Poland has made great strides since its transition to a market economy began in 1990 with Balcerowicz Plan, which sought to achieve a free market economy by fostering private enterprise and by privatizing state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Poland's GDP growth averaged 6.0 percent between 1994 and 1998, while unemployment declined from 16.4 percent to 9.8 percent (Euromoney 1998). Foreign direct investment in Poland between 1989 and 1997, which totaled $25.6 billion, was substantially higher than in other Eastern European countries. [1] For 1999, Poland is expected to meet its target of 9.6 percent inflation [and] is forecasted to achieve 5 percent growth in domestic product ... (Business Eastern Europe 1998). These results have been recognized: Poland was invited to join OECD in 1996, NATO in 1997, and is targeting EU entry for 2003. Much of this progress can be attributed to private sector growth and a surge in number of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). In 1997, Poland's private sector accounted for more than 70 percent of GDP, up from 17.4 percent in 1990. Over same period, number of individual entrepreneurs more than doubled from 800,000 to approximately 2.1 million ([GUS.sup.2] 1998). Polish women started many of these new businesses, but they did so with little formal support and in face of significant obstacles. Having suffered disproportionately under socialism, they continued to face both subtle and overt discrimination during early 1990s in their quest to be part of Poland's emerging market economy An established support organization for women entrepreneurs would greatly facilitate this process, but various entities in existence at end of 1998 were insufficient and ineffectual. After establishing need for such an organization, this article presents a framework for Polish Association of Women Entrepreneurs (PAWE). We use our findings to make recommendations applicable to other transitioning economies. Economic Transition and its Impact on Polish Women Poland's impressive macroeconomic performance has not benefitted everyone equally. To understand plight of women in Poland today, it is important to understand paradox of socialism's impact on women. Under General Equality Principle of 1952 Constitution, Polish women were legally granted rights equal to those of men in their political, social, and economic lives. At same time, gender-specific legislation enacted in 1960s and 70s precluded women from certain careers and ensured that they were primary homemakers and responsible for raising children. Examples of such laws include exclusion from many highly paid occupations, work restrictions on pregnant women, and maternity leave and unpaid child care leave that were only available to women (Simpson 1998). [3] These mandates may have strengthened Polish families, but they simultaneously sacrificed goal of equality for women. Finally, lack of a developed service sector and traditional division of tasks between genders ens ured that even women with full-time jobs were responsible for majority of housework. Sroda (1992) estimates that Eastern European women performed 60 percent more housework than their Western counterparts. The result was that by 1989, women held the lowest paying, and often most monotonous and unsafe jobs concentrated in textile, food, and pottery industries, clothing trade, and education and health services. Thus, average woman earned only 65 percent of average man's wages (Bishop 1990, p. 16). The gap between theory and reality of socialism for women resulted in even more inequity when political and economic landscape shifted at end of 1989. While arguably necessary, shock therapy in Poland was initially devastating to economy GDP growth in 1990 and 1991 were negative 11.6 percent and negative 7.0 percent respectively, with annual inflation rates of 251 percent and 585 percent (EBRD/IMF 2000). …