the idea of Ukrainian independence.
 Conclusions: It is proved that despite various methods of intimidation (physical violence against Ukrainian activists, destruction of books and magazines, boycott of schools, anonymous leaflets of threatening content, writing down registration numbers of prisoners, etc.), the Black Hundreds did not succeed in preventing the activities of cultural and educational circles created in the camps by the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (ULU). In a short time, the majority of camp residents joined Ukrainian organizations in the camps, which enabled to minimize the influence of anti-Ukrainian forces. So Ukrainians managed to overcome their centuries-old fear of tsarist despotism, which constrained their ideas and actions with the threat of inevitable punishment. Their desire to gain as much knowledge as possible in conditions of captivity, their readiness to acquire new skills and abilities that they might need during civilian life – suppressed all frightening efforts of the Black Hundreds. It became possible to achieve because of the involvement of captured Ukrainian officers into national organizational activities. Thanks to this, thousands of Ukrainians devoted to the cause of national liberation were brought up in the camps, ready for the armed defense of Ukraine against the Bolshevik invasion.

Участь чорносотенців у виборах до Волинського земства у 1914 р.

The aim of the article is to study the peculiarities of the participation of the Volyn Black Hundreds in the elections to the Zemstvo in Volyn. The author analyzes the complexes of the then Black Hundred periodicals and publications published by opponents of the Allies. The press covers in detail the peculiarities of the election of vowels, leaders, and members of the zemstvo county and provincial administrations in the study region. The research methodology is based on the use of general scientific research methods (analysis, synthesis, and generalization) and special historical (chronological and comparative-historical), which in combination with the principles of historicism, objectivity and multifactoriality contributed to unbiased coverage of tasks. The scientific novelty of the work is that the author on the basis of periodicals of the period under study clarified the peculiarities of elections to provincial and county zemstvos in Volhynia on the eve of World War I and analyzed the participation of representatives of different ethnic groups, classes, and their role. representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church. Conclusions. In Right-Bank Ukraine, the zemstvo self-government bodies began full-fledged activity after the emperor’s decree of March 14, 1911. At the same time, elections were held to the county and provincial zemstvos in Volhyn. The most influential political structure in the region was the Union of the Russian People, which managed to gain significant influence in Volhyn and form an extensive organizational network through the activities of the clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church and imperial authorities. Despite this, the Black Hundreds won the first zemstvo elections in only a few counties in the Volyn province. Using demagogic slogans, the Allies criticized the Volyn Zemstvo in the press and at the same time prepared the ground for revenge in the 1914 election. only in those counties where their influences have traditionally been strong. In opposition to their opponents or those they considered opponents, the Black Hundreds tried to discredit them in the traditional manner on the pages of their press bodies.

Right-Wing Political Movements in Russia at Beginning of 20th Century: Relation to Armed Forces

The attitude of Russian right-wing parties and unions to the problems of combat readiness, recruitment, organization, training and education of the contingent of the armed forces of the Russian Empire is considered. Attention is paid to the place of the armed forces in the program settings of right-wing political movements, to the identification and interpretation by the Black Hundreds and nationalists of crisis phenomena in the army and navy, their attitude to the politicization of command staff. Particular attention is paid to the attitude of the right to the issues of modernization of the army and navy. New sources are being introduced into scientific circulation, allowing a more complete picture of the views of the right on the country’s armed forces. It is noted that the right saw in the armed forces not only a guarantor of the security, sovereignty and power of the empire, protection from external and internal enemies, but also the most important institution designed to preserve and transmit military traditions, which for the Black Hundreds and nationalists were inextricably linked with loyalty to Orthodoxy, autocracy and Russian people. It is shown that monarchism, conservatism, nationalism and anti-Semitism, characteristic of the right, are also reflected in their views on the armed forces.

Reactionaries, Black Hundreds, White Guards, Fascists: Definitions of Russian Right-Wingers in the Early 20th Century

The article presents a detailed analysis of definitions that, having arisen during the political struggle of the early 20th Century, subsequently became entrenched in historical literature in relation to the right-wing monarchist movement. Special attention is paid to the circumstances of the emergence, use and validity of such terms as “conservatives”, “reactionaries”, “rightists”, “the Black Hundreds”, “bison”, “the Whites” (“the White Guards”), “right-wing revolutionaries”, “fascists”. It is for the first time that the author has introduced to scientific community the sources illustrating how certain definitions were used in relation to Russian right-wingers in the periodicals and journalism of pre-revolutionary and Soviet Russia and the reaction to them from the Black Hundreds and Russian nationalists. The article shows that the same terms and definitions could have different interpretations and be endowed with opposite characteristics when used by opposing political forces. Such nicknames as “the Black Hundreds” and “bison” sounded like swear nicknames in the mouths of the members of the revolutionary and liberal camps. However, some right-wingers proudly raised them to their banners. At the same time, the monarchists rejected the nickname “right-wing revolutionaries” in every possible way, since they saw it as a tool for discrediting and distorting their political goals. The later term “fascists”, retrospectively applied to the Black Hundreds by their opponents, inspired in some of their former leaders a desire to present the pre-revolutionary movement of Russian monarchists as genetically close to the European right-wing movements of a later time. Attention is also paid to the little-known term “the Whites” (“the White Guards”), which was used in relation to the right-wing camp during the First Russian Revolution, but later was supplanted by other nicknames and almost forgotten.

Ускладнення міжконфесійних взаємовідносин на Волині напередодні та під час Першої світової війни

The purpose of the article is to study the role of the Orthodox clergy in the aggravation of inter-confessional relations in Volyn at the beginning of the 20th century. The authors have researched archival documents and periodical press materials of the researched period, which highlight the key directions of the causes and consequences of the inter-confessional confrontation in Volyn, the role of the Russian Orthodox Church, authorities and the Pochaiv branch of the Union of the Russian People in this. The research methodology is based on the use of general scientific research methods (analysis, synthesis and generalization) and special historical (comparative-historical and chronological) methods, which, in combination with the principles of objectivity, historicism and multifactoriality, created the necessary conditions for impartial coverage of the tasks. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that the authors, on the basis of archival documents and materials from the periodical press, found out the role of the Orthodox clergy, the imperial authorities and the Black Hundreds in the aggravation of inter-religious relations in Volyn in the period under study. Conclusions. After Emperor Nicholas II signed the manifesto on April 17, 1905, conditions were created for the transition of Orthodox to other denominations. Taking into account the peculiarities of the ethno-national composition of the population of the Volyn province, these processes have gained significant momentum in it. The Orthodox clergy, together with the Black Hundreds, who played an important role in the political life of the region, did everything possible to discredit representatives of other faiths in the eyes of the general population. However, despite this position, the number of Protestants and Roman Catholics in Volyn steadily increased. This was caused not so much by the propaganda of their beliefs among the inhabitants of the region, by mixed marriages, but primarily by those negative processes that took place among the Orthodox clergy, primarily Orthodox priests. The events of the First World War were used by the Orthodox clergy to intensify their attacks on Protestant communities, unjustifiably accusing them of ties to Germany, which further aggravated inter-religious relations. Conducting anti-Protestant and anti-Catholic courses not only with the participation of zealots of the Union of the Russian People, «allies», priests, but also teachers of the Law of God in primary schools, testified to an attempt to create a new round of confrontation between representatives of different faiths

ПРАВЫЕ В ОПТИКЕ РЕПРЕЗЕНТАЦИЙ С. Ю. ВИТТЕ

The article examines the opinions of Sergei Witte, one of the first Russian public politicians and one of the most powerful bureaucrats of the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries on the use of right-wing political forces and the right-wing press in constructing his own image of a statesman. The memoirs of Sergei Witte and his contemporaries as well as unpublished documents from the Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA) and Russian State Archive Literature and Art (RGALI) and periodical press materials constitute the source basis for the research. The interdisciplinary research paradigm of the performative turn along with the approaches of the new political history is used as the methodological basis of the research. The author analyzes Witte's relations with right-wing political forces (including moderate conservatives and right-wing radicals) in a historical retrospective: from his public service in Kyiv to the death of a retired official. The images of Sergei Witte, constructed in the Black Hundred press, are investigated, the elements and main characteristics of the image of the “enemy” are determined. The nuances of Witte's relations with the Black Hundreds are studied, and the images of right-wing radicals in his memoirs are analyzed. Attention is paid to the use of “phobias” that were actively spread during the 1905 revolution in “demonizing” the image of the “enemy”. The final part of the article draws conclusions about how both Witte and right-wing radicals used the demonized images of each other in the struggle for their own reputation and justification of their political behavior.

EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE CAMP OF UKRAINIAN PRISONERS OF WAR FREISTADT, AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1915-1917

The article reveals the peculiarities of the development of the educational movement in the camp of captured Ukrainian soldiers Freistadt (Austria-Hungary) in 1915-1917. It was established that despite all the initial difficulties (due to the opposition of the Black Hundreds) due to the systematic work of members of the Education Department, the Education Section Social and educational circle, the Society «Prosvita» M. Drahomanov during 1915-1917 it became possible to organize the teaching of a fairly wide range of courses and literacy schools (for the illiterate). The decisive role in the organization of educational life was initially played by the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine Educational Department, which included Ukrainian public figures, educators, cooperators with university or high school education, who had developed a national worldview. Through their efforts, the Ukrainian camp organization in Freistadt created appropriate structures from among the prisoners (educational section and the Enlightenment Society), which over time took over the main burden of educational work. Its content differed significantly – if at first the emphasis was on general education courses (so as not to provoke criticism of «politics» from prisoners), then within a year educational institutions paid more and more attention to Ukrainian studies (history of Ukraine, Ukrainian language and history of Ukrainian literature). At the same time, a large number of training hours were devoted to the elimination of illiteracy among prisoners. For many prisoners, education became the meaning of their camp life, and at the same time their national awareness took place, when they – sometimes even unnoticed – began to worry about the problems of Ukraine's self-affirmation in political terms and became adherents of its independence. Thus, on the one hand, educational organizations purposefully prepared prisoners for the future of civilian life in the homeland, and on the other - to educate them conscious and loyal citizens of free Ukraine.

The “Vendee” of the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907? The Western Provinces and the Black Hundreds

The western French department of the Vendee has acquired a certain regional identity in the politics of historical memory not only of the French Revolution but also of the Russian Revolution of 1917-1922. The royalist rebellion of the Vendee peasants between 1793-1796 has become a synonym for a region of mass lower-class counter-revolution. Not surprisingly, both supporters and opponents of the Bolsheviks tried to find parallels with the French Revolution to explain the massiveness of anti-Bolshevik opposition in certain regions of the former Russian Empire. Often both Reds and Whites called the Cossack lands, especially the Don, the Vendee of the Russian Revolution. However, it is impossible to place an equal sign between the Vendee peasants, fighting for king and church, and anti-Bolshevik Cossacks and peasants because the Cossacks and peasants were not fighting for the restoration of the monarchy. One can find a Russian equivalent to the Vendee regional concept of mass counter-revolution in the nine western provinces of the Russian Empire in the Revolution of 1905-1907. These provinces, along with six other provinces, comprised the Jewish Pale of Settlement and became bastions of the Union of the Russian People and other Black Hundred organizations. Unlike the interior Russian regions, the western provinces were multiethnic and multireligious. The western provinces had mass protest movements and outbreaks of terrorism where ethnic, religious and social factors intersected. The amorphous populist Black Hundred ideology could attract mass support in the western provinces from all those seeing themselves as victims of all different variations of exploitation and injustices from the hands of different establishments.

Orthodox Clergy and Right-Wing Political Movements in Russia at the Beginning of XX Century: Church Press

The question of the attitude of the Orthodox Russian clergy to the right-wing political parties at the beginning of the 20th century — the Black Hundreds (the Union of the Russian People, the Russian People’s Union named after Mikhail Archangel, etc.) and Russian nationalists (the All-Russian National Union and related organizations) is considered. The novelty of the research is seen in the introduction into scientific circulation of new sources (materials of the church press), which make it possible to make a number of significant clarifications in the existing ideas about the relationship between the Orthodox Church and right-wing political organizations. Particular attention is paid to the differences in the views of clergymen on the Black Hundred unions and political structures of Russian nationalists. The reasons for the cooperation of conservative Orthodox pastors with the Black Hundred unions and organizations of Russian nationalists and the circumstances that forced the clergy to show concern for the views and activities of right-wing parties are shown. It is argued that the secularization and Westernization of Russian nationalism, which led to the departure of its ideologists and followers from the foundations of the Orthodox doctrine and church worldview, became the main reasons for the wary attitude of church circles towards the political organizations of Russian nationalists.

Архівні документи про роль органів влади і православного кліру у формуванні позитивного іміджу чорносотенців на Волині на початку ХХ ст.

The aim of the article is to study the role of the authorities and the Orthodox clergy in the formation of a positive image of the Union of the Russian people in Volhyn at the beginning of the 20th century. The author studies a set of archival documents which highlight the key activities of the imperial authorities and the Orthodox clergy in the formation of a positive image of the Pochaiv branch of the Union of the Russian people in the period under study. The research methodology is based on the use of special historical methods (chronological and comparative-historical) and general scientific (analysis, synthesis, and generalization), statistical method, which in combination with the principles of historicism, objectivity, and multifactoriality created the necessary conditions for unbiased coverage. The scientific novelty of the work is that the author, on the basis of archival documents and periodicals, clarified the role of the authorities and the Orthodox clergy in forming a positive image of the Black Hundreds. Much of the archival documents of this work are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. Conclusions. As a result of the events of the first Russian revolution, the imperial government made a number of unprecedented concessions, and in accordance with the manifesto of October 17, 1905, the activities of political parties were allowed. In the autumn of the same year, as a result of the unification of a number of monarchical structures, the Union of the Russian People was formed. Soon Volyn province became one of the leading centers of the Black Hundred movement in the empire. The Black Hundreds enjoyed the support of the imperial authorities, and in Volhynia at the origins of the organization stood the Orthodox clergy, who played a key role in forming the organizational network of the URP. Being on the foundations of the inviolability of the foundations of the autocracy and the Orthodox Church and at the same time carrying out active activities aimed at discrediting their opponents, the Black Hundreds paid important attention to the formation of their positive image. The Orthodox clergy of the region also took an active part in this. Thanks to the support of the authorities, they managed to form the image of ‘defenders of the peasants and the Orthodox faith’ in a relatively short period of time, while blaming opponents of foreigners and non-believers for all the public troubles. On the one hand, this contributed to the growth of the URP's authority, and on the other hand, it exacerbated the already complex interfaith and interethnic relations in Volyn.

ЄВРЕЙСЬКІ ПОГРОМИ КІНЦЯ ХІХ – ПОЧАТКУ ХХ СТ. У СУЧАСНІЙ УКРАЇНСЬКІЙ ІСТОРІОГРАФІЇ

The article analyzes modern tendencies in Ukrainian historiography of XIX – and early XX century Jewish pogroms. General works on the history of Ukraine, special works devoted to anti-Jewish violence, and the study of the similar problems, that has been published in the last two decades, are considered. The general context of works, their sources, previous researches influence, conclusions of which the authors came, etc. are analyzed. Reading the intelligence on the pogroms, we can see, that the pogroms were largely the result of modernization, internal migration, the relocation to Ukraine of workers from the Russian provinces of the Romanov Empire and so on. Pogroms are also viewed in the context of social and revolutionary movements. That is, the violence, according to researchers, led to the emergence of Zionism. Also, Jews were actively involved to the left movement, while falling victim to extreme Russian nationalists and chauvinists - the Black Hundreds. We have special works dedicated to the pogroms of the first and second waves, which, however, are not so many. Their authors find out the causes and consequences of the pogroms, the significance of violence for the Jewish community and Ukrainian-Jewish relations, the attitude of the authorities and society to these acts of violence, and so on. Some Ukrainian historians research the problem of pogroms on various issues. Among them are works on the history of Jews from different regions of Ukraine, communities of individual cities, Ukraine as a whole; the history of the Ukrainian peasantry, the monarchical and Black Hundred movement in Ukraine, the revolutionary events of 1905-1907, migration processes in Ukrainian lands, the formation of modern nations, the life and work of prominent figures and more. The authors conduct full-fledged research using a wide source base, including archival materials, which, however, are often factual in nature. This is a disadvantage, because historians are "captured" by the sources on which they rely. We also have conceptual research that refers to a broad historiography of the problem, including foreign. These works often draw the reader's attention to a broader - the imperial, modernization or migration context. It is important, that researchers see actors of Ukrainian history in the Jewish population. Because of this, they are much less interested in the future of the Jews who left the Ukrainian lands than in the researchers of Jewish history.

Громада полонених вояків-українців царської армії у таборі Вецляр, Німеччина (вересень 1915 – листопад 1916 рр.): за матеріалами ЦДАВО України

У статті йдеться про специфіку функціонування громади полонених українців у таборі Вецляр (Німеччина), вересень 1915 – грудень 1916 рр., для висвітлення чого авторами було використано значний масив документів, що зберігаються у Центральному державному архіві вищих органів влади та управління України, а також у Центральному історичному архіві України, м. Львів. Початки організованого українського життя у таборі були позначені великими труднощами через протидію чорносотенців, але завдяки наполегливим зусиллям членів Просвітнього відділу СВУ та активу полонених у Вецлярі було створено кілька гуртків та інституцій (народний театр, хор, оркестр, народну школу, кооператив та ін.). Завдяки інтенсивній культурно-освітній роботі кількість їх членів суттєво збільшилась, після чого стало можливим утворити в таборі громаду полонених українців на чолі з власними представницьким і виконавчим органами.

The origin and beginning of activities of Black Hundreds in Volyn

The aim of the article is to study the origin of the Black Hundred movement in Volyn in this period. The author clarifies the role of the Orthodox clergy in the formation of the NRC's organizational network. The key directions of their work are analyzed. The research methodology is based on a combination of special historical, general scientific and interdisciplinary research methods using the principles of historicism, objectivity and scientificity. The scientific novelty of the work is that: the peculiarities of the formation of the Black Hundred movement in Volyn are analyzed; the role of the Orthodox clergy in the activities of the studied political group has been clarified; the main doctrinal provisions of the organization, the social base on which it relied in its activities are determined; the role of the clergy in electoral processes is studied; the role of the Black Hundreds in the complication of interethnic relations in the polyethnic society of the region is highlighted. Conclusions. Since their formation, the Russian Black Hundreds have begun purposeful and active activities in Volhynia. At the initial stage of their work, they focused on the formation of the organizational network. Given that at the origins of the Volyn branches of the NRC stood the Orthodox clergy, whose ideological instigators were Bishop Anthony and Archimandrite of the Pochaiv Lavra Vitaly, they managed to quickly form a powerful network of rural departments of the organization. The main social base that replenished the ranks of the Black Hundreds were local peasants. This is explained by the fact that the parish priests, following the orders of the diocese's leadership, were actively involved in the development of the NRC's organizational network. Since their formation, the Black Hundreds have taken an outspoken anti-Polish and anti-Jewish stance which has found expression in the pages of their press. At the same time, they advocated the preservation of autocracy, strengthening the role of the ROC.

Lenin’s Images in Visual Satire and the Collapse of Anti-Bolshevik Propaganda

This article analyses anti-Leninist visual propaganda and examines the reasons for its low effectiveness. The author studies the morphological structure of Lenin’s images as an internal and external enemy, “the other”: a German spy, Judas, Hun, anarchist, or a member of the Black Hundreds. It is demonstrated that the sources of anti-Leninist images were visual political satire of the previous period and mass rumours. In some cases, anti-Leninist images were provoked by the radical statements and actions of Ulyanov himself. Anti-Leniniana was even beneficial to Bolsheviks: Lenin, previously unknown to the general public, became one of the most prominent political antagonists. Widespread public fears and premonitions were reflected in the images, which makes visual satire a mirror of the era. The low effectiveness of anti-Leninist propaganda can be explained by various factors, i. e. the use of propaganda stamps which most people had already gotten tired of during World War I; the inversion of images in the perceptions of different social strata; excessive stigmatisation of the Bolsheviks, who, as they approached October, began to be perceived as victims of the tired regime of A. F. Kerensky; and the counter-propaganda of the Bolsheviks themselves.