Authoritarian Values Research Articles

Political Culture and Cyclical Conflict in Ethiopia: Exploring the Generative Dynamics of Political Crisis in the 2020s

Ethiopia is frequently facing serious political–communal conflict. Prevailing narratives attempting to identify causes often focus on presumed ‘ethnic’ groups and inequalities – a perspective crystallized especially in the past ca. 30 years. While Ethiopia as a socio-political domain existed for ages before the Emperor Menilik period (1889–1913) of incorporation of adjacent territories, the question emerges whether the ‘roots’ of recent armed conflicts are as much contemporary-political as historical, and related to an established political culture, based on resilient authoritarian values among both elites and the wider population. Ethiopia’s current unresolved conflict dynamics need a renewed analysis of not only history and ‘political economy’ but also of recent constitutional features and group politics, which strongly impacted on its political culture. On the basis of document study and interviews, I examine crucial features of such recent processes so as to re-evaluate the specific articulations of ethno-regionally based governance in Ethiopia in recent years to find causal elements fuelling the repetitive cycles of conflict.

Using survey experiments for construct validation: “strong leader” questions and support for authoritarian leadership

ABSTRACT Survey experiments are an increasingly popular tool for causal inference in political science. We argue that an under-utilized application for survey experiments is nomological/construct validation, where researchers evaluate whether indicators really measure systematized concepts. We demonstrate this approach by examining respondents’ preferences for autocratic leadership by asking whether those that say they want strong leaders who bend the rules or ignore parliament and elections really want undemocratic leadership in the context of an experimental task. While approaches that measure construct validity with observational data support the validity of these measures, our experimental data tell a different story. We find that respondents – even those who indicate a preference for “strong” leaders in survey questions – are less likely to choose hypothetical candidates who ignore democratic institutions and refuse to compromise with other parties. Our study contributes to the literatures on survey measurement and support for democracy and authoritarian values in established democracies.

Perspective(s) of R. Inglehart’s Theory of Evolutionary Modernization: Analysis of Change in Religiosity in Ukraine during the War

The study analyzes two waves of panel data collected before and during Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine. The first wave of the survey was conducted in February 2022 using the European Social Survey questionnaire F2F, and the second wave was conducted using a shortened 47-question questionnaire by telephone in the autumn of the same year. The main focus of the article is on Ronald Inglehart’s theory of evolutionary modernization, which links the changing importance of religion in society to changes in the level of security of the environment. This theory is applied to the study of changes in religiosity in Ukraine during the war. The data analysis showed that the experience of war contributed to a significant increase in self-assessment of religiosity among the panelists (N = 595). The data analysis did not confirm the existence of a linear relationship between the increase in religiosity and the degree of proximity of the respondents’ region of residence (ordinal variable) to the combat zone. When analysing the relationship between place of residence and changes in religiosity by macro-region, no significant differences were found among the panelists from the Eastern macro-region. At the same time, the study found a statistically significant relationship between the growth of religiosity and indicators of in-group solidarity. It was found that the change in the importance of the democratic system is positively correlated with the change in religiosity and is not related to the change in authoritarian values.

Confucian Culture and Democratic Values: An Empirical Comparative Study in East Asia

AbstractMany studies have been conducted on the link between Confucianism and democratic values in East Asia, but they have failed to account for the complex character of Confucianism and the possible impact of political systems. This study re-measures Confucian values into four dimensions—authoritarianism, familialism, collectivism, and harmoniousness—based on data from the fourth wave of the Asian Barometer survey. It then uses a multi-layer linear regression model to examine the relationship between the Confucian cultural values and the democratic values held by people in six East Asian societies at both the macro and micro levels. The findings demonstrate an asymmetrical pattern in the relationship between the various dimensions of Confucian cultural values and the democratic values of East Asia, collectivist values do not affect democratic values, while familial and authoritarian values have a significant and negative correlation with democratic values. Harmonious values have a significant and positive correlation with democratic values. In addition, there is a significant positive correlation between democratic institutions and the democratic values, and the relationship between the values of harmoniousness and collectivism and democratic values varies across countries with different political systems. This offers insightful material for reflection as we reconsider the connection between Confucianism and democracy in East Asia.

Substantiating EU citizenship: an unintended route to anti-establishment support

ABSTRACT This study explores the relationship between European Union citizenship and support for anti-establishment parties across the EU’s older and newer, post-communist democracies. By conceptually linking EU support to substantive EU citizenship, this study identifies the contingent nature of EU citizenship’s effect on support for anti-establishment parties. We conduct a multilevel regression analysis across 22 EU member-states, using data generated by a Eurobarometer survey conducted in 2018. This survey counts on support for EU coordinated foreign policy, in addition to conventional EU support measures, enabling an analysis at different levels of EU politics. Findings show that citizens’ support at these different levels depresses their support for anti-establishment parties across old democracies, yet increases it across new democracies. Hence, the effect of EU citizenship emerges as being contingent on whether citizens are in an old or a new, post-communist democracy of the EU, and on where the borders of the EU are drawn. This contingency has potential to be an instrument of deepening the emerging transnational cleavage between liberal, cosmopolitan and traditional, authoritarian values for old democracies and of manipulation by inward looking parochial, populist politics for new democracies. This will affect the nature of European politics and the future of integration.

Australia and the Ukraine crisis: deterring authoritarian expansionism

This paper seeks to explain Australia’s reaction to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and how it has affected Australia’s strategic decisions in responding to Chinese aggression in the Indo-Pacific. Canberra’s responses are consistent with the ‘dependent ally’ and the ‘middle power’ traditions in Australian foreign policy. The paper argues that these responses are framed by assessments that a competition and struggle between a democratic and authoritarian bloc is occurring; authoritarian values and approaches are key causes of instability and disruption to the post-World War II liberal rules-based order; and should Moscow achieve its objectives in Ukraine and beyond, there is an increased possibility that Beijing will be tempted to use similar coercive measures against Taiwan and other nations. Canberra is consequently putting even more emphasis on the US-Australia alliance, and groupings such as AUKUS and the Quad as central to collective democratic action to constrain and deter contrary authoritarian behaviours in the Indo- Pacific.

Expressions of Interest in Politics in Authoritarian China

Abstract: Even though the public's interest in politics is an indispensable element of civic culture and is also important for the practice of democratic citizenship, it has different and local meanings in an authoritarian regime. This article analyses the dynamics of the public's interest in politics since the Communist Party of China took power and investigates the characteristics of people who express an overt interest in politics in China. The results present a sophisticated and nuanced picture of the interactions between the Chinese government and its people in contemporary China. On the one hand, as modernisation theory has predicted, people with higher levels of education and higher socio-economic status have greater levels of interest in politics. On the other hand, the expression of interest in politics in China is observed among people who adhere to authoritarian values and those who trust the national government. Conversely, citizens who are dissatisfied with the level of democracy in the current regime report low levels of interest in politics. The findings have important implications for China's future political development.

Weight stigma, welfare stigma, and political values: Evidence from a representative British survey

Obesity-related stigma is increasingly recognised as a public health issue, with serious implications for mental and physical health. However, very little is known about what drives inter-individual differences in obesity-stigmatizing views, and how they are distributed in the population. If views about obesity are not independent of a person's wider beliefs and values, this must be understood so that obesity stigma can be effectively tackled.In a representative sample of British adults aged 18–97 (N = 2186), we explore predictors of weight-stigmatizing attitudes. We consider demographics, socioeconomic position, factors related to one's own weight and health, and beliefs about the causes and consequences of obesity. We explore the role of core political values which predict views about other stigmatized groups, and views about welfare recipients, who are frequently linked with obesity in public and political discourse. Finally, we assess to what extent demographic differences in weight-stigmatizing attitudes are explained by individual body mass index (BMI), attitudes, and beliefs.Consistent with previous studies, women were less weight-stigmatizing than men. People in late middle-age were less weight-stigmatizing than younger or older adults. Adjusted for age and gender, an index of weight-stigmatizing views was positively associated with income, and highest in intermediate categories of education and occupational social class. Weight-stigmatizing attitudes were associated with more right-wing values, more authoritarian values, and more stigmatizing views about welfare recipients. Factors including own BMI, beliefs about causes of obesity, welfare-stigmatizing attitudes and authoritarian values contributed to socioeconomic differences.Weight-stigmatizing attitudes show clear differences between demographic groups, but also vary according to wider social attitudes, beliefs, and a person's core political values. Efforts to reduce weight stigma, and other kinds of stigma, may be more effective if they recognise these links.

When Right is Left: Values and Voting Behavior in Tunisia

According to theories on ideological differences, individuals who endorse the values of freedom, justice, and equality are expected to be left-wing oriented, whereas individuals who endorse authoritarian values are expected to be right-wing oriented. I hypothesize that such associations do not hold in the Arab world, where in the context of past state formation trajectories, leftists and secularists endorsed an authoritarian-nationalist discourse to build post-colonial states, while Islamists endorsed a freedom-and-justice discourse as a reaction to state oppression. Using original representative face-to-face survey data collected right after the 2019 Tunisian elections, I test this hypothesis by examining which values determine citizens’ voting behavior in both parliamentary and presidential elections. Results show that people who endorse liberty-and-justice values are more likely to vote for Islamist right-wing parties, whereas those who endorse authoritarian-nationalist values are more likely to vote for leftist parties. These results have important implications for the study of voting behavior in the Arab world and in comparative politics.

Authoritarianism in the discourse of online forums: A study of its articulations in the Swedish context

Abstract The overall aim of this study is to explore the authoritarian dimension in the far-right discourse of online forums. The study argues for a focus on the articulations of authoritarianism to understand the dynamics of far-right discourse. Four central features of authoritarianism are identified and explored: 1) the authoritarian values underlying articulated opinions on diverse issues; 2) the emotional dimension of authoritarianism; 3) the coexistence of civil and uncivil articulations of authoritarianism; and 4) the role of mainstream news as reference for and trigger of authoritarian responses. The qualitative study is based on data from two Swedish forums, Flashback and Familjeliv [Family life], and consists of 79 threads related to three issues on the agenda: disorder in school, gang crime, and transgender. The results show expressions of authoritarian–liberal value conflicts, and, most significantly, the vigour of an authoritarian culture on the forums, with implications for the normalisation of far-right discourse.

Trump tropical, ou um conto muito brasileiro? O ressentimento da classe social como fator moderador entre o sentimento anti-PT e o voto em Jair Bolsonaro em 2018

Prior analyses of authoritarian populism have linked it to hypotheses referring to cultural backlash and negative partisanship, suggesting that conservative values and hatred of opposing parties fuel the desire for strong leadership. This article adds to the previous literature by testing the influence of social class resentment on Bolsonaro coming to power in Brazil. Based on the AmericasBarometer 2018/19 survey, the analysis highlights the central role of the rejection of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party) in explaining the propensity to vote for the far-right candidate, and to a lesser extent, the influence of authoritarian values in this case study. Our findings lend some support to the hypothesis of social class resentment as well. Social class resentment was found to significantly moderate the relationship between anti-PT sentiment and voting behavior, which sheds light on Bolsonaro’s ability to capture resentful voters who were disposed to subordinate social redistribution to the defense of previously acquired privileges.

COVID-19, Family Dynamics, and Perceived Mental Health Among Families in Singapore

The COVID-19 pandemic presents a significant challenge to the well-being of families with children. Although previous studies have documented COVID-related deterioration in parents' mental health, the underlying mechanisms remain unclear. It is also unclear how much of the deterioration is due to the pandemic itself, versus mandated lockdown measures. We conducted a cross-sectional study in Singapore to examine perceived changes in parents' lives and mental health related to the pandemic and lockdown measures. In June 2020, when Singapore had just exited a nationwide lockdown, we asked families to retrospectively report on the family dynamics, daily activities, and mental health of family members during the phases before local transmission (Pre-pandemic), during local transmission but before the lockdown (Pre-lockdown), and during the lockdown (Lockdown). Results from 180 mothers and 166 fathers from 198 families showed significant changes in jobs and income, childcare arrangements, family dynamics, and parents' perceived mental health across the three timepoints. Mothers' increased time spent on housework was associated with the increase in their mental health problems from Pre-lockdown to Lockdown. Parents' increased conflict with other adults in the household was associated with the increase in their mental health problems from Pre-pandemic to Pre-lockdown, and from Pre-lockdown to Lockdown. Mental health problems increased more for young mothers, parents with a graduate or professional degree, and fathers high on authoritarian values. Findings suggest that both the pandemic and the imposed lockdown measures impact parents' lives and family dynamics, in turn leading to deterioration in parents' mental health.

An Actualization of Pesantren Values in the Practice of Fatherly Leadership at Raudhatul Athfal

The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze the actualization of the values ​​of pesantren in the practice of fatherly leadership at RA Al Ma'arif NU Plompong. This research is a natural qualitative research. Data were collected by interview, observation, and documentation. Then the data were analyzed using the Miles and Huberman model data analysis technique which consisted of data reduction, data display and verification. The results showed that the head of RA Al Ma'arif NU Plompong actualized four pesantren values ​​that had relevance to the nature of fatherly leadership, namely authoritarian, charismatic, and participatory-collaborative values. Authoritarian values ​​are actualized by making PAUD policies and PAUD service programs. Charismatic value is shown by being a good role model. Then he showed the value of participatory-collaborative by intensely assisting and assisting teachers in their work. The actualization of pesantren values ​​in the practice of fatherly leadership has implications for the creation of a family atmosphere between leaders and teachers which makes teachers have a strong commitment to advancing the institution.

Training cooperative citizens: masculinity and democratic citizenship in the Swedish Boy Scout Movement after 1945

ABSTRACT This article discusses the reconfiguration of citizenship education in the Swedish Boy Scout movement, one of the country’s largest civil society organizations, after 1945. Citizenship education was a core feature of scouting since its establishment during the first decades of the twentieth century, with patriotism and practical helpfulness as core tenets. Additionally, an emphasis on hiking and camping sought to train Scouts to become self-reliant and self-regulatory members of society. After 1945, several former Scout virtues, such as honour, self-sacrifice and bravery, became increasingly associated with authoritarian values and were thus challenged by democratic, individualist ideals. By the 1950s, differences between Boy Scouting and Girl Scouting became less apparent, and explicitly masculine ideals were rejected by leading figures of the Boy Scout movement. The reconfiguration of citizenship education contributed to gender integration and co-educational reform that reshaped the Scout movement in Sweden during the 1950s and 1960s.

Structures of Loyalty: A Comparative Study of Jewish and Palestinian Evangelicals' Acquiescence to Fundamentalist and Authoritarian Values

This is a qualitative comparative study of two evangelical movements in Israel and in the West Bank: the Israeli Messianic (IM) movement and the Palestinian Evangelical (PE) movement. Through interviews on how informants understand the Middle Eastern conflict, our aim is (1) to compare the prevalence of fundamentalist/authoritarian (F/A) values in the IM and PE movements and (2) to understand how a particular socio-political context —Israel and the West Bank—might affect the acquiescence to a F/A mindset amongst the two movements. To accomplish this, we created a F/A construct that measures five values: literalism, social withdrawal, authoritarian aggression, authoritarian submission, and conventionalism. We found that the IM scores higher on all five F/A values. To explain the difference, we point out the importance of structures of loyalty: the difference in how IMs and PEs connect to key societal groups affects the way they acquiesce to fundamentalist and authoritarian values.

Economic inequality, distributive unfairness, and regime support in East Asia

ABSTRACT The relationship between economic inequality and political support is not well established in previous empirical studies in part because people commonly misperceive the level of economic inequality. Moreover, people perceiving high economic inequality may not oppose the incumbent government or political regime because they consider the inequality fair. To better capture the political outcomes of economic inequality, we investigate the effects of perceived distributive unfairness on regime support. Using data collected from the fourth wave of Asian Barometer Survey (2014–2016), we find that perceived unfairness decreases support for the current political regime. We further examine three mechanisms through which distributive unfairness dampens regime support: changes of political value orientation, redistribution demand, and social trust. We find that political value orientation plays a greater mediating role than redistribution demand and social trust, meaning that distributive unfairness depresses regime support largely through its erosive impact on citizens’ affective identification with authoritarian values that underpin regime support in East Asian societies. Moreover, we find that distributive unfairness is more detrimental to regime support in autocracies and lower-income groups. Our study corroborates the importance of distributive fairness for regime legitimacy and highlights the vulnerability of autocracies to distributive unfairness.

Conceptualizing Political Illiberalism: A Long Overdue Index of Illiberal Political Values

Abstract There is an urgent need to study illiberal political values. However, current efforts have focused on democratic values, democratic support, populist attitudes, and authoritarian values. Consequently, they have missed something older and more fundamental, namely, political illiberalism. Hence, I pave the way for future inquiries by proposing and validating a composite measure built upon a reverse engineering of political illiberalism from existing works on illiberal democracy, political intolerance, and the normative philosophy of political liberalism. Through quantitative psycho-political analysis (i.e., factor analysis, internal reliability tests, and basic descriptive statistics), I posit and dissect an index responding to the limits of existing ones. Overall, I define illiberal political values as a value system constituted by intolerant and leader-centric values tied with anti-institutionalist tendencies.

Experience of economic hardship and right-wing political orientation hinder climate concern among European young people

ABSTRACT While there is extensive literature about public concern about climate change, most studies rely on cross-sectional static data. Based on a unique panel survey conducted in nine European countries in 2018 and 2019, we make a rare investigation of factors that explain why some young people (age: 18–34 years) are, have become or have lost their concern about climate and environmental issues at times of widespread discussions about the climate emergency. The analysis tests argument about the importance of individual-level factors such as values and political orientations and consider the role of cross-national variations, the experience of extreme weather events and youth-led climate strikes. Our results support prior studies as we find that young people with libertarian rather than authoritarian values, with more positive views towards immigration and redistribution policies, tend to be more concerned about climate change and the environment. We find little effect of contextual factors. Young people who have experienced economic hardship and have a right-wing political orientation are less likely to become concerned for climate and environmental issues. Socio-economic conditions, values and political orientations are crucial to understanding climate concern among young Europeans, affecting youth climate engagement at times of increasing inequalities and polarization.

The authoritarian incubator: Examining the effect of conversion to Christianity on right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation

Although religiosity correlates positively with authoritarianism, the temporal ordering of this relationship is unclear. Because religious teachings often promote authoritarian values, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) should increase following religious conversion. Yet spiritual beliefs may also promote egalitarianism. As such, social dominance orientation (SDO) might decrease postconversion. We tested these hypotheses using data from a subset of participants who converted to Christianity at some point during a 9-year longitudinal panel study ( N = 536). We also examined a separate subsample who deconverted over the same period ( N = 696). As hypothesised, RWA was stable before conversion, but increased slightly after becoming religious. Unexpectedly, SDO was stable both pre- and postconversion. Conversely, those who deconverted from Christianity experienced declines in RWA both before and after losing their religion, whereas SDO declined only postdeconversion. These results suggest that religious conversion precedes increases in RWA (but not SDO), and that declines in RWA precede deconversion.

Authoritarian Personality vs Institutional Performance – Understanding Military Rule in Africa

ABSTRACT Sub-Saharan Africa is the region where democracy has encountered the most difficulties in establishing itself, where the most military coups have occurred and, in addition, where public demonstrations of support on the streets are common after a coup d’état. In fact, the last 15 years has seen growing popular support for military rule. This study aims to analyse the underlying reasons for the public approval of military rule in Africa. Two main explanatory theories are contrasted: the institutional performance approach versus the cultural approach. The research takes the form of a quantitative analysis, making extensive use of survey data to analyse the factors that explain the support for military rule in eleven African countries. The results indicate that in Sub-Saharan Africa institutional performance and authoritarian personality and values, are the main factors driving societal support for military rule.