Beijing Consensus Research Articles

Beijing consensus diplomacy: A promoter or threat to Africa’s pathway to sustainable development

Using a qualitative research methodology and explanatory approach to collect data, we assessed whether the Beijing Consensus diplomacy in Africa is a promoter or threat to Africa’s pathway to sustainable development. The collected data were analysed using document and content analysis techniques. Analysis of the data revealed that the Beijing Consensus diplomacy in Africa is a positive initiative that has created a win-win situation, promoting sustainable development. The Beijing Consensus is opposed to the Washington Consensus, which influenced a win-lose situation that has deepened poverty, making Africa unable to move towards achieving sustainable development. The study found that China’s resource-for-development approach has similarities with pre-colonial Africa’s barter trade approach, which Africans practised in the entire continent. The analysis showed that applying the Beijing Consensus diplomacy to Africa has led to economic growth and development. The results showed that China’s Belt Road Initiative has transformed Africa, changing the continent from poverty to economic productivity, as road infrastructure is associated with economic growth and development. Moreover, it was evident from the analysis that without an African continental foreign policy rooted in continental sovereignty with transparent terms and conditions, Africa’s current benefits from China’s investments would lead to poverty instead of sustainable development. A continental foreign policy would create an African Consensus, which would act on behalf of the entire continent. This African Consensus diplomacy would thus become a continental foreign policy defining Africa globally. However, as it stands, the Beijing Consensus diplomacy is a promoter of sustainable development, but this promotion would not last long without African Consensus diplomacy. The study recommends that Africa should establish a continental foreign policy with African Consensus diplomacy to enable the continent to have one standard foreign policy and goal when trading with China and any other external world.

Сеульський та Європейський консенсуси з питань розвитку: чи можлива спільна платформа по Україні?

In the context of the tasks of the post-war recovery of Ukraine’s economy and social sphere, a comparative analysis has been carried out of the conceptual foundations of international development assistance provided by the G20 countries, in particular the newly industrialized countries, within the framework of the Seoul Consensus on Development, announced at the G-20 Seoul Summit (2010), and the European Union and its member states within the framework of the new European Consensus on Development (2017). It is shown that the former focuses on growth primarily through investment in infrastructure and solving long-term structural problems of development, and the latter on increasing well-being and fighting poverty. The Seoul Consensus, despite the participation of Western donors, including the EU, in its formulation, largely reflects the principles and messages of newly emerging donors representing the leading new industrial states. The Seoul Consensus is currently a unique strategic compromise on international development aid not only between the West represented by its leading world powers and the European Union, on the one hand, and the largest new industrial states of the modern world - on the other, but also between the Beijing Consensus and the Mumbai Consensus - alternative strategies of socio-economic modernization and sustainable economic growth put forward by China and India, respectively, in their active competition for leadership among the countries of the Global South. The change in the geopolitical and geo-economic landscape has forced the EU to review the criteria for the distribution and prioritization of development aid in order to be able to compete and cooperate with new donors such as China, South Korea, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, etc. The new European consensus emphasizes the instrumentalization and securitization of development, with less attention to democracy and human rights. This shift objectively narrows the gap between traditional and new donors of international development assistance. The author substantiates the prospect of further analysis of the convergent potential of the above-mentioned consensuses in the direction of developing based on the unique geopolitical and geo-economic positioning of Ukraine in the modern world, the "Kyiv Consensus on Development" as a joint conceptual, strategic and political platform of the international donor community for the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine.

The Political Economy of China’s Presence in Africa

Abstract This paper seeks to examine the political economy of China in Africa to unpack whether this foreign presence represents a miracle or a mirage for the continent. Data was gleaned from books, articles, official documents and the 2021 Afrobarometer Dispatch 489 survey (AD489). The paper argues that China is a rational actor that engages with Africa to advance its national interests. The Chinese presence in Africa has elicited divergent reactions from Africans of different social groups. The non-interference principle of the Beijing Consensus has led African power elites to embrace China as a reliable partner. Yet, the reactions of local Africans are mixed. While some applaud China’s contributions to infrastructure development, others criticise it for employing debt-trap diplomacy to assert hegemonic dominance on the continent, exploit African labour and extract resources. The criticism from Africans has led China to attempt to formulate corporate social responsibility policies, establish environmentally sustainable industries and ensure favourable working conditions.

The Specter of Materialism: Queer Theory and Marxism in the Age of the Beijing Consensus

The Specter of Materialism: Queer Theory and Marxism in the Age of the Beijing Consensus

Political Evolution of the Washington and Beijing Consensus: Models of Globalization

Political Evolution of the Washington and Beijing Consensus: Models of Globalization

Liu, P. (2023) The Specter of Materialism: Queer Theory and Marxism in the Age of the Beijing Consensus. Duke University Press.

Liu, P. (2023) The Specter of Materialism: Queer Theory and Marxism in the Age of the Beijing Consensus. Duke University Press.

Artificial intelligence and education governance

Artificial intelligence (AI) and big data methodologies have provided a vast possibility of applications in different public policy sectors. AI and big data provide essential innovations in school teaching and learning practices, curriculum, and management in education, transforming the entire formulation and implementation of education policy. The possibilities of AI in education present a high potential for improvement but a series of new risks and threats that question the benefits of adopting AI in education. This article discusses the possibilities and limits of artificial intelligence in education, observing the institutionalization of new governance practices in education that emerge with digital technologies. To discuss these new governance practices, we deal with the Beijing Consensus on artificial intelligence in education and the challenges of building new education governance. In addition, we discuss potential impacts of AI on education, with a special focus on social justice.

Komunis di Dalam Negeri, Kapitalis di Luar Negeri Investasi RRT dan Implikasinya Terhadap Indonesia

Abstract: This article examines the various investments made by Tiongkok in a number of countries, one of which is Indonesia in an effort to expand its economic hegemony in the international world. The Beijing consensus is the foundation of the People's Republic of Tiongkok in strengthening its economic position by providing foreign investment to developing countries, both in Asia and Africa. Although adopting communism as the principle of domestic politics, the pattern of expansion of investment carried out by Tiongkok under Xi Jinping actually leads to capitalism and neoliberalism as stated in the points contained in the Beijing Consensus. Purpose: This article seeks to explore the process of Tiongkok investment abroad. Design/Methodology/Approach: This article uses a literature review as the research method. Findings: This article finds that despite using the ideology of communism for its domestic hegemony, Tiongkok applies a capitalist economic style in its foreign investment and foreign trade. Originality/Value: The novelty of this article is the author's attempt to explain the differences between Tiongkok's trading style and the logic of its domestic power.

Strengthening state capacity in Africa: Lessons from the Washington versus Beijing Consensus

Africa is currently the only continent that is yet to experience sustained industrial growth and structural transformation. The continent's position as the last frontier for industrial growth became clear following the spectacular transformations of the Chinese economy since the late 1970s. While it is often emphasized that Africa must improve its industrial capacities and diversify its economies in order to achieve real growth and development, there is little clarity on the most effective model and strategies for the continent's industrialization. This article conceptually examines the Washington Consensus versus the Beijing development models, and empirically presents their evolution in Africa. Drawing on a modified Fukuyama's state theory which differentiates between the strength of state institutions and the scope of state activities, this article argues that strengthening African states is a prerequisite for the success of any development model. The article provides strategies for strengthening state capacity in African countries from weak to moderately strong states.

Глобальная социально-экономическая парадигма в системе высшего образования и государственного управления

The subjects of the research are the transformation of the global socio-economic paradigm and its impact on the system of higher education and public administration. The purpose of the study is to identify the factors of transformation of the global socio-economic paradigm and to establish its influence on the formation of ideological attitudes of university students and the peculiarities of the state economic policy. The article examines the peculiarities of the process of changing socio-economic paradigms in economic theory and economic policy, explores the concept of socio-economic paradigm and the reasons for its transformation from the point of view of philosophy and methodology of science. The analysis of the causes, factors and driving forces of the transformation of socio-economic paradigms in the nineteenth century is conducted. The features of the transition from the Keynesian to the neoliberal economic paradigm are highlighted. As an alternative to the neoliberal socio-economic paradigm, the principles of the Beijing Consensus are investigated. The degree to which the economic and political conditions that have developed after the global financial and economic crisis open up opportunities for the transition from neoliberalism to a new socio-economic paradigm is assessed. It is concluded that the most important factor in the formation of socio-economic paradigms is economic education. After the global financial and economic crisis of 2008-2009, it became obvious that orthodox economic ideas and policies can no longer adequately solve the main problems facing Western economies. It is concluded that the neoliberal consensus remains dominant, albeit in a modified form, in public discourse and politics in most developed countries. There is no guarantee that there will not be a paradigm shift in economic thought and policy in the coming years.

Chinese Human Rights and the Liberal World Order

Most scholars and researchers interested in China have researched about economic development, foreign policy, competition and cooperation between China and the United States and other major powers, and various scenarios for the transfer of power from the United States to China. An area that has received little attention is the issues related to democracy and human rights in China. The purpose of writing this article is to examine issues related to the place of human rights in domestic law and the country's approach to international legal order based on liberalism. The question of this article is: what components is China's approach to the liberal human rights order in the world based? The hypothesis of this article, which tries to prove it using analytical and explanatory methodology, is that China emphasizes the conditions and characteristics of each country by criticizing the liberal human rights order and the dual policy of the West. China's human rights order stems from the Beijing Consensus on multinational relations, economic relations between actors, and political differences and national and regional cultural diversity. From the perspective of China's executive elite, the common framework of this order is not based on homogenization and globalization that lead to hegemony, but on the simultaneous recognition of commonalities and differences between global actors.

Thinking Gender in the Age of the Beijing Consensus

Feminist Studies 47, no. 2. © 2021 by Feminist Studies, Inc. 341 Petrus Liu Thinking Gender in the Age of the Beijing Consensus Originally formulated to dispute biologically deterministic explanations of women’s subordination, the analytical distinction between sex and gender has developed in unexpected ways in transitions from one language to another. Drawing on a wide range of sources, from John Money’s sexological writings to Simone de Beauvoir’s dictum, “One is not born a woman, but rather becomes one,” Anglophone feminists in the 1970s developed the distinction between sex (understood as anatomy) and gender (understood as social identity) to argue that a woman’s biological sex ought not dictate the kind of work she should do or the kind of life she should live.1 In her landmark 1975 essay, “The Traffic in Women,” Gayle Rubin coined the phrase “sex/gender system” to examine “the set of arrangements by which a society transforms biological sexuality into products of human activity, and in which these transformed sexual needs are satisfied.”2 In more recent years, however, the distinction 1. Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex (Paris: Gallimard, 1949; New York: Knopf, 1993), 281. Citations refer to the Knopf edition. For an account of feminist reformulations of John Money and Robert Stoller, see Jennifer Germon, Gender: A Genealogy of an Idea (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). 2. Gayle S. Rubin, Deviations: A Gayle Rubin Reader (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011), 34. It is worth mentioning that sex in Rubin’s sex/gender system refers to sexual practice rather than the distinction between male and female. This understanding forms the basis of her theoretical disagreements with Judith Butler, who preserves the semantic ambiguity of sex (as 342 Petrus Liu between sex and gender has taken on an entirely different meaning as it comes to inform transgender movements and politics seeking to decouple a person’s sex assignment at birth from their future gender identity. At the same time, theories of intersectionality, women-of-color feminisms , and transnational feminisms have all developed their own theses of gender variability to contest the myth of the universal woman. The life of gender—in academic theory, politics, and social movements— has confounded the original intentions of its American theorists. It is clear that there is no singular or stable account of gender; rather, gender is always in a state of flux, incessantly rethought and reforged by the demands of an increasingly complex and asymmetric world.3 Gender is always a translation—from one discipline, context, or language to another—ineluctably intertwined with the geopolitical problems created by the violences of imperialism, colonialism, and transnational capitalism. The translation of gender into non-European languages, such as Chinese, raises questions about whether spaces previously resistant or exterior to world capitalism are now being assimilated and enfolded into the structure of neoliberal globalization defined by the Washington Consensus. Against this view, some critics maintain that China’s precipitous ascent presents an alternative model of development for the Global South called the Beijing Consensus. Considering how gender has entered different languages, including Chinese, to create new coinages that may at times appear as instruments of an imperial takeover , Judith Butler argues that the translation of gender actually offers a path of linguistic humility for English, a reminder that we cohabit a multilingual world in which no one ever owned the term.4 But how exactly do we describe that complex, multilingual world and how does gender both gender and sexuality) as the point of departure for a different kind of feminist inquiry. See Gayle Rubin with Judith Butler, “Interview: Sexual Traffic ,” differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 6, nos. 2–3 (1994): 67. 3. See Heather Love, ed. “Rethinking Sex.” Special issue, GLQ 17, no. 2 (2011): 1–221. This collection of essays conveys a sense of how Rubin’s methodological distinction between sex and gender has given rise to new ways of thinking across different disciplines about sex radicalism, crip sexuality, Black feminism, and sex trafficking. 4. Judith Butler, “Gender in Translation: Beyond Monolingualism,” philoSOPHIA 9, no. 1 (Winter 2019). Petrus Liu 343 transform it? How is the translation of gender inflected by the material conditions...

The way of Russia from Washington consensus to Beijing consensus: a sound choice

The article uses the methodology of world-systems analysis and the theory of sys-temic cycles of capital accumulation to spotlight the turning point of the modern era in connection with the unfolding change in the dominant world economic order. The intensification of the US hybrid war against China and Russia is seen as an inevitable consequence of the completion of a systemic cycle. A comparative anal-ysis of the outdated "Washington consensus" is carried out, as well as of the "Bei-jing consensus" that is superseding it. The need for the multidimensional integra-tion of Russia into the Asian world economic order is justified as a way to strengthen her national security and to ensure sustainable economic development in the foreseeable future.

Thinking Gender in the Age of the Beijing Consensus

Feminist Studies 47, no. 2. © 2021 by Feminist Studies, Inc. 341 Petrus Liu Thinking Gender in the Age of the Beijing Consensus Originally formulated to dispute biologically deterministic explanations of women’s subordination, the analytical distinction between sex and gender has developed in unexpected ways in transitions from one language to another. Drawing on a wide range of sources, from John Money’s sexological writings to Simone de Beauvoir’s dictum, “One is not born a woman, but rather becomes one,” Anglophone feminists in the 1970s developed the distinction between sex (understood as anatomy) and gender (understood as social identity) to argue that a woman’s biological sex ought not dictate the kind of work she should do or the kind of life she should live.1 In her landmark 1975 essay, “The Traffic in Women,” Gayle Rubin coined the phrase “sex/gender system” to examine “the set of arrangements by which a society transforms biological sexuality into products of human activity, and in which these transformed sexual needs are satisfied.”2 In more recent years, however, the distinction 1. Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex (Paris: Gallimard, 1949; New York: Knopf, 1993), 281. Citations refer to the Knopf edition. For an account of feminist reformulations of John Money and Robert Stoller, see Jennifer Germon, Gender: A Genealogy of an Idea (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). 2. Gayle S. Rubin, Deviations: A Gayle Rubin Reader (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011), 34. It is worth mentioning that sex in Rubin’s sex/gender system refers to sexual practice rather than the distinction between male and female. This understanding forms the basis of her theoretical disagreements with Judith Butler, who preserves the semantic ambiguity of sex (as 342 Petrus Liu between sex and gender has taken on an entirely different meaning as it comes to inform transgender movements and politics seeking to decouple a person’s sex assignment at birth from their future gender identity. At the same time, theories of intersectionality, women-of-color feminisms , and transnational feminisms have all developed their own theses of gender variability to contest the myth of the universal woman. The life of gender—in academic theory, politics, and social movements— has confounded the original intentions of its American theorists. It is clear that there is no singular or stable account of gender; rather, gender is always in a state of flux, incessantly rethought and reforged by the demands of an increasingly complex and asymmetric world.3 Gender is always a translation—from one discipline, context, or language to another—ineluctably intertwined with the geopolitical problems created by the violences of imperialism, colonialism, and transnational capitalism. The translation of gender into non-European languages, such as Chinese, raises questions about whether spaces previously resistant or exterior to world capitalism are now being assimilated and enfolded into the structure of neoliberal globalization defined by the Washington Consensus. Against this view, some critics maintain that China’s precipitous ascent presents an alternative model of development for the Global South called the Beijing Consensus. Considering how gender has entered different languages, including Chinese, to create new coinages that may at times appear as instruments of an imperial takeover , Judith Butler argues that the translation of gender actually offers a path of linguistic humility for English, a reminder that we cohabit a multilingual world in which no one ever owned the term.4 But how exactly do we describe that complex, multilingual world and how does gender both gender and sexuality) as the point of departure for a different kind of feminist inquiry. See Gayle Rubin with Judith Butler, “Interview: Sexual Traffic ,” differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 6, nos. 2–3 (1994): 67. 3. See Heather Love, ed. “Rethinking Sex.” Special issue, GLQ 17, no. 2 (2011): 1–221. This collection of essays conveys a sense of how Rubin’s methodological distinction between sex and gender has given rise to new ways of thinking across different disciplines about sex radicalism, crip sexuality, Black feminism, and sex trafficking. 4. Judith Butler, “Gender in Translation: Beyond Monolingualism,” philoSOPHIA 9, no. 1 (Winter 2019). Petrus Liu 343 transform it? How is the translation of gender inflected by the material conditions...

Global Intimacies: China and/in the Global South

Feminist Studies 47, no. 2. © 2021 by Feminist Studies, Inc. 251 7 preface 8 In recent years, people all over the world have become ever more aware of being drawn into intimate—and unequal—relations with one another, whether through environmental crises, the COVID-19 pandemic, global economic commodity chains, violent conflicts, forced displacements , or political protests and social movements. This special issue features China’s so-called rising presence as one of the key nodes in these global intimacies. The essays by Mei-Hua Chen and Hong-zen Wang, Sealing Cheng, and Wei Wei contribute new approaches to migrant intimacies across borders through their ethnographically rich analyses. Chen and Wang explore cross-border marriages and sex work between Taiwanese men and Mainland Chinese and southeast Asian women; Cheng investigates refugee marriages and the difficulties men from various African nations face in seeking asylum in Hong Kong; and Wei analyzes Mainland Chinese queer reproduction that uses transnational Assisted Reproductive Technologies (ARTs) to enable queer parents to have a genetic link with their children and to be more accepted in Chinese society . In his essay, Petrus Liu pushes us to move beyond the idea that a theory of gender construction traveled to China from the West and was wholly adopted there, instead demonstrating the complexities of gender theories in China in the age of the Beijing Consensus. Christina Yuen Zi Chung and Sasha Su-Ling Welland explore a broad range of artworks that critically reflect on China’s efforts to create a China-centered global Global Intimacies: China and/in the Global South 252Preface trading network. Paul Amar offers a “deimperial queer analysis” of the all-time top-earning Chinese film, Wolf Warrior 2, illuminating how it both buttresses China’s extractive and militarized investments in African nations and manifests anti-imperialist and utopian impulses. Poems by Zhai Yongming and Xu Lizhi feature the gendered and sexualized precarity and violence of recent social transformations in China resulting from China’s intimate linkages with the global capitalist economy. Finally, Cai Yiping’s News and Views offers a nuanced engagement with the Chinese government’s formal proclamations on women’s rights.1 In the first essay, “Flexible Intimacies in the Global Intimate Economy : Evidence from Taiwan’s Cross-Border Marriages,” Mei-Hua Chen and Hong-zen Wang demonstrate the fallacy of treating cross-border marriages and cross-border sex work as separate as well as grouping women dichotomously under one or the other set of practices. These two seemingly disparate categories are, in effect, produced by state immigration regulations and dominant intersectional discourses of gender, sexuality, and class. Rather than distinguishing between marriage migrants and economic migrants, or between real marriages and fake marriages, Chen and Wang demonstrate the overlapping means by which women from the Global South try to better their lives in what they call the global intimate economy—where the Global North appropriates the reproductive and intimate labor of women from the Global South. The authors develop the concept of “flexible intimacy” to highlight how migrant women treat marriage as an investment through which to improve their lives. They argue that many marriage migrants have economic motivations for cross-border marriage and that migrant sex workers, conversely , are often involved in intimate relationships. Chen and Wang focus their study on Taiwan, which they argue is economically part of the North but politically part of the South due to Mainland China’s “One China” policy, which has marginalized Taiwan in the international political arena. To assert its sovereignty, the Taiwanese government 1. These essays grew out of a Ford Foundation-funded series of workshops on China and/in the Global South: The Central Role of Gender and Sexuality, which took place in Beijing and also at the University of California, Santa Cruz. Thanks to the Ford Foundation grants, and especially Susie Jolly, Lisa Rofel and the authors have built a transnational network of scholars and activists addressing China’s transformed presence in the Global South. Preface 253 strictly controls border crossings by migrant women from China and Southeast Asia yet simultaneously allows Taiwanese husbands to appropriate migrant women’s intimate and reproductive labor. Both Taiwanese men and migrant women expect...

The China Model in Zimbabwe: The Belt and Road Initiative and Beyond

This article discusses the China model in the context of Zimbabwe's socioeconomic and political trajectory in the past two decades. It shares perspectives on why and how Sino‐Zimbabwe economic relations have failed to produce the desired outcomes. This has been largely influenced by the policy's role as more a political posturing to suit regime interests in the face of international isolation rather than a strategic deployment of the China model. I conclude by giving perspectives on the implications of China's largely self‐interested model of economic engagement with Africa under the new Belt and Road Initiative on the long‐term economic development in Zimbabwe and Africa at large. In the absence of the necessary factors and guiding philosophy, in particular within the public sector management domain, it is highly improbable that the emergence of China as a development partner under the so‐called “Beijing Consensus” will lead to a replication of its success in Zimbabwe and other African countries of the same disposition.Related Articles (in this Special Issue)Babones, Salvatore. 2020. “China's Development Model: Can it be Replicated in Sub‐Saharan Africa?” Politics & Policy 48 (5).Kinyondo, Abel A. 2020. “Does Tanzania's Development Trajectory Borrow from the China Model?” Politics & Policy 48 (5).Ziso, Edson. 2020. “The Political Economy of the Chinese Model in Ethiopia.” Politics & Policy 48 (5).

Washington Uzlaşısı, Neo-Liberalizm ve Sonrası: Pekin Uzlaşısı Ezber mi Bozuyor?

The Bretton-Woods institutions which were established after the Second World War and the neo-liberal policies adopted in 1980s known as the Washington Consensus were exposed to significant critics after the 2008 global financial crisis. Even though the Washington Consensus and the policies implemented have increased the profitability, they caused serious problems such as crises, disruptions in income distribution and inequalities. This than, led to the persistence of underdevelopment. In contrast to these policies, China and other Asian countries, following an alternative policy mix which is based on intensive intervention of government, have achieved extremely rapid growth rates and industrialization with a more equal income distribution. The validity and impacts of the Chinese model, which later called the Beijing Consensus, for emerging and middle income economies are still debated. The main aim of the study is to compare the Washington Consensus with Beijing Consensus within the context of emerging and middle income economies. The study also discusses the possible returns and future of Beijing Consensus.

Searching for a development paradigm in Ghana: Can the ‘Beijing Consensus’ provide an Anchor?

Abstract. Since independence, Ghana has implemented many development paradigms, from big-push state-led industrialization to neoliberal market-oriented policies. However, the goal of industrialization has eluded the country. In recent years, new home-grown policy initiatives are beginning to replace neoliberal prescribed policies of Western donors and financial institutions. This study explores these new innovations focusing on the One District One factory initiative. We make the case that the policy is an innovative thinking on industrialisation and may reflect a realignment of Ghana’s development paradigm with the Beijing Consensus after many years of being taunted as a success story of IMF-World Bank neoliberal reform programmes. Keywords. Neoliberalism, Development, Beijing consensus, Washington Consensus, industrialisation. JEL. O29, O25, O10, F59.

Xi Jinping's China: On the Road to Neo-totalitarianism

Xi Jinping's China:On the Road to Neo-totalitarianism Jean-Philippe Béja (bio) more than a whole cycle of the chinese zodiac has elapsed since the special issue of Social Research, "China in Transition," was published in 2006. After 12 years, China's transition is not towards democracy but towards a kind of neo-totalitarianism. During this period, Liu Xiaobo, who had written in that issue on the growing influence of civil society, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize and died in prison, while his wife was placed under house arrest for almost a decade. The year 2008 was a watershed, as the financial crisis dealt a serious blow to the Washington Consensus, while the successful organization of the Olympic Games by Beijing impressed the world. The Chinese leadership used this opportunity to become more assertive on the international scene, presenting its regime as a credible alternative to Western democracy and the market economy that had led the world to an unprecedented crisis. Liu Xiaobo's dream of a strong civil society capable of putting an end to the Communist Party's dictatorship has vanished. Donald Trump's election, the success of populist candidates in Central and Eastern Europe, and the advent of a coalition government in Italy that includes the far right have dealt a further blow to liberal democracy: Francis Fukuyama's expectation of "the end of history" has faded. Whereas in the wake of the demise of the Soviet Union, there had been an attempt at reconstructing an international order according to the principles of democracy and multilateralism, since the beginning of the twenty-first century, conflicts have multiplied, [End Page 203] multilateralism has lost its luster, and the rise of nationalism in many parts of the world has challenged the mere idea of an international community. The ascents to power of Vladimir Putin in Russia, Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, and Viktor Orbán in Hungary have signaled the rise of a new era of authoritarianism. Xi Jinping's rule is one of the best examples of this new trend. Since Xi became the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) head in 2012, the international situation has been very favorable for China. Trump's decision to withdraw from the leadership of the Western world in order to "make America great again" has paved the way for Xi's achievement of the "China Dream" (Zhongguo meng)—an appeal to patriotism with the promise that he would restore China's position in the world. Putting an end to Deng Xiaoping's foreign policy, which consisted in China biding its time, Xi has adopted a proactive attitude in order to establish an international order more favorable to his country's interests. While Trump was denouncing globalization and multilateralism, the leader of the world's second largest economy presented himself as the champion of open markets and free trade, attracting the support of Europe and Canada (Xi 2017a). Since his ascent to power, he has developed relations with many African nations, organizing summits with heads of state (the latest in September 2018) and opening a military base in Djibouti. His major foreign policy initiative, the equivalent of his China Dream on the international scene, has been the launch of the Belt and Road initiative, the goal of which is to put China back at the center of the world. It consists of huge (at least nominally) infrastructure projects, especially (high-speed) railways, which are supposed to promote development and trade between Central Asia, Africa, and Europe. "Beijing consensus," "Chinese model," "Chinese solution"—Xi's leadership has gone to great lengths to popularize his mixture of state capitalism and authoritarianism (even neo-totalitarianism) as a solution to the quandary of development. The People's Republic has thus achieved an impressive degree of success, especially in Africa. [End Page 204] Since 2008, not only has China become the second largest economy in the world, but it has also begun to assert itself as a great power (Economy 2018), extending its influence beyond its immediate geographical environment, developing an increasingly strong navy, and playing an important role in the resolution of the conflicts that shake the world. Its positions on the environment, on...

Strategic Trade Policy Cina di Negara-Negara Sub-Sahara Afrika

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><strong>The Strategic Trade Policy of China in Sub-Saharan Africa Countries</strong>.<strong> </strong>In the past decade, Sub-Saharan Africa has been transformed into the 'rising continent'. The growth of the Sub-Saharan economy averages 6%. Some countries in Sub-Saharan are included in the most developed countries in the world. Economic growth, abundant natural resources, and a large population become the potential of Sub-Sahara to become a main trading partner for China as a global economic power. To enhance trade cooperation, China formed a Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). Through this forum, China offers a new development model, namely the Beijing consensus by prioritizing the principle of non-interference. This research aimes to find out the strategic trade policy of China to enhance economic benefits from multilateral cooperation. This research applies descriptive qualitative research method with the strategic trade policy as the research analytical framework. This research finds that China applies some of strategic trade policy in Sub Sahara Africa : sectoral targets, Special Economic Zones (SEZs), liberation of foreign investation, and export subsidies.</p><p class="07KatakunciKeywords">Keywords: FOCAC Strategic Trade Policy (STP), Sub-Sahara Afrika</p><p class="07KatakunciKeywords"> </p>