Treaty Of Berlin Research Articles

Land Tenure Reforms in the Area of Leskovac after the Treaty of Berlin (1878–1882)

After the Treaty of Berlin (1878), the area of Leskovac became a part of Serbia. With the fall of the Ottoman empire, the Muslim population also departed leaving their properties. Abandoned lands were taken by the local Christians, who had been in feudal relationships with previous owners. The article follows the politics of the Serbian government regarding the issues of ownership and compensation to Muslim landowners. Furthermore, concrete cases of land possession legal disputes between local Serbs and the former proprietors will be presented. The research compares different political and social structures before and after the Treaty of Berlin. Also, it points out the peasants' new economic situation after the liberation from the feudal system. Analysing the unpublished and published documents, with the help of periodicals and literature, the article provides the new insights and views into the studies of the rural history of Serbia and Southeastern Europe in the 19th century

1908 Annexation of Bosnia in the Serbian Press

This study delves into the Serbian press's role during the Bosnian annexation crisis in 1908, a pivotal episode in Balkan and European history. Following the provisions of the Treaty of Berlin (1878), Austria-Hungary's occupation of the Bosna Vilayet and subsequent administrative control set the stage for a protracted legal and political conflict. The crisis reached its zenith in the autumn of 1908 when Austria-Hungary unilaterally annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), provoking a formidable reaction across Europe particularly in Belgrade. Serbia, perceiving BiH as a historic territory of paramount significance, emerged as one of the staunchest opponents of Vienna's actions. This resistance was fervently articulated in the Serbian press from August 1908 to March 1909, with leading newspapers such as Politika, Mali Žurnal, Pravda, and Carigradski Glasnik playing a central role in shaping public sentiment. This study aims to analyze the impact of the Serbian press on national opinion during the annexation crisis, examining the portrayal of domestic and international news, the coverage of protests and demonstrations in Belgrade and other Serbian cities, the movements of Chetnik detachments, mobilization announcements, and political statements. By scrutinizing these elements, the research seeks to illuminate the state of Serbian public opinion at the close of 1908 and throughout 1909 and assess the significance of the annexation for Serbian politics and national identity. The findings reveal that the Serbian press exerted substantial influence, inciting vigorous public reactions, sharp protests, and demands for military engagement.

OSMANLI, RUS VE FRANSIZ ARŞIV BELGELERINE GÖRE TÜRKIYE ERMENILERININ BÜYÜK DEVLETLERLE İLIŞKILERI (1891-1918)

Armenians, who were called "Faithful Nation ", remained loyal to the Ottoman Empire until the 19th century. However, when Armenian intellectuals went to Europe, they adopted ideas such as enlightenment, equality and nationalism. They returned home and started propaganda against the Ottoman Empire. Armenian intellectuals pursued the ideal of "Independent Armenia" by emulating the independence of Serbs and Greeks. Armenians were especially encouraged by the signing of the Treaty of Berlin. For the Western powers, Armenians were seen as a useful nation against the Ottomans. France, Britain and Russia had been provoking Armenians since the late 19th century. Some of the imperialist countries supported Armenians for religious reasons and some for political reasons. Although historians such as Taner Akçam claim that the West did not support Armenians, this argument does not reflect the truth. When French, Russian and Ottoman archives are analyzed, it will be revealed that the Western powers seriously supported the Armenians. The aim of this study is to emphasize the political dimension of the Armenian question based on archival documents, as this issue has become a material issue in the political arena today. The aim of the study is to reach the reality of the historical Armenian problem based on archival documents. As a matter of fact, while trying to explain this problematic, not only Ottoman archives but also Russian, French and Ottoman archives were used. Where I have described Armenian-British and Armenian-American relations, I have made use of the Ottoman Documents published by the Prime Minister's State Archives. Based on this study, it can be concluded that Armenians organized rallies in Western countries, received financial aid, the West helped in the establishment of volunteer military units, and Armenians were able to make their voices heard through non-governmental organizations. Armenian archives were consulted during this study, but these sources could not be used because Armenians were too skeptical on this subject.

«...Настало время раз и навсегда покончить с армянским вопросом»: проблема армянских вилайетов Османской империи в международной повестке

Introduction. The interest in the “Armenian issue” is linked to the current international agenda and the impact of significant historical events on it, such as the genocide of 1915. Methods and materials. The interdisciplinary principle determines the use of traditional historical approaches (historical-genetic and historical-comparative) and international relations theories (defensive realism) simultaneously. The sources contain the published documents and publicism, as well as the archival documents of the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the State Archives of the Russian Federation. Analysis. Starting with the signing of the Berlin Treaty and the introduction of an article into it obliging Ottoman Porte to reform the management of the Armenian population, the inclusion of the “Armenian issue” in the foreign policy agenda of European states began. At the same time, the responsibility for the reforms carried out by the Ottomans was collective, and the leadership of Russia in this matter was considered impossible. Collectivity was the reason for the erosion of responsibility; the Sultan was not actually made to reform. With the beginning of the “Hamid pogroms” in 1894, the “Armenian issue” threatened the balanced position of the powers in relation to the Ottoman Empire and actualized the issue of the Ottoman Porte’s responsibility for reforms in the Armenian vilayets. Obviously, Russia could be the most effective. France, Germany, and Italy initially did not plunge into this problem; in Asian Turkey, the main actors were still Great Britain and Russia. Results. Neither England nor Russia dared to act decisively, but they did not want to give in to each other either. For the British, control of the straits and the dominance of Russia in the Middle East were unacceptable. On the other hand, Russia was afraid to create a “second Bulgaria” near the Caucasian border. Therefore, the “Armenian issue”, complicated by rivalry, went through a cycle on the international agenda, as a result of which Russia returned to dominance in its solution after 1908. The contribution of the authors to the writing of the article is related to the research by L.N. Velichko on European and Ottoman Porte’s policy in resolving the “Armenian issue”, K.R. Ambartsumyan has dealt with the evolution of Russia’s position and explored the factors that influenced its change.

TREATY OF BERLIN 1878 AD AND ITS IMPACT ON THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

In order to know the Berlin Treaty and its effects related to the Middle East, it is necessary to go back a little to study the European position and the positions of the major powers that controlled the world at that time and decided its fate. Therefore, we had to go back to the year 1870 AD, as that year was important in the world and in guiding the policy of the major powers in a new direction. In the year 1870, German soldiers entered France, and an era passed, and Europe entered a new era. France collapsed as the first country in the continent in terms of warfare, and Germany replaced it. , which was established by Bismarck, and became a driving political force for it

Disadvantaged Balkans. Trauma "Berlin Peace Treaty" in the Memory of Bulgarians and Serbs

The text further develops the author's earlier thesis about the typologies of Bulgarian and Serbian nationalism as dependent on collective memory – heroic or traumatic. And – to some extent – gets into an argument with her. The article examines the reactions of Bulgarian and Serbian society to the decisions of the Berlin Treaty (1878), which proved traumatic for both sides – regardless of the differences in the status of the one and the other. The Berlin Treaty — if it did not cause, it — legitimized four wars, became the starting point for aspirations for the redistribution of the peninsula and a source of traumatic memory. Although the subsequent victories and battles alternate with different intensity, the core elements of national identity remain the series of "Golgotha" (in the Serbian case) and "national catastrophes" (in the Bulgarian). Collective memory, of course, can undergo reversals – depending on the needs of a particular political situation and on the "invention of tradition" to serve this situation.

Ориентализм в геополитических представлениях военных и дипломатических элит Российской империи (на материалах обсуждения «армянского вопроса» в конце XIX – начале XX в.)

Introduction. Edward W. Said’s Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient introduced the category ‘Orientalism’ into scientific and political discourse. So, the article focuses on the Armenian question that became a remarkable part of the Eastern question at the turn of the 20th century — to illustrate features of ‘Russian Orientalism’. The decline of the Ottoman Porte, difficulties faced by ethnic Armenians in Turkey, and the political unrest among Armenians of the Caucasus resulted in that the Russian military and diplomats were paying close attention to those events, which was reflected in related reports. Materials and methods. The published sources examined are those authored by N. Ivanov, A. Nelidov, D. Putyata, P. Tomilov, I. Vorontsov-Dashkov, R. Termen. The archival documents involved (State Archive of Russian Federation) are A. Nelidov’s reports of 1882 and 1896, both addressed to V. Lamsdorf. The theoretical basis is shaped by concepts of Orientalism, Occidentalism, and critical geopolitics, the latter viewing geopolitical ideas of elites as an independent phenomenon referred to as ‘high geopolitics’. Results. After the Treaty of Berlin (1878) the Armenian question became a new domain for interaction between the great powers. The analysis conducted herein confirms that ‘Russian Orientalism’ — in geopolitical ideas of the elites — had an anti-Western shade. Paradoxically, in Eastern contexts Russian imperial elites were positioning themselves as representatives of European civilization. However, when it came to defend national interests, their reasoning would obtain anti-Western tones. Occidentalism presupposes a unification of the Western world, which, for example, can be observed in the reports of Ya. Lundekvist and A. Nelidov. The views and shades of Orientalism were determined by practical job tasks. For instance, Governor-General I. Vorontsov-Dashkov was rather a bearer of ‘internal Orientalism’ suggesting a patronizing concern for the Caucasian Armenians. Therefore, there were certain differences in attitudes of capital-based executives and those articulated by ones in the colonized periphery of the Empire. Conclusions. So, the study concludes as follows. Firstly, how the elites tended to perceive the essence of the Armenian question and its Turkish contexts proves the legitimacy of the category ‘Russian Orientalism’ — directed both outside and inside — the latter covering the Caucasus with a certain portion of Armenian population. Secondly, features of Orientalism in geopolitical representations of Russian elites were determined by practical tasks of their service. Thirdly, ‘Russian Orientalism’ is more heterogeneous and its aspects outnumber those presented in Edward W. Said’s study.

The Great Eastern Crisis (1875−1885) as a Balkan Historical Milestone (A Case Study of Article XXIII of the Berlin Treaty)

The historical issue of the Great Eastern Crisis (1875−1885) is examined as a significant phase in the social and political development of parts of Southeastern Europe connected with the territorial withdrawal of the Ottoman Empire. Through a brief presentation of the crisis’ main events, a more extended periodization of its stages is offered when analyzing this complex historical process. Based on the analysis of Article XXIII of the Berlin Treaty (1878) and its (non)implementation, the consequences for the further historical development of Ottoman Macedonia are discussed.

An Analysis of the Effect of the 1878 Berlin Treaty on Diplomatic Policy Making

An Analysis of the Effect of the 1878 Berlin Treaty on Diplomatic Policy Making

ACTIVITIES OF GREEK BANDS IN MACEDONIA ACCORDING TO ARCHIVE DOCUMENTS

In the late 19th century, one of the most important problems for the Ottoman Empire was the Macedonian issue. The non-Muslim communities living in Macedonia wanted independence or autonomy under the influence of nationalism ideas. The signing of the Treaty of Berlin in 1878 marked a crucial moment in the history of Macedonia as it defined the political divisions among the various ethnic groups present in the region. Bulgarians, Greeks, Serbs, and Albanians all sought to gain control over the land, but their conflicting interests made it difficult to reach a consensus. Due to the increasing influence of Bulgaria in Macedonia, the Greek state has started to pay more attention to the region. In response, the Greeks began a propaganda campaign aimed at spreading their influence through consulates, businesses, churches, and schools in Macedonia. The Greeks formed bands and sent them to Macedonia in order to protect their interests in the region. The Greek bands, mostly composed of officers, sought to diminish the power of the Bulgarians. The Ottoman administration was forced to take measures against the growing Greek bands in Macedonia. Security measures were increased to reduce the influence of the bands. The Ottoman government, recognizing the potential for conflict, responded by increasing its military presence in the region. Troops were deployed to counteract the actions of the Greek bands and maintain stability in the region. Diplomatic efforts were also made. This article examines the activities of Greek bands in Macedonia during the reign of Abdulhamid II. Ottoman archive documents, in particular, were used for this purpose.

Front bałkański wojny rosyjsko-tureckiej 1877–1878 w publikacjach warszawskiego dziennika „Kurjer Warszawski”

The Balkan Front of the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 in the publications of the Warsaw daily “Kurjer Warszawski” The Russo-Turkish war of 1877–1878 is an important element of the international relations in the 19th century, which not only constituted the rivalry between great powers to expand or secure spheres of influence, but also brought about a significant transformation of the political map of the European continent in its south-eastern part. The war, waged under the banner of the “cross against the crescent” slogan, was perceived with optimism by the Balkan nations experiencing Turkish rule, nevertheless they interpreted the Berlin Treaty ending this conflict as an attempt to limit their national goals. These issues, important from the point of view of European politics, were closely followed by the only mass medium of the time – the press. One of the newspapers that commented on the war in the Balkans was the daily newspaper “Kurjer Warszawski” that was being published in Warsaw from 1821, whose editors did not limit themselves to presenting agency reports, but also made successful attempts to critically analyze the situation at that time. Therefore, the newspaper appears to us as an interesting source of information about the events taking place in the Balkans.

Constitution of the Principality (Emirate) of Bulgaria: The 1879 Constitution of Tarnova

Şark Meselesi kapsamında düvel-i muazzama arasında süren nüfuz mücadelesine bir denge sağlamak üzere 1878’de Berlin Antlaşması imzalanmıştır. Bu Antlaşma’nın sonuçlarından biri de Osmanlı Devleti’ne bağlı özerk nitelikte Bulgaristan Prensliği’nin kurulmasıdır. Antlaşma, Prensliğin teşkilatını belirlemek üzere bir anayasa yapılmasını öngörmüştür. Antlaşma ayrıca, Anayasanın yapılışına, yürürlük zamanına, Prens’in seçimine ve temel hak ve özgürlüklere ilişkin düzenlemeler de içermektedir. Böylece Berlin Antlaşması, Prenslik Anayasası’nın hem dayanağını oluşturmakta hem de belli ölçüde onun genel çerçevesini belirlemektedir. Bulgaristan Prensliği’nin Osmanlı Devletine bağlı olduğuna ilişkin Berlin Antlaşması’nda yer alan düzenleme, Tasarı metninden çıkarılarak Anayasa’da yer almamıştır. 28 Nisan 1879’da Tırnova’da toplanan kurucu meclis tarafından kabul edilen Anayasa, 22 bölüm halinde 169 maddeden oluşmaktadır. Yasama , yürütme ve yargı organına yer veren Anayasa, eksik olmakla birlikte temel hak ve özgürlükler listesi içermektedir. Prens’e sistemde üstün bir konum sağlayan Anayasa, yasama gücüne sahip olsa da yürütmeyi denetleme yetkisi sınırlı bir parlamento öngörmektedir. Anayasa, Bulgaristan’ın 1908’de bağımsızlığı ve Krallığı ilan etmesine kadar Prenslik Anayasası olma niteliğini sürdürmüşür. Tırnova Anayasası, Prenslik sonrası gelen Krallık ve Komünizm Dönemlerinde varlığını koruyarak 1947 yılına kadar yürürlükte kalmıştır.

Ethnic, Administrative, Political and Social Status Of Kosovo Village In The End Of The 19th Century and The Activity Of Governor Halil Rıfat Pasha

Bu çalışmada 19. yüzyıl sonlarında Balkan Yarımadası’nda bir vilayet olarak teşkilatlandırılan Kosova’nın öncelikle idari teşkilatı, etnik ve nüfus yapısı ele alınmıştır. Daha sonra ise bölgenin ekonomik faaliyetleri, tarım, sanayii ve ulaştırma alanlarındaki durumu irdelenmiştir. 1877 yılında Kosova bölge valisi olarak buraya tayin edilen Halil Rıfat Paşa’nın tayinine sebep olan başarılı çalışmaları ve bölgenin sosyo-kültürel ve siyasi anlamda karşılaştığı problemler ele alınmıştır. Özellikle bu tarihlerde başlayan Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı’nın bölgeye çok yakın bir yerde cereyan etmesi, bölgenin zaten bozuk olan asayiş ve güvenliğini tehdit etmiştir. Bu olumsuz şartlar içerisinde valilik yapan Halil Rıfat Paşa, bir taraftan iç güvenlik sorunu ile uğraşırken, diğer taraftan bölgeye yığılan Müslüman muhacirler ile de ilgilenmiştir. Sonuç olarak, 1878 Berlin Antlaşması esnasında Kosova valiliğinden ayrılıp Selanik valiliğine tayin edilene kadar bölgenin Osmanlı Devleti’nin elinde kalması için diğer devlet erkânı ve askerler ile beraber büyük gayret göstermiştir.

MALTA SÜRGÜNLERİ ARASINDA BİR DİVAN-I MUHASEBAT MÜMEYYİZİ: MACİT BEY

Osmanlı Devleti bünyesinde sadık millet olarak bilinen Ermeniler Tanzimat Fermanı ve Islahat Fermanı’nın azınlıklara getirdiği hakları kullanarak 1863 yılında dönemin padişahına Ermeni Milleti Nizamnamesini onaylattı. Ancak Ermeniler esas sevindiren olay 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı’nı Osmanlı Devleti’nin kaybetmesi oldu. Bu savaş sonrası imzalanan önce Ayastefanos Antlaşması ve sonra da Berlin Antlaşması Osmanlı Devleti’ne, Ermenilerin yoğun olarak yaşadığı Doğu Anadolu’da, ıslahat yapma yükümlülüğü getirdi. Osmanlı Devleti bu ıslahatları yapmayınca Ermeniler birçok isyan çıkardı. I. Dünya Savaşı başlayınca Osmanlı Devleti birçok cephede savaşmak zorunda kaldı. Bu cephelerden birisi Kafkas Cephesi idi. Bu cephede Osmanlı Devleti yenilince Ermeniler Doğu Anadolu’da tekrar isyanlar çıkarıp katliama başladı. Bunun üzerine Osmanlı Devleti 27 Mayıs 1915 tarihinde Ermeni Tehcir Kanunu’nu çıkardı.
 Ermeni Tehciri Kanunun uygulanmasında görev alanlardan birisi de Divan-ı Muhasebat Mümeyyizi Macit Bey idi. Erzincan Ermenilerinin Urfa, Suriye ve Musul Bölgesi’ne güvenli bir şekilde gönderilmesinde Macit Bey de görev aldı. 11 Aralık 1918 tarihinde ise Macit Bey Erzincan Ermeni Tehciri nedeniyle tutuklanarak Bekirağa Bölüğüne konuldu. İzmir’in işgali nedeniyle İstanbul’da güvenliğin tehlikeye düşmesi üzerine Bekirağa Bölüğündeki 78 kişi Malta Adası’na sürgüne gönderildi. Bu kişiler arasında Macit Bey de vardı. Macit Bey Malta Adası’nda İngilizler tarafından yargılanmak istendi ise de bir sonuç çıkmadı.6 Eylül 1921 tarihinde ise aralarında Macit Bey’in de olduğu 15 kişi Malta Adası’ndan kaçarak İtalya’ya geçti. Bunlardan Macit Bey İtalya’dan önce Almanya’ya oradan da Anadolu’ya geçerek Ankara’ya geldi. Ankara Hükümeti de Milli Mücadele taraftarı Macit Bey’e maaş bağladı. Malta Adası’ndan kaçan bu 15 kişi Milli Mücadele taraftarı idi. Bu nedenle Anadolu’ya geldikten sonra Ankara Hükümeti’nin değişik kurumlarında görev aldılar.

The Treaty of Berlin 1878: Implications for Muslims Migration in Bosnia-Herzegovina Before World War 1

The intervention of the great powers in the Bosnian-Herzegovina conflict of 1875-1878 led the Turkish government to sign the Treaty of Berlin of 1878. One of the terms of the Treaty of Berlin was to put the administration of Bosnian-Herzegovina under the auspices of the mandate of the Austrian-Hungarian government. From this point onwards, the migration process in Bosnia-Herzegovina is reflected in its population, especially Muslims. This article examines the implications of the Treaty of Berlin on issues that led to the emigration of Muslims from Bosnia-Herzegovina to other regions of the Turkish Empire before the outbreak of World War 1. The analysis of primary data was used on the British records from its embassy in Bosnia- Herzegovina. The study found that religious issue was a crucial factor in the migration process happened in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The migration process intensified after Bosnia-Herzegovina was formally announced to be put under the Austrian-Hungarian administration in 1908.

KOSOVO QUESTION IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY

The Congress of Berlin of 1878 was of great importance for the Balkan states as Serbia, Montenegro, Romania and Bulgaria gained independence. Neverthe- less some of these states’ claims were fully satisfied. For instance Serbia didn’t manage to annex Kosovo and Metohija which under the Treaty of Berlin remained under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. Serbia which thought these territories to be the «Cradle of Serbian statehood» as Serbian medieval state was located in Kosovo thought it great injustice and started to put effort to annex them. By various means Serbia was trying to expand its influence there as well as win support of the local Serbian population. As time went by some other claimants to Kosovo vilayet emerged, namely Montene- gro which was ruled be an ambitious monarch who wanted to expand his territories and influence and Bulgaria which was mostly interested in Macedonian lands, which were in Kosovo vilayet, but wasn’t sure which territories in the Kosovo vilayet would eventually become part of the Bulgarian state. Moreover the Albanian national move- ment was gaining steam and according to their programmes Kosovo would also be integrated into Albanian independent state. Austria-Hungary and Italy were not in- terested in occupying Kosovo but still wanted to maintain influence in the Balkan re- gion and thus were going to use tensions over Kosovo there for their own benefit. To sum up, at the beginning of the 20th century Kosovo problem ceased to be a merely Serbian matter of interest and transformed into an international issue.

The Efforts of Ottoman Empire to Build Railways in The Balkans (1855-1913)

During the second half of XIX century there were several plans to build railway in Ottoman Empire. Some of these plans were to be realized in the Balkans. Because Ottoman Empire did not had a technical possibilities to build this infrastructure by herself, started the negotiations with different European funds, governments, companies and personalities. The part of the Ottoman Empire in Europe had a priority in the project for building railway, by connecting Istanbul with European railway network through Sarajevo, which later fell under Austro-Hungarian administration. But there were also plans for connecting important harbors with internal part of the country. One of the plans was the railway line Thesaloniki-Skopje-Prishtina-Mitrovica. Railway transport was a quick way of transport and therefore the Empire wanted to benefit from it in different aspects, to improve the economical situation, but also to transport quickly its military troops in the region. There were also European governments which were interested to give credits to Ottoman Empire to build railways looking on that as a better way to have access on Ottoman markets. The Berlin Treaty of 1878 had a very important impact on the new railway corridors which were changed from previous plans, because the map of the Balkans was changed, and therefore railway priorities as well. The railway connections which were built during the Ottoman Empire modernized the transport and had a huge impact on the development of the region and made possible that the traveling to and from the capital of the Empire to be shorter than ever.

Schaffgotschowie między Austrią i Prusami w dobie wojen o Śląsk (1740–1763)

280 years ago, in 1742, the First Silesian War came to an end. The treaty of Breslau and Berlin resulted in the division of Silesia between Prussia and Austria, both of which happened to fight for this region twice again in the years to come – during the Second Silesian War of 1744–1745 and the Seven-Year War of 1756–1763. However, these two conflicts only confirmed the original division. Throughout the conflict, both sides fought with changing fortunes. The Silesian aristocrats were compelled to choose sides and bear the consequences of their choices, which ranged from being showered with privileges to being imprisoned, from being exiled to being allowed to carry on with their lives and keep their demesne. One of the most important and influential aristocratic families were the Schaffgotsches. Count Johann Anton and his sons experienced all the above mentioned circumstances. The count first fled before the Prussian army, only to return some time later. His son, Prince-Bishop of Breslau, Philipp Gotthard, was first honoured with the highest Prussian military award, the Order of the Black Eagle, but afterwards – exiled from the Prussian part of Silesia. An Austrian rittmeister, Johann Nepomuk, died as a Prussian chamberlain at the royal court in Berlin. Karl Gotthard, having sworn an oath to Prussia, died in the Habsburg ruled Prague. Emmanuel Gotthard died, as a subject of the Prussian emperor, in the last days of the Seven-Year War. The border established in the peace treaty of 1742 is still in existence and today – with some minor differences within the Teschen Silesia – constitutes the state border between the Republic of Poland and the Czech Republic.

THE REPORTS OF THE DAILY NEWSPAPER “POLITIKA” ABOUT THE SITUATION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA PRECEDING THE ANNEXATION CRISIS OF 1908

In this paper, the writings of the daily newspaper “Politika” regarding the events preceding the Annexation Crisis were analyzed. The political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of the XX century was extremely complex and tense. Combined with the already complicated international circumstances, a favorable environment was created for one of the greatest political crises in Europe at the time. The period between the Young Turk Revolution and the Annexation Crisis was characterized by the attempts of Serbs from Bosnia and Herzegovina to resolve legally the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina without changing the state and legal status of the territory, as well as by the attempts by Austria-Hungary to integrate Bosnia and Herzegovina into its state structure. Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina and thus abused its mandate for occupying Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was provided by the Treaty of Berlin from 1878. The preparations for the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina were covered by the correspondents of “Politika”, who informed the Serbian public about it. The articles published in “Politika” at the time are invaluable for obtaining an accurate picture of the state of affairs at the time, as well as of a reign of terror that the Austro-Hungarian rule imposed in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Rus-Japon Savaşı Esnasında Karadeniz Gönüllü Filosu’nun Türk Boğazlarından Geçişi (1904)

The regime of the Turkish Straits being internationally secured with the London Straits Treaty signed in 1841failed to satisfy Russia that also wanted warships belonging to Black Sea riparian states to have the right of passage through the Straits. Russians tried to change this regime, however, the 1856 Paris and 1878 Berlin Treaties revealed that this status quo was to be preserved. In the meantime, the Russians that planned to take advantage of the changes in the world balance, realized that objectives regarding the Turkish Straits was related to the navel fleets in the Black Sea gaining strength.
 After the Berlin Treaty, Russians appealed for the warships they built in the Baltic Ports or purchased to be able to pass through the Turkish Straits unarmed, carrying civil personnel. Despite Britain’s reaction, the Ottoman State issued permission for a limited number of warships to pass through its Straits on the condition that they abided by the trade regulations. In parallel with this, the Russians formed a “Volunteer Fleet” in the Black Sea with donation campaigns. The Black Sea Volunteer Fleet that consisted of vessels that could also be converted into warships when required, managed to pass through the Straits by concealing its mission until the 1904-1905 Russo-Japanese War. However, when ships that were a part of this fleet passed through the Straits, and inspected merchant vessels in and around the Red Sea during the 1904-1905 Russo-Japanese War, this attracted a strong reaction from Britain. Russians that did not have the power to confront the English were forced to withdraw and were unable to make such an attempt again.
 British Archive documents published under the title British Documents of the Origins of the War (1898-1914) and records of the House of Commons that will constitute the framework of this study that aims to examine international developments that occurred after these light warships, that were a part of the Black Sea Volunteer Fleet, passed through the Turkish Straits during the 1904-1905 Russo-Japanese War.