Big Powers Research Articles

FRANSIZ KAPTAN MAGNAN’IN TUNA NEHRİ’NDE VAPUR İŞLETME TEŞEBBÜSLERİ

The attempt and competition of the Industrial Revolution to find new markets brought the Danube River and its hinterland into the world capitalist system. Danube governments such as Serbia, Wallachia, and Moldavia followed a balanced policy between Ottoman-Austria and Russia in the 18th and 19th centuries. However, following the Crimean War, the region has become an area of economic, political, and military competition between France and England. After the Crimean War, the liberalization of commercial shipping on the Danube and its branches to all nations made these waters attractive to Western shipping navigation companies. The big Powers like Austria, Russia, France, and Great Britain initiated competition and risks which deeply affected the region. The research setup is on a new technology entering the region and the French capital investments and competition spreaded fort he first time through this technology. In this context this study attempts to explore the rivalries of French merchants and investors to expand in the Danube River and its hinterland. It especially deals with the steamship management attempts of the ambitious and adventurous naval officer Captain Michel André François Bonerin Magnan (Aubagne 1819-Paris 1866).

Genocide, ethical imperatives and the strategic significance of asymmetric power: India’s diplomatic and military interventions in the Bangladesh Liberation War (Indo-Pakistan War of 1971)

This paper seeks to understand if the political, legal and ethical imperatives of a humanitarian war justified Indian military intervention in East Pakistan. It examines the asymmetric, dynamic national power equations that shaped the Bangladesh Liberation War and the genocide that preceded the conflict. At the height of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, this conflict was a key flashpoint in South Asia. This research was undertaken through a qualitative literature review with the help of declassified archival documents and media from numerous national archives and government databases across the world. Aided by emerging insights, perspectives and research, this paper seeks to evolve, extend and expand our existing understanding of events as they unfolded within the overall matrix of this conflict. The results show that India’s ability to align its foreign policy and media narratives to its military objectives while adroitly managing big power rivalry holds lessons for how smaller states might compel strategic concessions from big powers and global institutions. This requires them to navigate both the asymmetry of national power and the asymmetry of attention during a conflict to secure their interests. In conclusion, recent times have seen an increasing trend for major global powers and alliances to declare war in the name of humanitarianism. The political and ethical imperatives of a humanitarian war in 1971 dovetailed seamlessly with larger Indian strategic goals and was one of the catalysts for the eventual unanimous adoption in 2005 of the global political commitment known as Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in the United Nations.

Network analysis: a cross-country comparison of peer attention among EU countries in response to China with the media data

ABSTRACT Peer attention is a significant feature in the horizontal cross-loading of EU countries when there are many uncertainties in the decision-making. Taking the case of the 28-EU countries’ interactive media attention during China’s second Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) forum in April 2019, this paper explores the two questions of who pays attention to whose action to the BRI, and what are the determinants of the peer attentions? The measurements from the network analysis identify the positions and roles of EU countries in the attention network. The gravity model further examines the determinants on different levels of peer attention flows. The findings suggest that the peer attention network the EU countries formulate is a core-periphery structure where big powers and forerunners construct the core and connect other big power and peripheral countries from the nearby to the far-reaching. Substantively, this paper contributes to the literature on the horizontal interaction of countries in response to China’s engagement. Methodologically, the network analysis is an innovative method to study how a country receives the influence imposed by a single country, by a cluster of countries and the peer attention network as a whole.

Third Neighbor Policy Concept in Mongolia’s Geopolitics

Since the 1900s when Mongolia fought for its independence, it was looking for an ally or a supporter on which it could rely on. One of the options was third neighbor. During the dramatic times Mongolia tried to approach Japan, as the closest possible country to have relation, and the U.S. as a country somehow caught its attention, to establish, if not diplomatic, at least trade relation. Third neighbor policy is unique, as it is associated only with Mongolia due to its unique geographic location. Looking for third neighbor, it is important for Mongolia to maintain balance between two big neighbors, and to have relationship with other developed countries. But the U.S. saw Mongolia not only as a young and a good example of democracy, and strategic partner, but also possible “ally” which lies between Russia and China. Third neighbor policy is not just an ordinary policy in foreign policy; it is a concept which is important for Mongolia, for a country which is sandwiched between two big nuclear Powers. With changing international environment Mongolia’s strategic importance never left behind. Here will be discussed that Mongolia’s third neighbor policy cannot be limited just with foreign policy or relationships with other countries. But it could have broader meaning from geo-strategic perspective, depending from international politics. I am arguing that third neighbor policy is more than just a foreign policy, it is a concept.

English

The Horn of Africa is a term given to the geographic map in the North East part of the African continent. The region connects Africa to the outside world like the Middle East, Europe and Asia that indicates its geopolitical significance. Despite its geopolitical significance, the region remains one of the most unstable, underdeveloped and security wise volatile than any other region of Africa. These multiple challenges and interlinkages affect not only the region but also the international community in a variety of its forms; like the increased rate of piracy, terrorism, transfer of arms and light weapons, black marketing, and influx of refugee crises are few cases to mention. This calls for the involvement of responsible big powers. Currently, various powers are engaged in the promotion of peace and security in the region, of which China is one. In lieu of this, then, the objective of the paper is to identify and describe the areas where China is contributing its part in addressing regional disruption. Hence, the study has identified China’s contribution as plausible in the fight against piracy in the coastal areas of Somalia, peace keeping mission and post conflict peace building in Somalia, and mediating peace process in Sudan and South Sudan. Yet its predicament is found to be its inability to help pressure groups and civil society organization in their effort for same effect. Hence, it is recommended that China need to device ways in how manner best to work with nongovernmental institutions in ameliorating regional disruption. Key words: Peace and security, big power responsibility, peacekeeping, pirates.

Big Powers, Small Islands, Real Displaced People. Response to Gettel, Eliza. Recognizing the Delians Displaced after 167/6 BCE. Humanities 2018, 7, 91

Eliza Gettel’s paper on the displacement of the Delians in the second century BCE does an excellent job of examining an ancient case study of displacement through the lens of contemporary conceptions of displacement and asylum. In this paper, I try, as a modern historian of asylum, to reflect on the applicability of modern classifications to a case study over 2000 years old. First, I discuss the compatibility of the ancient with the modern. Subsequently, I engage much more deliberately with the arguments Gettel presents in her paper. Finally, I introduce a contemporary case study involving the displacement of people from the Chagos Islands in the Indian Ocean that I argue shares some similarities with that of the Delians, with both cases highlighting the often-neglected agency of the displaced.

Learning Trend Methodologies from BC Greek Sophists to 2000s’ Blended Open Source Schooling: A Comparative Analytic Study

The period of recorded history extends to 5,000 years BC, where Sumerian-Akkadian script confirmed the fact of being the oldest discovered record of coherent writing from the preliterate period around the 3000 BC (SE Alcock, 2001; Woods, 2010). Since that date of early basic literacy of human history, B.C pioneers, philosophers, leaderships and professionals exerted every efforts to advance their local environments in politics, state identity, public administration, urban centers, culture and faith, education, innovative thoughts and arts, and civic daily life. Consequently, B.C significant ancient states and civilizations arose and flourished into world sovereign empires, exceeding in several fields their contemporary counterparts the so-called “Big Powers” in the 21st century A.C. Even these “Big Powers” proved helpless in resisting the invisible virus “Corona”, which caused the death of hundreds of thousands of persons, and is threatening millions of others in facing health problems or termination later. The status of world states (powerful or marginal) is determined by the quality of its educational systems. Further, the future of civic and productive students as adults is dependent upon the rigor of schooling methodologies, which encompass: learners who are dedicated to learn; teachers who guide and teach; peers who are collaborative learning partners; curricula, which are served by textbooks and material in the classrooms; methods, techniques and technologies as communicative tools of education and management messages; and school environments, which physically host most education factors, processes and services. Hence, this research article examined the educational methodologies cumulative from BC Sophists to the ICTs revolution at 2000+ A.C. a Comparative analytic review was conducted to specify the advances and setbacks accrued during the extended 500B.C-2000+A.C years in the lives of generations as future crucial professional, leaderships and pioneer assets of society.

Opportunities and Risk Assessment of BRICs New Development Bank*—— New Big Powers Coordination Perspective

Abstract:Under the background of counter economic globalization, the group of twenty (G20) has become the primary platform for the east and west powers to seek consultation and dialogue. And the coordination mechanism of the new global powers has come into being slowly. As a multilateral regional bank, the BRICsBank takes the interests of developing countries as the leading factor. Based on international economic cooperation ground, it will broaden the South-South cooperation to create more convenient conditions for foreign direct investment, as well as bilateral and multilateral financial cooperation. The opportunities and risks analysis of the BRICsBank from new power coordination perspective, with global economy governance structure transformation as the starting point, this research accurately defines the concept of coordination mechanism, systematically analyzes the evolution of global economic governance structure, intensively interpretsthe current characteristics of big power coordination mode in global economic governance structure, and objective assessestrends of global political and economic pattern.It is of important policy referenceimplications for China to effectively promote the BRICs Bank institutionalization andglobal governance of new power coordination nature.

China and Lilliputians: Small States in a Big Power’s Evolving Foreign Policy

ABSTRACTSome scholars believe that as China’s power grows more preponderant, it will leverage its growing might to impose its will on others in the international system. This article engages this debate by probing China’s relationship with small states, going beyond those in its region. Small states are particularly apposite because their size and power deficiencies suggest they are among the most vulnerable to pressure or coercion from big powers such as China. Beijing’s diplomacy towards small states, therefore, represents a barometer of Chinese restraint and exercise of its power in a situation of clear power superiority. The article studies this dynamic, unpacking the contours and shape of China’s relations with small states, as well as the narratives and rationales that drive this relationship.

Geographical blessing versus geopolitical curse: great power security agendas for the Black Sea region and a Turkish alternative

The Black Sea has been a site of contention and confrontation for centuries, though changes since the end of the Cold War allowed for the emergence of a cooperative environment. Due to its strategic location in the middle of Eurasia, controlling the region represents a unique geopolitical interest. This uniqueness at times turns into threats for regional and international peace and stability; thus its fortuitous location can become a curse. This paper argues that increased big power (US, EU and Russian Federation) attention does not guarantee prosperity, and can create occasional clashes. It looks at how the security interests of the big powers came to focus on the Black Sea, and explores one of the regional alternatives for its future political, economic and security structures.

China's State Security in a Time of Peaceful Development: A New Issue on Research Agenda

AbstractThis paper holds that China's national security during its peaceful rise is a new issue on the research agenda, which requires new counter‐measures and collective wisdom. The paper discusses five of China's objectives in addressing national security; namely, from highest to lowest priority, friction among big powers, the Taiwan issue, disputes over sovereignty, protection of interests overseas, and undertaking international responsibilities. Systematically achieving these objectives is of major importance for building up national defence and China's international image. China's state security in the current period of peaceful development is a new issue on the research agendum, for politicians, the military, scholars and researchers alike. Extensive and in‐depth discussion is needed. Global security commitments made by a big power might conflict with its own security interests and objectives. Judging by any standard, China's tasks are heavy and the road ahead is long.(Edited by Xinyu Fan)

Review Article: Lesser Powers among the Big Powers: Eastern Europe, Switzerland and the Second World War

Review Article: Lesser Powers among the Big Powers: Eastern Europe, Switzerland and the Second World War

Restructuring of the UN security council

The UN Security Council is under pressure to reform. Japan and Germany seek permanent membership as new ‘Big Powers’. The ‘Third World’ demands more representation because its ranks have grown. With respect to the Security Council the reform procedure favours claims based on equity rather than on power. A more ‘democratic’ Council will likely be a less effective one. The analysis of 77 reform proposals submitted by the UN members confirms that expectation. Countries least able to contribute to collective security are for the most radical ‘democratization’. The current permanent members resist change, the UK taking the firmest stand. They are against inviting gridlock in the sole UN body able to act with reasonable effectiveness. But with the United States talking about compromise, reform seems unavoidable, and in order to admit Germany and Japan to permanent membership, the smaller countries' demands will have to be accommodated.

The Origins of the Cold War in Europe: International Perspectives

MAP 1: Europe Divided, 1955 MAP 2: Cold War in the Arctic. PART ONE - The Big Two: 1 America, Anders Stephanson 2 Russia, Vladislav Zubok and Constantine Pleshakov. PART TWO - The Other Two: 3 Britain, David Reynolds 4 France, Georges-Henri Soutou. PART THREE - The Vanquished: 5 Italy, Ilaria Poggiolini 6 Germany, Wolfgang Krieger. PART FOUR - Small States among Big Powers: 7 Benelux, Cees Wiebes and Bert Zeeman 8 Scandinavia, Helge Pharo. Appendix 1: Chronology of major intemational events mentioned in the text, 1943-55. Appendix 2: Table of postwar governments until 1955.

China and the Geneva Conference of 1954

The Geneva Conference of 1954 represented an important event in the development of China's foreign policy. For the first time, Beijing's diplomacy became the focus of attention in an international meeting. Despite American opposition and delaying tactics, the conference was a diplomatic triumph for China. It greatly enhanced Beijing's international status. China's leaders clearly perceived their role in global rather than in regional terms. Their pride and confidence were best expressed by the Renmin ribao (People's Daily) editorial of 22 July 1954:For the first time as one of the Big Powers, the People's Republic of China joined the other major powers in negotiations on vital international problems and made a contribution of its own that won the acclaim of wide sections of world opinion. The international status of the People's Republic of China as one of the big world powers has gained universal recognition. Its international prestige has been greatly enhanced. The Chinese people take the greatest joy and pride in the efforts and achievements of their delegation at Geneva.Alone among the great powers, Beijing identified itself as a member of the Afro-Asian camp of newly independent nations. The Chinese leadership perceived China as the champion of the Afro-Asian cause against the oppression and exploitation of the west. It was within this context that China had played the major part in fashioning a new set of principles for world politics-the “Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.” This emphasis on Afro-Asian solidarity would culminate in the Bandung Conference of 1955.Zhou Enlai played an important role in the Geneva Conference. He excelled in playing British and French realism off against the rigidity and inflexibility of American Cold War policies. His diplomacy epitomized the “United Front” strategy which has been a distinct feature of the PRC's foreign policy: to unite with all possible forces to isolate China's most dangerous enemy. Zhou's performance at Geneva suggests that he was a shrewd practitioner of diplomacy of the possible.

Black Colonialism: the Americo-Liberian scramble for the hinterland by Yekutiel Gershoni Boulder, Westview Press, 1985. Pp. xi+134. $25.00 paperback. - African and American Values: Liberia and West Africa by Katherine Harris Lanham, Maryland, University Press of America, 1985. Pp. xi+101. $20.50. $8.00 paperback. - Big Powers and Small Nations: a case study of United States-Liberian relations by Hassan B. Sisay

Black Colonialism: the Americo-Liberian scramble for the hinterland by Yekutiel Gershoni Boulder, Westview Press, 1985. Pp. xi+134. $25.00 paperback. - African and American Values: Liberia and West Africa by Katherine Harris Lanham, Maryland, University Press of America, 1985. Pp. xi+101. $20.50. $8.00 paperback. - Big Powers and Small Nations: a case study of United States-Liberian relations by Hassan B. Sisay

Teaching the Revisionist Interpretation of the Cold War

There is a school of history, however, which argues that the United States was primarily responsible for the Cold War. It may not be very popular, but the revisionist interpretation of the origins of the Cold War ought to be pre sented to high school students precisely because most students will not agree with it. It will challenge them and thus make them think about the issue more deeply. Presenting two interpretations of the Cold War is an ideal way to build critical thinking skills. Before the students are given the interpretations, preliminary work needs to be done. The teacher could ask why the U.S. and the USSR are such ene mies. A discussion of Marxist-Leninist ideology should ensue followed by some background on the 1917 Revolution, the American intervention in Rus sia in 1918, the United States-Soviet alliance against Hitler, the issue of the second front, and the Yalta Conference. The students should also learn the countries and some of the capital cities in Europe. Finally, the students need to understand that the American foreign policy concept of self-determination (each country should decide its own policies free from outside interference) and the Soviet concept of spheres of influence (the big powers each have an area of dominance) were in basic conflict (a little country does not have self determination when it is being dominated by a big power). The students should now read the section of their text on the beginning of the Cold War and discuss which country was responsible for the Cold War and why. At this point I pass out the following reading and instruct the stu dents to write their reaction to it on the back. (The reading is adapted from O'Reilly, pp. 80-86. This reading was shortened considerably and leaves out many important issues such as the dispute over Poland and the wording of the Yalta Agreements.)

Indian Ocean: An Area of Tension and Big Power Pressures

The Indian Ocean has become an area of acute tension—a peril zone with conventional and nuclear naval vessels of the major powers staging a permanent presence in the area. Naval task forces, because of their inherent mobility, can constitute a powerful projection of military might. That is why the non-aligned countries of the Indian Ocean are exercised over the threat posed to their national security from the high seas. They can hardly forget that the powers that dominated and colonised them for centuries came to the area via the high seas. They also remember that, even in the decades since the Second World War there have been several glaring instances of naval might being used by the Big Powers to exert military pressure in almost every ocean. The concern expressed by nations who do not want a return to gun-boat diplomacy and domination by military forces is, therefore, indisputably legitimate. Rivalry and competition are not new trends in international affairs or in the Indian Ocean. They were imported into this ocean by the colonial powers, when they sought to oust one another from enjoying the fruits of colonisation. Today, they exist in the Indian Ocean area for a variety of stated and unstated reasons. When the 26th Session of the United Nations General Assembly adopted in 1971 a resolution proclaiming the Indian Ocean ‘a zone of peace for all times,’ people in many countries heaved a sigh of relief. Those countries whose merchant vessels plied the Indian Ocean hoped that a zone of peace would guarantee their security and enable them to develop economic contacts with different countries of the world. For champions of peace throughout the world demilitarisation of the Indian Ocean would mean elimination of one of the world's most dangerous hot-beds of tension. This however, did not happen. The safeguarding of vital interests of the Big Powers provided to them enough justification for an unprecedented escalation of military presence in the area. There was a time when the ‘vacuum theory’ was universally peddled by the western powers and their mass-media. It postulated that the withdrawal of British naval power from the Indian Ocean would create a void which if not filled by the United States and its allies would invite Soviet presence. The non-aligned countries felt very strongly that if at all there was a vacuum, it should be filled by the littoral states, who alone would be responsible for the security of their waters. Though the vacuum theory is seldom mentioned now, the quantum of the Big Power naval forces in the Indian Ocean has steadily increased.

Big Powers and Small Nations: A Case Study of United States - Liberian Relations

Big Powers and Small Nations: A Case Study of United States - Liberian Relations

The Indochinese Situation and the Big Powers in Southeast Asia: The Malaysian View

Research Article| June 01 1982 The Indochinese Situation and the Big Powers in Southeast Asia: The Malaysian View Lee Poh Ping Lee Poh Ping Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Asian Survey (1982) 22 (6): 516–523. https://doi.org/10.2307/2643683 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Lee Poh Ping; The Indochinese Situation and the Big Powers in Southeast Asia: The Malaysian View. Asian Survey 1 June 1982; 22 (6): 516–523. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2643683 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1982 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.