Authoritarian Research Articles

Stigmatization by an Authoritarian Government: Russian NGOs Under the 2012 Foreign Agents Law

Most organizational stigma research focuses on preexisting stigma, leaving largely unexplored the question of how the stigmatization process unfolds. The few studies on the stigmatization of organizations have not explored the dynamics between the stigmatizer and the stigmatized or the role of the government. I address these voids by explicating the process of top-down stigmatization of Russian NGOs after the passage of the 2012 foreign agents law. Through an inductive approach relying on archival data, online sources, and interviews, I uncover an authoritarian government’s deliberate stigmatization of select NGOs by assigning to them the resurrected historical label of “foreign agent.” I present a three-phase process model of stigmatization: stigmatizing label emergence, stigma enforcement and contestation, and stigma propagation. I also detail the iterative manner through which the government used burdening, isolating, and intimidating enforcement tactics and how the stigmatized organizations devised coping strategies: persist, adjust, dispute, and evade. The outcomes of the process were the broadening of the scope of targets and criteria for stigmatization and the NGOs’ destabilized existence. I highlight the critical roles of power imbalance, limited action by international authorities, and lagged media attention. I conclude by discussing how these findings may generalize beyond authoritarian regimes.

The Soviet Government’s Attitude Toward Waqf Properties

This article discusses the traditional Waqf system in Central Asia, the Soviet government’s attitude towards Waqf properties, the contradictions between the authoritarian regime, local population, and religious scholars, as well as the consequences of these conflicts. Additionally, it analyzes the Soviet government’s land and water policies and the laws and decrees it issued in this regard.

Understanding an Authoritarian Regime: The Varying Relations Between Religion and the State in East German Socialism, 1945–1989

The relations between religion and the state in the socialist-governed states of Eastern Europe in 1945–1989 are generally framed using the term “persecution of religion”. On the other hand, significant differences existed in the region, from limited freedom of religion in Yugoslavia to a prohibition of religious practice in Albania. From the side of religion, these relations were significantly formed by the attitudes and activities of religious leaders. Which options were adopted by key religious actors in a political environment hostile to religion? What is to be learned about religion in authoritarian systems? This qualitative study draws on the case of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), governed in 1949–1989 by the Socialist Unity Party of Germany. We studied professional biographies of prominent religious dignitaries and a comprehensive volume of files from the Ministry for State Security of the GDR in order to conceptualize their attitudes and activities according to a two-dimensional classification (towards the state and towards society), which enabled an overview of the range of their options, and identified the types of religious dignitaries in authoritarian systems. This analysis revealed that a variety of attitudes and activities of religious leaders existed in the GDR.

“Not Illegal, but not either legal”: The Grey Zone of Reproductive Rights in South Korea

In 2019, April 11th, South Korean Constitutional Court ruled that the ban on abortion was unconstitutional and that legislative norms needed to be amended to permit practices connected to the interruption of pregnancy. The decision decriminalized abortion since 2021, January 1st. Nevertheless, no act has been adopted to regulate women’s reproductive rights. The essay proposes to reconstruct women’s positions, and the legislation on reproductive rights during the South Korean authoritarian regime and with the return of democracy, focusing on the impact of actual constitutional justice.

Static and Kinetic Utopianism in Octavia Butler’s Parable of the Sower

Dystopian worlds are filled with inequalities, oppression and authoritarian regimes. They are cautionary tales that warn about potential dangers. And yet, it is also possible to find positive attitudes and insubordinate characters who fight back through the utopian wish, such as the case of Lauren Olamina. This utopianism yearns for better worlds, free of injustices. This paper focuses on Octavia Butler’sParable of the Sower (1993) and the confrontation of two utopianisms, static and kinetic, through religion. Kinetic utopianism, represented by Lauren and Earthseed, advocates for change and adaptability. In contrast, static utopianism, represented by Lauren’s father and the Baptist religion, focuses on traditional values, and shows reticence towards change. This novel does not intend to condemn any belief system, but to explore the impact that these two utopianisms have on a particular society. The article concludes that the kinetic utopianism of Lauren and Earthseed makes possible the change that she wants in the world through adaptability and progress. On the other hand, the refusal of change and adaptation that characterises static utopianism ultimately leads to its owndisappearance.

AТЕНТАТ НА МИЛАНА СТОЈАДИНОВИЋА 1936. ГОДИНЕ: СЛОМ И ВАСКРС ЈУГОСЛОВЕНСКЕ НАЦИОНАЛНЕ СТРАНКЕ

This article aims to shed light on the political background and consequences of the attempted assassination of the President of the Yugoslav Government, Milan Stojadinović, by MP Damjan Arnautović. Special attention will be devoted to the influence that this event had on the further fate and development of the Yugoslav National Party. Arnautović’s act represented the culmination of several months of conflicts and behind-the-scenes battles tha accompanied the liquidation of the monarchical dictatorship regime and the strengthening of the new ruling group gathered around the Yugoslav Radical Union. The paper shows both sides of this political reckoning and gives enough space to future researchers, who may shed a different light on the event of 6 March 1936.

Participation Disenchants: How Online Political Participation Decreases Online Political Efficacy in China

ABSTRACTExisting literature largely agrees that authoritarian regimes establish channels for political participation to gather valuable information on citizens' anti‐regime sentiments and policy preferences and to supervise lower‐level bureaucrats and firms. However, we lack knowledge of how citizens—key actors behind this informational function—actually experience these channels. I investigate citizens' experiences in the context of online political participation in China, drawing on survey data and online fieldwork. I find evidence suggesting that initial online political participation significantly decreases feelings of online political efficacy through a “disenchantment” process in which participating citizens gather sobering first‐hand experience and subsequently lower their assessment of the regime's responsiveness. On this basis, I develop a theory of an “information‐propaganda trade‐off” that authoritarian regimes face: to obtain more information, authoritarian regimes can encourage more citizens to participate. Once citizens participate, however, they grow disillusioned, and the regime's propaganda becomes less convincing.

“I met my best friends yesterday”: Groups as a democratic practice in Brazilian schools

In this paper, we analyse experiences of democratic practices in two research interventions within school contexts in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Both projects took place in public (Government-owned and managed) schools and were inspired by participatory and critical approaches, particularly Paulo Freire’s popular education and bell hooks’ feminist pedagogies. We analyse two case studies in which group interventions raise issues about democracy within schools and broader society, stressing the differences between the two contexts. The first case study discusses an educational programme for teachers and school staff on gender and sexual diversity, funded by a pro-diversity centre-left Federal government from 2007 to 2014. We analyse the group as a space to build multiple perspectives and democratic practices on gender and sexuality. Second, we analyse material from a project that conducted workshops with pupils (7 to 11 years old) to discuss interpersonal relations and the bonds they had with their schools during lockdowns (2021). Researchers developed participatory methods for remote learning and conducted online fieldwork with students—who had their parents’ and carers’ silent presence at home—analysing the construction of bonds with school, classmates and their autonomy. This project was conducted during a much more hostile moment than the previous one, during the COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns and in an ultraconservative political context in Brazil. While even during a social-democratic administration, we found limits in discussing gender and sexuality in schools (case study 1), the later authoritarian government and context severely worsened the situation (case study 2). Nevertheless, we were able to use critical approaches to promote and discuss democratic practices, especially considering gender, sexuality, race, and class inequalities. Through our practices as school psychologists and researchers, we make collective stands against authoritarianism.

Cities against authoritarianism? Polish and Hungarian capitals facing centralistic pressure

ABSTRACT The paper provides a new taxonomy of local government reactions to the recentralization policies of authoritarian central governments. By studying the capitals of two Central European countries recently undergoing an illiberal turn – Budapest and Warsaw – we have extended the list of reaction types previously identified in the literature. Moreover, the comparative nature of the research has highlighted the internal diversity of reaction types and allowed us to hypothesize on the sources of the differences between Hungary and Poland. These differences are rooted in the initial level of decentralization, municipal networking and the political and legal framework.

Party system fragmentation and fractionalization in Turkey under the AKP's competitive authoritarian rule

ABSTRACT How does the political party system fragment and fractionalize during the episodes of democratic backsliding and autocratization? Current scholarship demonstrates that parties have become more pronounced due to the competitive nature of elections and the low-level institutionalization of authoritarian regimes, without explicitly laying out the causal mechanisms. Through an analysis of Turkey since the mid-2010s and by using both the institutional and sociological schools, this article examines how the number of parties in competitive authoritarian regimes significantly increases. The alteration of electoral laws and growing authoritarianism inadvertently benefit opposition parties, as democratic decline fosters new political cleavages, resulting in splits in established parties. Additionally, with the incumbent’s media power and its influence over state institutions, new parties are encouraged to split from major opposition parties by bolstering intra-party splits.

Academic freedom and dissent in higher education: the case of Hungary

ABSTRACT The article provides insights into the limitation of academic freedom, the nature of higher education reform in Hungary and the corresponding dissent. The article is influenced by critical university studies and seeks to expose and critique forms of institutional oppression shaped by hegemonic ideologies. It is a paradigm that has a predilection for activism and solutions grounded in social change and transformative movements. It describes how the Hungarian government has managed to restrict academic freedom, mainly through legislation, financial pressure and state-sponsored media attacks. Hungary after 2010 provides an important case study for what can happen to academic freedom under an authoritarian regime and the nature and scope of dissent. It is important to explore forms of dissent, because in doing so, we create reference points for the future, and it could strengthen the capacity of democratic resilience in a society. Dissent can be a catalyst for change and be viewed as a positive societal dynamic. Dissenters, including those in academia, can become the architects of the future they desire and move from the margins to the centre of decision-making and knowledge production.

(In)visibilized? Roma in social, family and workfare policy discourses in the authoritarian neoliberal context of Hungary

PurposeThis article explores how a disadvantaged ethnic minority is portrayed in government discourses related to social, family and workfare policies in an illiberal and authoritarian neoliberal system, using the case of Hungary and Hungarian Roma. In our paper, relying on the theory of post-raciality and, within this, the concepts of (in)visibilization, we aim to reveal to what extent Roma are perceived as the undeserving racialized poor.Design/methodology/approachWe deployed the policy frame analysis method to categorize policy discourse content into different frames: diagnostic (identification of the problem), prognostic (solutions to problems) and motivational (incentives for action to mobilize people). Three data sources were used: pro-government media articles, state-of-the-nation address speeches and the party manifesto of the governing party. The timeframe of the analysis was between 2010 and 2023. The dataset consisted of 75 documents.FindingsOnly in a few cases did we find racializing language, typically at the beginning of the analyzed period, which gradually disappeared from the discourse, followed by a more paternalistic tone. We conclude that the notions of merit and self-responsibilization have been successfully used to hide (invisibilize) the structural causes of ethnic inequalities and shift the responsibility to individual efforts. The most vulnerable Roma, who are excluded from the labor market, are perceived as not accepting the neoliberal and paternalistic “social contract.” At the same time, they are made invisible by being omitted from the official narrative.Originality/valueA wide range of literature tackles questions like how neoliberal authoritarianism is related to workfare policies and ethnic minorities. Much less is said about how vulnerable ethnic minority groups are perceived in authoritarian neoliberal regimes. This paper contributes to a better understanding of how such regimes perceive minorities: the use of the categories of racialized or non-racialized, and deserving or undeserving minorities.

The Double-Edged Sword: Political Engagement on Social Media and Its Impact on Democracy Support in Authoritarian Regimes

Utilizing data from the Arab Barometer surveys, this study distinguishes between social media and the internet’s general use and their usage for political purposes, examining whether political engagement—obtaining political information and expressing political opinions—on these platforms bolsters or undermines democracy in authoritarian contexts. Initially, political engagement on social media and the internet was positively linked with support for democracy. However, this has recently turned negative, probably reflecting the rise of digital authoritarianism (authoritarian regimes’ use of digital technology to surveil, repress, and manipulate both domestic and foreign populations). This paper argues that there are two potential mechanisms for this: self-censorship and social learning. Self-censorship suggests that individuals critical of the regime may refrain from expressing their political views on social media. Social learning involves acquiring information and forming beliefs through observation and interaction on these platforms. Both phenomena are influenced by digital authoritarianism in two primary ways: First, surveillance and repression by authoritarian regimes suppress political discussion, fostering conformity. Second, tactics like misinformation campaigns, use of chatbots, and artificial intelligence allow authoritarians to flood social media with propaganda, facilitating social learning of authoritarian values. This dynamic is particularly pronounced among those who already trust and support their government.

Double Standards and Dissonance: Women’s Rights and Freedom of Religion in the Global North

In this article, I explore the complex intersection between women's rights and religious freedom in liberal democracies, particularly focusing on the Global North. I demonstrate how both religious freedom and women’s rights have been instrumentalized by Western powers, often as tools of foreign policy. I highlight the dissonance between Western nations’ rhetoric, which promotes these rights globally, and their domestic practices, which sometimes impose restrictions, especially on Muslim women. Through case studies, including countries in the Middle East, France, and the United States, the article underscores the hypocrisy of Western democracies that criticize religious restrictions in authoritarian regimes while enforcing their own limitations on women’s religious expression. In the conclusion, I emphasize the importance of consistent application of human rights to avoid reinforcing cynicism and authoritarian practices.

Power, Institutionalisation, and Religion: Gender-Washing as a Tool of Autocratic Control

This article reflects on Rola El-Husseini's critique of the Western double standards concerning women’s rights and religious freedom in her work "Double Standards and Dissonance: Women’s Rights and Freedom of Religion in the Global North." It expands on the concept of "gender-washing," illustrating how both left- and right-wing authoritarian regimes exploit gender equality rhetoric for political gains without genuine efforts toward equality. Through examples from Czechoslovakia and contemporary India, the article explores how different ideologies—from Marxism-Leninism to religious nationalism—use women’s rights as a façade while maintaining autocratic control. It also engages with postcolonial feminist critiques of Western universalism.

From neoliberalism to authoritarianism in the perspective of socio-psychologial characterology

Today’s trend toward authoritarianism is not a rejection of neoliberalism, but rather a continuation of it through other means. This thesis can be supported by looking at the debate about changes in social character in social psychological characterology. Under neoliberalism, the authoritarian character (Fromm 1932) as a threat to democracy gave way to the marketing character (Fromm 1976). In the crisis of neoliberalism today, we are not observing a return to the authoritarian character, but rather the fusion of authoritarian and neoliberal character traits to form an affirmative character (Jäger 2020). The appearance of right-wing populist parties such as the AfD, which is both neoliberal and authoritarian, fits in with this.

From neoliberalism to authoritarianism in the perspective of socio-psychologial characterology

Today’s trend toward authoritarianism is not a rejection of neoliberalism, but rather a continuation of it through other means. This thesis can be supported by looking at the debate about changes in social character in social psychological characterology. Under neoliberalism, the authoritarian character (Fromm 1932) as a threat to democracy gave way to the marketing character (Fromm 1976). In the crisis of neoliberalism today, we are not observing a return to the authoritarian character, but rather the fusion of authoritarian and neoliberal character traits to form an affirmative character (Jäger 2020). The appearance of right-wing populist parties such as the AfD, which is both neoliberal and authoritarian, fits in with this.

Proliferation of religious associations and local incumbency advantage: evidence from municipal elections in Turkey

ABSTRACT For two decades, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey sustained its electoral performance at the local level. We offer and test a new mechanism that contributed to the party's success in municipal elections. We argue that patronage links with religious civil society served as an important instrument of building and sustaining local incumbency advantage. Employing a close-election regression discontinuity design, we address two questions: To what extent did religious associations proliferate in AKP-controlled municipalities? Was this civil society penetration instrumental for the party’s electoral success? Employing a close-election regression discontinuity design (RDD), we show that in districts with a small-margin AKP victory in the 2014 elections, the number of religious associations in 2016 were significantly higher than in districts where AKP lost narrowly. We also find that the AKP incumbency in 2014 in closely contested districts increased the party’s vote share in the next local elections. Our results empirically demonstrate a new channel of local incumbency advantage. Moreover, we highlight the role of civil society as an agent of clientelistic exchange in competitive authoritarian regimes.

ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN DEMOCRACY AND SAFETY (RESULTS INDICATED BY VARIANCE ANALYSIS)

This study aims to acknowledge whether there is a relationship between democracy and safety parameters through democratic country categories. For this purpose, this study compares the averages of the four subgroups. These four subgroups are full democracy, flawed democracy, hybrid regime, and authoritarian regime subgroups. The study's conceptual framework comprises democracy, safety, and democratic peace theory. In the study, one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) is performed for independent groups to compare multiple group averages. ANOVA results indicate whether there is a statistically significant difference between groups as a whole. The study proposes that people living in democratic countries live in a much safer environment. Data indicate that crime is universal and point out the positive effects of high-income level, prosperity, education and low population density on crime. However, it should be kept in mind that the evaluations in this paper are valid for crimes included in the safety index including theft, violence, bribery, and so on. The results, based on data between 2018 and 2022, reveal that the expanded propositions of democratic peace theory can only be valid for full democracy.

Participatory Censorship in Authoritarian Regimes

Contrary to the conventional top-down view of government censorship, this study argues that ordinary citizens in authoritarian regimes frequently participate in censorship by reporting online content. I hypothesize that such participation in censorship partially explains the high level of public support for censorship found in existing surveys. Using an original survey in China, I demonstrate that participation in censorship is indeed prevalent, with over half of the respondents self-report having previously flagged online content, and that such participation is positively correlated with support for the censorship apparatus. To causally test the hypothesis, I conduct a pre-registered experiment using custom-engineered, simulated social media pages to manipulate reporting behavior. The results show that respondents encouraged to report simulated posts display significantly higher support for the censorship apparatus. This study highlights the role of ordinary citizens in facilitating authoritarian control and explains why repressive apparatus like censorship can be popular with the population.