Baltic States Research Articles

Policy stagnation or reevaluation? Exploring the regulatory dimensions of carbon capture, utilisation and storage in Finland and the Baltic countries

Carbon capture, utilisation and storage (CCUS) technologies are increasingly viewed as essential tools in the global effort to mitigate climate change by rapidly reducing carbon emissions. Within the European Union (EU) regulatory framework, these technologies are positioned as critical components in the transition to an industrial climate-neutral future, as they hold significant potential to reduce carbon emissions and help meet long-term climate goals. Yet, despite this potential, the large-scale deployment of CCUS technologies continues to face challenges. This study explores the specific regulatory and policy challenges hindering the implementation of CCUS in Finland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The policy cycle approach used in the analysis highlights the importance of continuous evaluation and adaptation to ensure policies remain effective and responsive to both technological advancements and societal needs. Through interviews with high-level decision-makers and industry representatives and a comparative analysis of national policies and their alignment with EU-level regulations, the research identifies a significant disconnect between EU ambitions and national execution. Scepticism from decision-makers towards CCUS technologies, coupled with a lack of trust in regulatory bodies from the industry, has further intensified these challenges and made it difficult for CCUS technologies to gain momentum. To address these issues, we recommend clearer, more harmonised regulations and increased collaboration between decision-makers, industries and researchers. The successful implementation of CCUS technologies could significantly contribute to achieving shared climate goals.

The Approach of Finland and Sweden to the Soviet and Nazi Occupations of the Baltic States in 1940–1944.

The rapid change in the status of the Baltic States at the beginning of the 1940s, led to erratic and mixed reactions of the outside world, while the struggle of dependent nations for their statehood established a certain place for the Baltic States in the international community. The study analyses the attitude of two Nordic countries – Sweden and Finland – to the three countries that lost their independence during the period of the first two occupations in 1940–1944. So far, historians have not analysed this topic. Looking back on this relatively recent period of history, which was particularly difficult for the Baltic States, and at the position of the Nordic countries would allow to better assess cooperation opportunities of the countries of the Baltic Sea region arising in the twenty-first century and determine the importance of the Baltic States in cross-border relations in the Baltic Sea region. The aim of the study is to analyse in detail the official position of Finland and Sweden, and the attitudes of their peoples towards the Baltic States during the period of the first two occupations. The key focus of the study is analysis of the problem of recognition of the Soviet occupation and the annexation of the Baltic States by the Nordic countries. An important part of the analysis involves the study of the correspondence of Lithuanian diplomats working in the Nordic countries: this would allow a better understanding of public sentiment in Finland and Sweden regarding the two occupational regimes in the Baltic countries. The first part of the article deals with the official approach of the Finnish and Swedish governments towards Soviet occupation and annexation of the Baltic States. The analysis of the sources, political reasoning, historiography of Lithuania and foreign countries, and the press of the Nordic countries reveals that Sweden recognised the incorporation of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia into the Soviet Union de facto by signing several agreements with Moscow. Meanwhile, Finland, due to unfavourable relations with the Soviet Union, was reluctant to give an assessment of the changed status quo of the Baltic States. The Finnish government maintained a policy of tacit non-recognition of the annexation of the Baltic States. The second part of the study explores the approach of the Nordic countries towards the Nazi occupation of the Baltic States. Finland and Sweden treated the Nazi actions in the east of the Baltic Sea region as a result of the unpredictable progress of WWII. A certain interest in the problems of the occupied Baltic States on the part of Swedish and Finnish society is revealed by publications in the Nordic press. They question the fate of the three Baltic States in a fragmented manner. The last part of the study examines the approach of the Nordic countries towards the three occupied Baltic States on the basis of correspondence of Lithuanian diplomats residing in the Nordic countries. After the Soviet occupation these Lithuanian diplomats stayed in the Nordic countries and assessed public opinions prevailing in Sweden and Finland towards the occupation. The study reveals that in Sweden, in June 1940, the actions of the Soviet Union in Lithuania, unlike those in Latvia and Estonia, were not treated as occupational. The fellow feelings expressed by representatives of the Swedish government to the Baltic States were personal in nature and did not affect the official position of Sweden. Between 1941 and 1944, Finnish society was also friendly to the three Baltic States. This was expressed in negative statements against the occupation of the Baltic States carried out by the Soviet Union. The Finnish and Swedish press paid only fragmentary attention to the issue of enforcement and change of occupational regimes in the east of the Baltic Sea region.

From Belgrade to Madrid Conferences

Between the Belgrade and Madrid conferences, the main political organisations of the movement for the liberation of Lithuania acting in the West – the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania (VLIK), Lithuanian American Council (ALT) and World Lithuanian Community (PLB) – acting both separately and jointly to seek a new quality of liberation activity, kept the case of Lithuanian liberation relevant in the West. The Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania, in the wake of a positive US Congress resolution concerning the Baltic States, changed its leadership and carried on fulfilling its promise to speak on behalf of the Lithuanian nation about its inalienable and unconditional right to restore sovereignty. Thus, with the Madrid conference approaching, the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania deemed it important to use the final Helsinki Act to show the rest of the world that the rights of national self-determination of the Baltic nations were being trampled on, and that human rights were being infringed; they also wished to raise specific requirements with the Soviets: withdrawal of the oppressive administrative apparatus of the Soviet Union from Lithuania, the freeing of political prisoners and exiles, and respect for human rights and freedoms. The main target of the programme for the liberation of Lithuania by the American Lithuanian Council became the implementation of the principles of the final Helsinki Act. With the Madrid conference approaching, the American Lithuanian Council, having conceived those principles as “a new international legislative foundation” was determined to seek full rather than partial restoration of the freedom of Lithuania. Recognising its auxiliary role in the liberation process of Lithuania, the World Lithuanian Community foresaw that the deciding events would take place in Lithuania itself. As confirmation of this, the programme considering the issues of the order of the state of a liberated Lithuania, its borders and relations with its neighbours, was created. With the concept of liberation activities shifting, they focused on political actions, spreading information, and writing studies on events in Lithuania. Due to persistent disagreements between the Lithuanian American Council and the US Lithuanian Community, the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania and the World Lithuanian Community, no general liberating conference to include all relevant parties was organised in the period between the Belgrade and Madrid conferences. But the free Lithuanian community, with assistance from the Lithuanian diplomatic service, agreed on a joint Lithuanian delegation to the conference held in the Spanish capital, Madrid. The unions of emigrant political organisations from the Baltic countries, reinvigorated by US Congress resolution No 200 adopted in 1979, which reiterated that the case for the liberation of their countries remained relevant, adopted a united position and deemed it necessary to continue political lobbyism and to act in a unified manner in both the West and during the conference of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe in Madrid.

Review of the Seasonal Wastewater Challenges in Baltic Coastal Tourist Areas: Insights from the NURSECOAST-II Project

The NURSECOAST-II project addresses the challenge of managing wastewater in near-coastal tourist destinations around the Baltic Sea, particularly from small treatment plants (<2000 PE) that experience fluctuating flows due to seasonal tourism. These fluctuations make it difficult to meet environmental standards, potentially harming both the environment and tourism. The project has created a GIS-based inventory of small wastewater treatment plants within 100 km of the coast. This inventory includes crucial operational data like flow rates, pollutant levels, and treatment technologies. Initial findings reveal significant discrepancies in data management, regulations, and treatment standards across the Baltic Sea region countries, as EU legislation does not uniformly cover plants under 2000 PE. Key findings highlight that small treatment plants are often undocumented, their environmental impact underestimated, and regulations vary widely. Small plants can significantly contribute to nutrient pollution, affecting the Baltic Sea, particularly in local areas. The data gathered will support local authorities in identifying gaps and improving management strategies. This study stresses the need for harmonized data collection and reporting methods across countries and suggests establishing a unified database accessible to both specialists and the public. The status of the collected data depending on the type of data and country was as follows: 38.11% from Denmark, 46.14% from Estonia, 26.36% from Finland, 15.56% from Germany, 23.47% from Latvia, 34.77% from Lithuania, 14.51% from Poland, and 45.40% from Sweden. Ultimately, this project aims to enhance wastewater management, protect the environment, and improve tourist satisfaction in coastal regions.

Reassessing NATO’s deterrence and defence posture in the Baltics: rebalancing strategic priorities to counter Russian hybrid aggression

ABSTRACT Russia's full-scale (re)invasion of Ukraine in late February 2022 has energised longstanding security concerns of the Baltic states. To ensure their security, NATO implemented an enhanced Forward Presence to deter Russian military aggression. This article questions the utility of NATO's conventional deterrent posture rooted in Cold War thinking and argues that its deterrent function is limited, given Russia's different strategic outlook towards the Baltics in contrast to Ukraine. The following analysis explores Russia's strategic interests and why Moscow pursues different goals towards the Baltics in the geo-strategic realm, juxtaposing them with Russia's unflinching approach toward Ukraine. Further, the article argues that Russia relies more on active measures and unconventional tools of statecraft to exert influence on NATO member states such as sabotage, intimidation, cyber-operations, and malign influence. The implication is that Russia's hybrid approach requires a multifaceted strategy that should be updated from NATO's posture in the Baltics.

Species Distribution Modeling of Ixodes ricinus (Linnaeus, 1758) Under Current and Future Climates, with a Special Focus on Latvia and Ukraine

This study assesses the impact of climate change on the distribution of Ixodes ricinus, which transmits Lyme disease, a growing public health concern. Utilizing ensemble models from the R package ‘flexsdm’ and climate data from WorldClim, ENVIREM, and CliMond, we project habitat suitability changes for the focus species. The models, validated against Lyme disease incidence rates, predict a 1.5-fold increase in suitable habitats in Latvia, contrasted with a 4.5-fold decrease in suitable habitats within Ukraine over the coming decades. SHAP values are analyzed to determine the most influential climatic features affecting tick distribution, providing insights for future vector control and disease prevention strategies. The optimal bioclimatic environment for I. ricinus seems to be an intricate balance of moderate temperatures, high humidity, and sufficient rainfall (bio7, 14, 18, 29). Also, radiation during the wettest quarter (bio24) significantly influences tick distribution in northern countries. This implies an increased presence of ticks in Scandinavian countries, Baltic states, etc. These findings largely coincide with our projections regarding bioclimatic suitability for ticks in Latvia and Ukraine. These shifts reflect broader patterns of vector redistribution driven by global warming, highlighting the urgent need to adapt public health planning to the evolving landscape of vector-borne diseases under climate change.

Re-establishment of the Position of the Second Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in the Baltic States in the Mid-fifties of the 20th Century

The re-establishment of the position of the second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in the Baltic States during Nikita Khrushchev’s rule is at the centre of this article. The predecessors of this important position for control of the republics were the representative of the Central Committee of All-Union Communist Party (the Bolsheviks) (AUCP[B] CC) and of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and subsequently the representative of the institution of the (AUCP[B] CC) bureau for the republic. The article examines the reasons and motives behind Moscow’s 1956 decision to re-establish the practice abolished by Lavrentiy Beria in 1953 of appointing functionaries sent by the Kremlin as second secretaries of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Republics. Before re-establishing the position of second secretary, Moscow took several tactical steps. First, in 1955, it specified a problem in the Baltic States, the lack of development in agriculture, and then organised campaigns and checks and also sent ‘assistance’ teams to the Baltic States, as a result of which the elite of the republics were finally forced to ask the centre to “strengthen the leadership” by sending a second secretary and other functionaries. In December 1955, the resolution ‘On measures to raise agriculture of the Lithuanian SSR’ was adopted, and under its guise in 1956 the position of the second secretary was re-established.

VLIK from Madrid to Vienna: the Search for a New Political Direction in the Liberation of Lithuania

The Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania (Vyriausiasis Lietuvos išlaisvinimo komitetas, VLIK), relying on its right to speak on behalf of the subjugated nation and its belief in the meaning of the Helsinki Accords, emphasised the importance of the Madrid conference for the liberation activities of Lithuania. One more aspect of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, specifically the territorial integrity principle applicable to the liberation process of the Baltic States, was raised in the Spanish capital. Starting in 1981, the VLIK sought to draw international attention to the situation of Lithuanian dissidents in the Soviet Union and drafted memoranda on the situation in Lithuania. After it was ascertained that there was no possibility to raise the case of Lithuania’s freedom at the United Nations, focus was shifted to the situation evolving in Europe. A permanent VLIK representative for maintaining contacts with the European Parliament (EP) was therefore appointed. In co-operation with the Lithuanian diplomatic service and political organisations, the VLIK operated consistently and saw the passing of an EP resolution on the situation in the Baltic States in 1983. Observing signs of a new political trend in the liberation process of Lithuania, the VLIK sought to ensure that the ‘passive position of non-recognition of the occupation of Lithuania’ would become ‘an active and effective campaign’. To this end, expanding the geographical scope of its political activities, the VLIK established and strengthened its representative offices in North and South America, Australia, and Europe. The earlier strategy of cooperation between Lithuanians in the free world and those in the occupied country remained. Having established its intention to restore the ‘execution of the sovereign powers of Lithuania’, VLIK urged political figures at the Vienna conference to hold ‘a broader campaign in Europe’.

Empathetic Leadership and Cultural Consciousness in Leading: Lessons from Iceland, Sweden, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Finland

During our cooperation in different international projects with partners from other Scandinavian and Nordic-Baltic countries, I have tested various leading styles with the goal of ensuring the personal balance and work enthusiasm in the group. The paper analyses in practical terms and at the meta-level, the cooperation and leadership model we developed working with university teachers from six different Nordic and Baltic countries (Estonia, Iceland, Sweden, Latvia, Lithuania, and Finland). I review the cooperation format, its pluses and minuses. This is done through the prism of Collectivism and Individualism. Building on the data analysis described above, suggest as a new approach, Emphatic Leadership and Culture- competent Leading. Empathetic Leadership and Culture-competent Leading is the notion I introduce to describe the model where cultural awareness, personality-related aspects, and principles of democracy and inclusion are entailed relating to the empathetic understanding of the co-workers, including their cultural preference styles. This is a qualitative piece of work that builds on experience analysis. The methodology is ethnographic research using description and theoretical analysis. the methods of participant observation and action research. Semi-structured questionnaires were administered to the participants as semi-structured individual and group interviews at the end of the first round of project periods (three different projects completed). The work period analyzed includes our five different group-leading periods (2017–2024), one of which partly coincided with the Pandemic period (2020–2022). The ongoing project period (three projects) was analyzed through interviews.

Energy Citizenship in Energy Transition: The Case of the Baltic States

The governance of energy systems is undergoing a transformative shift, vital to advancing the energy transition. Understanding the dynamics of energy citizenship and the factors that influence citizen engagement in energy matters is critical for driving social and institutional change. This paper informs on the key results of a comprehensive analysis of 54 energy citizenship cases in the Baltic states (Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania). The study explores the role of citizens in the energy transition and characterizes the socio-economic and geopolitical factors shaping energy citizenship activities in the region. The governance of energy systems represents a significant transformational shift that is essential for energy transition. A more comprehensive understanding of the current state of energy citizenship and the factors influencing the energy transition process could inform the social and institutional changes necessary for the involvement of citizens in energy matters. This desk study represents a crucial element of the EU Horizon 2000 EnergyPROSPECTS project, which aims to map the landscape of energy citizenship in Europe. This paper presents an in-depth analysis of 54 cases from the Baltic states. The findings provide insight into the role of citizens in the transition process and the underlying factors and conditions that shape energy citizenship activities within the specific socio-economic and geopolitical context of the region. In general, energy citizenship in the Baltic states can be seen to exist on a spectrum between reformative and transformative practices. Overall, progress is being made toward systemic changes in the energy sector, with a focus on the democratization of processes. Nevertheless, additional measures to enhance and reinforce energy citizenship, coupled with the advancement of enabling conditions, are imperative at all levels of governance and across all energy transition scenarios.

The Labor movement and Revolutionary Social Democracy in the borderlands of late Imperial Russia

A review of a new monograph by Professor Eric Blanc of Rutgers University (USA) is presented. The book is devoted to the history of the labor movement and the development of revolutionary social democracy on the outskirts of the Russian Empire from 1882 (the year of the creation of the first social democratic organization in Poland) to the revolutionary 1917. Blanc focuses specifically on the "non-Russian" socialist parties in the territory of modern Poland, Ukraine, the Baltic States, Georgia and Armenia. The author concludes that the development of the socialist and labor movement in the border areas of late Imperial Russia was characterized by greater radicalism, a more developed structure and popularity among the local working class. At the same time, the situation in Finland with its autonomy and legalized party struggle, which could include socialists, differed from the virtually illegal life of social democracy in Poland and the Caucasus.

Relations Between the Holy See and Lithuania: a 100-Year History

The Article provides the analysis of the relations of the Holy See and the Republic of Lithuania from the beginning of the State’s independence until the current period. At the outset, the authors give an overview of different stages and key legal issues of the development of the said relations. Further, the research deals with typical provisions and specific features of a concordat as an international agreement. The following part of the article is devoted to the analysis of the provisions of current four agreements between the Holy See and Lithuania, adding comparison with the treaties concluded by the Holy See with other two Baltic States, namely Latvia and Estonia. The research focuses on key legal issues of the cooperation between the Holy See and Lithuania with minor aspects of the intersection of the historical, political, international, and religious context. The authors conclude that in the complex international political landscape, the Holy See has remained one of the most credible partners for Lithuania and a moral authority for the nation, dominated by Catholics. The recognition of Lithuania as a State shortly after its Independence Declaration of 1918 as well as non-recognition of its 50-year occupation significantly contributed to the restoration of the State’s independence in 1990. Although the reestablishment of the independent State of Lithuania being based on the continuation of the State’s identity opened door for securing the validity of the Concordat concluded by the Holy See and the Republic of Lithuania in 1927, it was no longer capable of reflecting new realities, and new fundamental changes required the conclusion of new treaties between the parties. In 2000, the Agreement concerning Juridical Aspects of the Relations between the Catholic Church and the State, the Agreement on Cooperation in Education and Culture, and the Agreement concerning the Pastoral Care of Catholics Serving in the Army were concluded between the Holy See and the Republic of Lithuania, while in 2012, the Agreement on the Recognition of Qualifications Concerning Higher Education occurred. These bilateral agreements reflect typical provisions of concordats arising from their unique nature of combining both political (legal) and ecclesiastical matters and securing autonomy of both parties: they regulate the legal status of the Catholic Church and numerous issues, encompassing institutional matters, religious freedom, religious education, family life, cultural heritage, pastoral care, and many others. These provisions are also similar in the agreements concluded by the Holy See and other two Baltic States, all having no state religion. However, the treaties of the Holy See concluded with Lithuania and Latvia have more common and more elaborated provisions than the agreement with Estonia, while some issues are relevant and, therefore, regulated in respect of merely a particular state.

Reshaping the Baltic Identity: Russian Soft Power and the Security Strategies of Latvia and Estonia

Purpose: This research paper delves into the crucial influence of Russian soft power policies on Latvia and Estonia's national identities and security strategies, with a particular focus on their Russian-speaking populations. Methodology: Utilizing a constructivist approach, the study conducts a comparative discourse analysis of security strategies and identity dynamics in the Baltic States before and after the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the onset of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022. Main Findings: The analysis reveals how Latvia and Estonia construct their national identities in opposition to Russia, framing it as a negative Other while viewing the EU as a positive reference point. This dynamic significantly shapes their security policies. Implications: The findings of this research underscore the pivotal role of national identities in shaping security strategies. They also provide valuable insights into the broader implications for European integration in the face of ongoing geopolitical tensions. Novelty: This research offers a unique perspective on the interaction between Russian-speaking minorities and national identity formation in Latvia and Estonia. It contributes to a deeper understanding of security in the context of soft power dynamics, providing a nuanced view that is distinct from existing literature.

Film Policy and Film Distribution: The Case of the Baltic Film Industries

Abstract The aim of the study is to analyse the development of the Baltic film distribution markets and to provide new recommendations for its potential growth based on mission economy approach and bigger role of the states in co-creating and co-shaping the markets especially for the Baltic co-production of films and their distribution. The study used both qualitative and quantitative methods for data extraction and analysis. Firstly, descriptive statistics as a method was used to analyse the market shares of the main film distribution companies in Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian film industries. Furthermore, 5 semi-structured interviews with experts from the Baltic film industries were conducted. As a result of the research, the author concludes that there is a potential in family genre films that are produced in the Baltic States, but in general the Baltic co-production films lack quality, storytelling that would arouse the interest of the audience and potentially new regional film fund “Baltic Film and TV Fund” would have to focus not only on increased financing for co-productions, but also on other measures that would help to produce better quality genre films including co-productions and their distribution.

Role of innovation culture and post-Soviet mindset as factors determining speed of economic development in a small open economy: Case of Latvia

This research seeks to identify the value of a few common factors determining the speed of economic growth in Baltic states and analyzes their impact in detail on Latvia’s lagging. Latvia’s economic starting point after regaining independence because of the collapse of the Soviet Union was at least comparable to its neighbors. Still, after the implementation of liberal reforms towards a free market’ economy and 20 years of operation as an EU full member, Latvia is lagging in growth, prosperity, and innovation. Within the analysis, this scientific paper pays special attention to the three less discussed factors, namely, the impact of post-Soviet mind-set effects as a part of local innovation culture, lasting since regaining independence in 1991; the importance of the availability of talent pull, its density, diversity, and accessibility; and readiness and capability to capture external knowledge and technology adoption. The overall approach is the systemic assessment of the national innovation system and/or innovation ecosystem, trying to understand the differences between these two models. Research is performed by analysis of the performance of the local innovation ecosystem in connection with export- and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) policies. The authors present a novel method for visually representing economic growth and its application in analyzing process development within transitional economic nations. The study uses an analytical and synthetical literature review. It offers a new GDP data visualization method useful for monitoring economic development and forecasting potential economic crises—the outcomes from aggregative literature analysis in a consolidated concept are provided for required talent policy proposals. The post-Soviet mindset is seen as a heritage and devious underdog that has left incredibly diverse consequences on today’s society, power structures, economic growth potential, and the emergence of healthy, well-managed, and sustainable innovation ecosystems. The post-Soviet mindset is a seemingly hidden and, at the same time, an intriguing factor that has a significant impact on the desire to make and implement the right decisions related to innovation, education, and other policies promoting business development. The key outcome of the article is that sociocultural aspects and differences in innovation culture led to a slow-down of Latvia’s economic growth compared to Estonia’s and Lithuania’s slightly more successful economic reforms.

DOMINANTS FOR THE NATIONAL ECONOMIES’ COMPETITIVENESS

This article is devoted to innovation as a prerequisite for the national economies' sustainable development and a domain for their global competitiveness. The paper aims to highlight the internal essence of mutual relations between innovation, competition, and economic growth. It was assumed that innovation positively affected the competitive behaviour of economic agents and eventually contributed to an increase in public welfare. Regarding the period from 2007 to 2022, we considered the sample of Central European countries and the Baltic states. Theoretical generalization has been applied to systematize the factors determining competition and innovation. We used statistical methods and comparative analysis to investigate the indicators' dynamics. The interdependencies between macroeconomic dynamics and a set of competition and innovation indicators have been assessed. It was proved that the proportion of medium and high-tech industry value added in the total value added of manufacturing was quite important, yet not the ultimate criterion for ensuring high growth rates and sustainable development. The dynamics of commercial spending on research and development had been ambiguous and unsustainable. To ensure strategic competitiveness, national governments should encourage innovation in their respective business communities. The sampled economies have been examined considering a set of innovation and competition indicators (e.g., gross capital formation, research and development expenditures, logistics performance, export technological structure, carbon dioxide emission, and renewable energy consumption). Considering the implications of globalization, tax burden as an integral characteristic of the national economy's competitiveness has been evaluated as well. It was pointed out that: a) a stable, understandable and transparent tax policy should be implemented to protect the investors' property rights; b) a system of total anti-corruption measures aimed at preventing the practices of receiving undue benefits should be set; and c) the business sector should improve own environmental and social responsibility complexly, introduce resource-saving, green and circular economy.

Environmental sustainability of food production and consumption in the Nordic and Baltic region - a scoping review for Nordic Nutrition Recommendations 2023.

This scoping review examines environmental impacts related to food production and consumption in Nordic and Baltic countries. The overarching advice to all Nordic and Baltic countries, in line with the current body of scientific literature, is to shift to a more plant-based dietary pattern and avoid food waste. Taking into account current consumption patterns, there is a high potential and necessity to shift food consumption across the countries to minimise its environmental impact. More specifically, a substantial reduction in meat and dairy consumption and increased consumption of legumes/pulses, whole grains, vegetables, fruits, nuts, and seeds are suggested as a priority intervention. Reducing the environmental impacts of seafoods is also key and suggestions include a shift to seafoods with lower environmental impacts such as seaweed and bivalves. As part of the suggested transition to a more plant-based diet, the scope for increasing the provision of plant-based foods through increasing the cultivation of legumes/pulses, vegetables, and grains and through feed-to-food shifts within the region should be explored.

Shifting Paradigms: Semiotic Reading of the Built Environment Transformations in Lithuania 1986–2004

Summary The research delves into the complex and multi-layered transition of Lithuania from a Soviet to a post-Soviet society, focusing on the architectural landscape as a reflection of ideological shifts. It explores the period from Gorbachev’s initiation of perestroika in 1986 to the Baltic States’ entry into the EU and NATO in 2004, a time marked by significant transformations within the architectural, social, and political realms. First, using Greimasian Square, the study categorises and analyses the reactions toward Soviet Modernist architecture, observing the gradual shift from a representation of state ideology to a canvas reflecting a myriad of individual and collective experiences, also assuming the artistic value of the architects’ output. Second, utilising frameworks from Western architectural criticism figures such as Peter Blake, Robert Venturi and the Situationists, the study contextualises and collates with architectural trends in public interiors or private constructions in Lithuania. Additionally, presumptions are correlated with a crisis in the architectural profession, characterised by a rise in private constructions without architects. Through semiotic view architectural discourse becomes a vital element in understanding the broader cultural and political shifts in post-Soviet Lithuania.

Alcohol policy and alcohol-attributed disease burden in Finland and the Baltic countries 1995-2019

Abstract Introduction Alcohol remains a significant contributor to mortality and morbidity in Finland and the Baltic countries, particularly among men. This study aimed to assess alcohol policy restrictiveness in this region from 1995 to 2019 using a modified version of the Bridging the Gap (BtG-M) policy scale and examine its association with alcohol-related disease burden. Methods The study utilised national statutory laws to score policy restrictiveness (higher BtG-M scores mean stricter policies) and age-standardised rates of disability-adjusted life years (DALYs), years of life lost (YLLs), years lived with disability (YLDs) and deaths per 100,000 from the 2019 Global Burden of Disease Study (GBD). Spearman correlation tests and panel data regression models were applied to assess the association between policy scores and burden of disease. Results Finland maintained a high BtG-M score, while the Baltic countries experienced recent increases from initially lower scores. Alcohol-related disease burden showed an inverse association with policy changes in these countries. Strongest association was seen between the BtG-M score and DALY rates attributed to injuries. Premature mortality among men constituted the largest proportion of disease burden. Discussion and Conclusions Despite challenges in accessing and comparing policy data over time, we showed a strong association between alcohol policy and alcohol-related harm in Finland and the Baltic countries. This study is one of the first to use the BtG-M scale to monitor changes in alcohol policies over time and their relationship to alcohol-related harm using GBD methodology. The study highlights the effects of national alcohol policies on levels of alcohol-related harm. Key messages • This study stands out due to its longitudinal study design, which quantitatively compares the level of alcohol policy restrictiveness in Finland and the Baltic countries from 1995 to 2019. • Our study suggests that shifts towards more restrictive alcohol policies are linked to reduction in alcohol-related harm in Finland and the Baltic countries.

Educational inequalities in cervical cancer mortality in the Baltic Sea region in 2008–2015

Abstract Background Reducing inequalities in cervical cancer mortality is a public health priority. This study aims to assess the absolute and relative educational inequalities in cervical cancer mortality in the Baltic countries and Finland in 2008-2015. Methods Data for Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were obtained from longitudinal mortality follow-up studies of population censuses in 2000/2001 and 2011, and data for Finland from the longitudinal register-based population data file of Statistics Finland. Cervical cancer deaths (ICD-10 code C53) were linked from national mortality registries. Educational level was census- or registry-based. Absolute and relative educational inequalities in cervical cancer mortality were assessed in 2008-2015 for women aged 30-49 and 50-64, using age-standardized mortality rates (ASMRs) per 100 000 person-years and mortality rate ratios (RRs) with 95% confidence interval (CI). Results This study included 1724 cervical cancer deaths and about 22 million person-years. Absolute and relative educational inequalities in cervical cancer mortality were considerably larger in the Baltic countries compared to Finland. Among 30-49-year-olds, ASMRs for high educated ranged from 0.6 (95% CI: 0.4-1.0) in Finland to 3.6 (95% CI: 2.5-5.0) in Lithuania, and for low educated from 2.2 (95% CI: 1.2-3.7) in Finland to 24.6 (95% CI: 18.2-32.4) in Lithuania. RRs for low educated compared to high educated ranged from 3.51 (95% CI: 1.57-7.68) in Finland to 9.11 (95% CI: 4.28-19.32) in Estonia. Among 50-64-year-olds, ASMRs for high educated ranged from 1.3 (95% CI: 0.8-2.0) in Finland to 9.8 (95% CI: 7.2-13.1) in Estonia and for low educated from 2.9 (95% CI: 1.9-4.1) in Finland to 43.9 (95% CI: 34.4-55.1) in Lithuania. RRs for low educated compared to high educated ranged from 2.18 (95% CI: 1.20-4.05) in Finland to 6.32 (95% CI: 4.30-9.36) in Lithuania. Conclusions Equitable prevention is a key to reducing cervical cancer mortality in the Baltic countries. Key messages • Lower-educated women largely drive high cervical cancer mortality in the Baltic countries. • Equity-focused prevention is crucial for reducing cervical cancer mortality in the Baltic countries.