Authoritarian Culture Research Articles

“Novo” constitucionalismo, velhos problemas: democracia e autoritarismo na América Latina

The present work aims at analyzing two problems, which have been verified for a long time in Latin America, and the proposal for their overcoming from a specific epistemology: the lack of consolidation of democracy and authoritarianism, seen from the so-called “new” Latin constitutionalism. American From the research problem (“has the 'new' Latin American constitutionalism been able to solve the historical problems related to democracy and authoritarianism in Latin America?”), the objective is to verify how the region and its institutions have sought to maintain democratic values. Indeed, Latin America has in its history long periods of dictatorships, false democracies, oligarchic and autocratic governments, interspersed with brief periods of democracy. As theoretical references, the works of Roberto Gargarella (La sala de máquinas de La Constitución: dos siglos del constitucionalismo en América Latina (1810-2010)) and Waldo Ansaldi and Verónica Giordano (América Latina: la construcción del orden) are adopted. As a method of approach, the methodology of historical sociology is chosen, which acquires relevance to think about the processes of Latin American democracy and authoritarianism in a long-term logic, capable of demonstrating whether the political problems of the region constitute, or not, historical regularity. It is concluded that Latin American constitutionalism has not been able to overcome the historical culture of authoritarianism in the region. The absence of deeper ruptures with established power structures and the lack of true democratization of political and social processes have resulted in a fragile democracy subject to constant crises.

Contextual attributes associated with public participation in environmental impact assessments in Thailand: Perspectives obtained from authorities and academics

Context can enhance or hinder public participation (PP) in environmental impact assessments (EIAs). This study aimed to investigate and discuss how PP-related contextual attributes influence the quality of PP in Thai EIA processes. The study adopted the qualitative approach and interviewed 20 key informants with insightful PP-associated experience in Thai EIAs. The results showed that four major groups of contextual attributes are believed to influence PP in Thai EIAs: the legal and political frameworks, the capacities of key actors, environmental awareness and the right to participate in decision-making processes, and cultural context. The greatest strength of PP in Thai EIAs is that PP is mandated by law, followed by increased environmental awareness and the right to participate in the decision-making process. Different key actors such as project owners, consultants, non-governmental organizations, and reviewing agencies encounter difficulties in discharging their prescribed functions, which affects the quality of PP. The authoritarian culture of Thai society also prevents PP in EIAs. The study offers certain recommendations, including public communication about how civic inputs can influence decision-making processes, the employment of social sector specialists to facilitate PP in EIA, and the application of appropriate participation techniques associated with the prevailing culture.

Authoritarianism in the discourse of online forums: A study of its articulations in the Swedish context

Abstract The overall aim of this study is to explore the authoritarian dimension in the far-right discourse of online forums. The study argues for a focus on the articulations of authoritarianism to understand the dynamics of far-right discourse. Four central features of authoritarianism are identified and explored: 1) the authoritarian values underlying articulated opinions on diverse issues; 2) the emotional dimension of authoritarianism; 3) the coexistence of civil and uncivil articulations of authoritarianism; and 4) the role of mainstream news as reference for and trigger of authoritarian responses. The qualitative study is based on data from two Swedish forums, Flashback and Familjeliv [Family life], and consists of 79 threads related to three issues on the agenda: disorder in school, gang crime, and transgender. The results show expressions of authoritarian–liberal value conflicts, and, most significantly, the vigour of an authoritarian culture on the forums, with implications for the normalisation of far-right discourse.

Arab Youth Involvement in Delinquent Behaviors: Exploring Hirschi’s Social Bond Theory from a Qualitative Perspective

The current study is based on Travis Hirschi’s social bond theory, arguing that the debut of delinquent behavior is a result of the weakening of the ties that bind people to society. According to Hirschi’s social bond theory, all youth have the potential to commit delinquent behaviors, but they are kept under control by their relationships with friends, parents, neighbors, teachers, and employers. These factors could serve as protective factors from involvement in crimes. Most studies of social bond theory have been conducted in Western countries among male adolescents using quantitative methods, including cross-cultural approaches. However, the ability of social bond theory to explain youth involvement in delinquency in non-Western cultures, especially conservative and authoritarian cultures such as the Arab one, has not been widely examined. This study aims to fill this gap by exploring youth involvement in delinquency using qualitative research on Palestinian-Arab youth in Israel. Addressing youth delinquency within the unique sociocultural, economic, and political situation of the Arab minority in Israel will help us examine the theory’s applicability to the explanation of deviant behavior in a variety of contexts.

DEMANDS STATED BY ARTISTIC GYMNASTICS COACHES AT THE BEGINNING OF THEIR CAREERS

High quality performance of sports coaches involves the use of professional, interpersonal and intrapersonal skills (Côté & Gilbert, 2009). The complexity of the work of sports coaches, especially in Artistic Gymnastics (AG), due to the profound technical and physical demands right from the basic categories, can be magnified for coaches with little experience entering the field. Thus, this study aimed to identify the perceptions of coaches at the beginning of their careers regarding the types of skills required for their professional routine. We interviewed five coaches affiliated with the Santa Catarina Gymnastics Federation (Brazil) with less than 10-year experience in AG. During the interviews, indicators, such as professional routine and knowledge required in this context, were addressed. We used Braun and Clarke's (2019) reflexive thematic analysis to analyze the data. The results show that the complexity of coaches' work requires an expanded repertoire of knowledge. In general, coaches realize that relevant professional and interpersonal skills to teach gymnastics are the most required types of knowledge in daily practice. Intrapersonal skills, on the other hand, seem to be less needed, which may contribute to the preservation of an authoritarian culture in sports training. The requirements discussed in this study lead to implications for and reflections on AG coaches’ training programs, especially in the structure of the body of knowledge that provides a good basis for dealing with their daily challenges.

Do governance capacity and legitimacy affect citizens' satisfaction with COVID-19 management? Some evidence from South Asia

PurposeTheoretically, both democ/ratic legitimacy and government capacity are necessary for successful crisis management, like the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors argue that there are important variations for pandemic management in the developed and democratic world. However, are these equally needed in the developing world where democracy and capacity are present in varying degrees and in some countries with a vast deficit? This article analyzes how legitimacy and capacity affect citizens' satisfaction with the pandemic management in South Asia.Design/methodology/approachThe study is based on a survey of 3,423 randomly selected respondents from Facebook users in South Asia. The survey data are presented and discussed along with information derived from secondary sources to put the data in the broader context of the South Asian countries. The authors apply ordinary linear regression for statistical analysis.FindingsThe findings suggest that citizens are content with the performance of government institutions in COVID-19 management. They emphasize material well-being, such as relief provisions and financial incentives during the crisis period. They are, however, less concerned about the legitimacy dimension, although democracy in South Asia is flawed with excessive restrictions on public freedom during the pandemic. The contradictory findings may be due to the public orientation towards authoritarian culture and their preference for strongman rule in crisis management.Practical implicationsThe governments in South Asia may systematically use army and police forces to manage crises as people are more satisfied with their performance during COVID-19 management.Originality/valueThis is the first time data across South Asia have been collected and analyzed about crisis management.

Who is Afraid of Mourning?

Mourning and solidarity are intense inner feelings as well as an outward ‘show’ of emotions. Both have to be demonstrated. In the moment of loss, mourning seeks alliances and opens up a new possibility for bonding. Mourning carries the intensity of feeling and moving gestures that create a rare trust among the participants. In the case of violent and unnatural and unjust deaths, mourning turns into a protest. Beyond the social and ritual significance of mourning, it opens up an ethical encounter in which mourning becomes too ‘political’. It is not surprising that the act of mourning is getting curtailed under the rising culture of authoritarianism across the world. In Performing Mourning, Guy Cools discusses the prevention of mourning in Western society. He writes, ‘Our Western Society has suppressed external rituals. It has interiorized mourning, which carries serious risks of psychological, physical and energetic blockage in the body.’ (2021: 51). While Western individualist societies and bourgeois societies at large try to prioritize and privatize grieving, it is mourning that brings us to share the embodied loss in movement and gestures. Though grief and mourning cannot be separated, the global capitalist society tries to individualize the loss and escape the collective responsibility. Thinking through the cultural performance of mourning and its curtailment by the Indian authorities, this article analyses the power of mourning from which radical solidarity can be forged. But what is the nature of this solidarity? How exactly is solidarity conceived and practised in the situation of mourning? How do the mourning practices in non-Western societies help us to learn something about solidarity? While I recognize the gendered role of women in mourning, I argue that it can also serve egalitarian purposes. In the case of genocide and other forms of structured violence and increasing biopolitical regimentations of life, mourning facilitates marginalized and minority bodies and voices to come together and participate in sharing their grievances.

AGENT-BASED MODEL AND MANAGEMENT ACCOUNTING: CULTURE-CONTINGENT MANAGERIAL BEHAVIOR IN LIGHT OF BUDGETARY CONSTRAINTS

Objective: The paper aims at creating a model to simulate managerial behavior within a budgetary process affording analysis of evolving overall performance and specific behavioral attributes, at both firm- and manager-level.Method: This study focuses on computer science, decision systems and management, by exploring agent-based modeling (ABM) in management accounting, with Python and Mesa. The model adopts a Consumer Service Provider firm and its quarterly sales budgeting process for a network of 400 branches over a 5-year term, contingent to firm culture (authoritarian or participative).Results and discussions: Data analytics yielded results based on intense model simulation, with more than 19 million data points. Findings show culture-contingent firm performance and managerial behavior evolution linked to the budgetary process. Authoritarian firms generated fair more sales with similar managerial human capital and market, under increasing strong demand; authoritarian firms paid more bonuses as part pf their reward system. In general, an authoritarian culture may benefit in a strong demand scenario thad participative firms, potentially due to budgetary slack form negotiation. On the other hand, authoritarian forms showed lower levels of happiness and engagement among their managers. Contributions: Contributions are threefold, pointing to (a) management accounting practice and research, (b) science and research strategy, and (c) accounting education.

Features of the political regime of Russia

The authoritarian political Regime of Russia determines aggressive behavior of this country in the foreign and domestic politics. Because of this the studding of this regime is actual both in theoretical and practical points of views. The main features of this regime in Russian reality stems from its hybrid nature and they are: authoritarian autocratic characteristics; but it is not the traditional authoritarianism the theory and practice of which we know from history. First of all, its specificity follows from the propaganda load of the regime and due to the control over the state media, the government achieves an information dictatorship; which is enough to form public opinion and reduce the need for repression: The second feature is the coexistence of democratic elements (limited pluralism, multi-party system, opposition television) with the totalitarian ones (coalescence of ruling party and the state, secret police, servile political culture). The third feature is the autocratic nature, the Putin-tailored constitution, the legislative acts which in Putin’s view are necessary. To study the Russian regime we use the theory .of cyclic development, according to which authoritarian cycles of political modernization are associated with geopolitical successes, and short term liberalization efforts, which always ended in failures, are associated with unsuccessful domestic and foreign policy. In all these cases initiatives always comes from the political elites and people plays a role of their supporters. Because of this researchers believe that civic society could not acquire subjectivity. In our view, political culture has a decisive influence on the political regime in Russia. The characteristics of Russian political culture are: faith of a powerful state and leader; Great Russian messianic chauvinism, which is the idea of Russian identity and part of the mentality of the people, as well as the ideas of social equality of sovereign democracy, subjective orientations and imperial thinking, which playa dominant role in the public consciousness. Therefore, those researchers and statesman who believe that chauvinism comes only from Putin are wrong. The main reason must be the imperial consciousness of the people. The article confirms the hypothesis that the natural development of Russia is authoritarian. It will take decades (in case of the desire of the authorities) to eradicate from the minds of citizens the elements of authoritarian culture, which for centuries have been fixed in their minds and passed from generation to generation.

Exploring the critical nexus between authoritarian leadership, project team member's silence and multi-dimensional success in a state-owned mega construction project

State-owned mega construction projects are greatly driven by the top-down authoritarian leadership that ironically restricts two-way communication and free flow of ideas. Prominent studies have highlighted various critical success factors of project success; however, the effects of authoritarian leadership and project team member's silence have been completely overlooked, especially in mega construction projects. The present study makes a pioneering effort to address this critical research gap and investigate the effects of authoritarian leadership and project team member's silence on the multi-dimensional success (including project management success, project ownership success and project investment success) in a mega construction project. Drawing on data from 357 project professionals directly associated with the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and covariance based structural equation modeling (CB-SEM) with Mplus, the findings provide new empirical evidence that authoritarian leadership has a significant negative influence on the multi-dimensional success in the CPEC mega construction project. The findings also establish that project team member's silence negatively mediates the relationship between authoritarian leadership and the multi-dimensional mega construction project success. The study implications offer new strategic insights for managing mega construction projects, especially in transition economies that still have deep roots of authoritarian cultures.

A Typology of Political Trustors in Contemporary China: The Relevance of Authoritarian Culture and Perceived Institutional Performance

A Typology of Political Trustors in Contemporary China: The Relevance of Authoritarian Culture and Perceived Institutional Performance

Soviet Politics and Journalism under Mikhail Gorbachev’s Perestroika and Glasnost: Why Hopes Failed

The terms perestroika (literally, "transformation") and glasnost (literally, "transparency ") refer to the social change that took place in the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. Then USSR leader, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Mikhail Gorbachev, introduced perestroika as a necessary action to improve the nation’s economy and its international relations. Glasnost was meant to promote effective discussions regarding the country’s existing problems and shortcomings. However, only a few years following their instatement, both processes did not improve the sociopolitical situation. On the contrary, they led to the country’s collapse. This article seeks to answer why gracious intentions, meant to actualize the hopes and dreams of the Soviet people, eventually resulted in tremendously difficult times. Special attention is paid to the role of the Soviet media, which became a catalyst for many social problems. The authors raise the issue of the media’s level of responsibility during this social transformation, which appeared to be one of the most crucial conditions for its successful implementation. Keywords: authoritarian culture, social transformation, civic society, perestroika, glasnost, Soviet media

Intelligence and Security Services in Brazil Reappraising Institutional Flaws and Political Dynamics

ABSTRACT The intelligence and security sector in Brazil has experienced institutional tensions between legitimacy and effectiveness throughout its history. The combination of unequal socioeconomic structures, an authoritarian political culture, and uncooperative political dynamics explain such imbalances. During the Military Dictatorship (1964–1985), the National Information Service (SNI) was effective against those opposing the regime. The New Republic (1985–2014) tried to overcome its legacy. In 1990, the SNI was closed down. In the first decade after the Cold War, security reforms lingered. The National Congress established the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (ABIN) in 1999. Over two decades, the Brazilian Intelligence System (SISBIN) expanded to 42 leading agencies. Legislative oversight developed slowly and narrowly focused on ABIN. Although prone to various crises, Brazil was able to keep the trilemma democracy, security, and development in precarious equilibrium. Tight reelection for Dilma Rousseff (PT) in 2014 marked a new prolonged economic crisis and bitterly polarized politics in Brazil. Under Bolsonaro, there is concern about the military tutelage, undue politicization of law enforcement and security, and insufficient legislative oversight. Legitimacy in the security realm depends on analytical integrity, robust accountability, and clear operational rules and limits. Will that be possible in an era of global erosion of equality and democracy?

Gogarten e la cultura delle nuove destre di Weimar

The article investigates the relationship between Friedrich Gogarten’s theological reflection and the new right-wing culture of the Weimar Republic (‘conservative revolution’), during the chronological period that opens between the November revolution and the mid-twenties. In the analysis of the texts and archival documents, conducted in a historical-cultural perspective, the critical position of Gogarten towards the authoritarian culture of the new nationalism and the organicistic mysticism of the Volk emerges. This analysis challenges the widespread thesis according to which Gogarten’s arrival in Nazism would represent the necessary outcome of his previous political theology.

Que horas ela volta? Análise bioética sobre gênero e classe

Resumo A exibição de filmes seguida de debate pode ser empregada como recurso pedagógico da bioética narrativa, visando compartilhar percepções e ampliar coletivamente a capacidade de refletir e dialogar. Neste artigo buscou-se aprofundar a análise de questões ético-políticas suscitadas em debate sobre o filme Que horas ela volta? com estudantes de uma universidade pública. O filme faz um resgate sócio-histórico da formação brasileira, expondo antagonismos ancestrais e uma cultura visceralmente racista, sexista e autoritária. Foram levantadas coletivamente as principais cenas-chave do filme, debatidas à luz da bioética social com base em leitura previamente recomendada. O processo levou os alunos a problematizar relações de gênero, classe, trabalho, poder e violência simbólica no Brasil contemporâneo – reflexões necessárias no contexto da educação superior em saúde.

‘They say they don’t see color, but maybe they should!’ Authoritarian populism and colorblind liberal political culture

ABSTRACT While easy to empirically document the explicit bias underlying authoritarian populism, most of the individuals animating the movement are driven by sentiments harder to detect, such as implicit bias and what is known as the colorblind ideology. Drawing from semi-structured interviews of Colorado (USA) residents (n = 71), the paper makes the following three contributions: presenting populism as something more than a homogenous entity; its qualitative empirical material on the implicit biases held among Trump supporters even in the face of observed minority poverty; and, finally, its specific angle on race politics, building on prior accounts that unpack authoritarian populism through racialized imaginaries.

Distributed Leadership as a Path to Organizational Commitment: The Case of a Lebanese School

ABSTRACT This study explores distributed leadership in school characterized by high teacher organizational commitment using case study research. Leadership is distributed in formal and informal manners. Teachers were directly involved in academic but not in administrative decision-making. Although school lacks democratic leadership, teachers’ organizational commitment remained high. This is due to the surrounding authoritarian Lebanese culture that normalizes the formal leaders monopoly on decision-making especially administrative decisions perceived to be outside the realm of teachers’ expertise. Results suggest recommendations for the transformation of schools to professional communities that adopt a distributed form of leadership where teachers’ voices are invited.

A Cultural Discourse Analysis to Chinese Martial Arts Movie in the Context of Glocalization: Taking Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon and Hero as Cases

This study is oriented to do Chinese cultural discourse analysis via examining two Chinese Wu-Xia (martial arts) movies. Specifically, the study explores the construction of glocalization, cultural hybridization and cultural discourse embedded in the two transnational Chinese martial arts movies, i.e. Ang Lee’s Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon (2000) and Zhang Yimou’s Hero (2002). The film product is an audiovisual representation of a certain of national culture, ideology and society. Chinese martial arts film is this kind of cultural product that embodies Chinese sociocultural and philosophical values. The research aims to explore the connections between filmic discourse, culture and society. A combined analytical framework that integrates glocalization concept, cultural hybridization and cultural discourse approach is constructed. By comparative analysis, the main finding of the study reveals that Ang Lee’s Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon (2000) presents a high degree of cultural globalization and hybridization, while Zhang Yimou’s Hero (2002) has relatively a low degree of cultural globalization and hybridization but embodies a high degree of Chinese locally authoritarian culture. This implies that a successful filmic production with strong national features need to organically hybridize global-local culture in proper when it enters globally cultural competition. On the one hand, it should have locally cultural identity; on the other, it should also show a kind of universally cultural values accepted by other cultures.

Russian Culture and Putin’s National Governance Model

Russian culture has both Eastern and Western cultural characteristics, and the internal structure of culture has distinct polarities. The main factors in the formation of Russian authoritarian culture are mainly the Russian economic system and ideological concepts. It is impossible to understand Russia with reason, cannot be measured by general standards, and there is something special there. During the Putin periods, the president’s power was further strengthened and “Sovereign Democracy “was implemented. The choice of Russia’s national governance model is followed by historical and realistic Russian cultural factors.

Democratic Transition in Malaysia: Prerequisites and Obstacles

This paper discusses three factors accounting for the transition to democracy, namely the absence of mass or armed resistance to democracy, the internal strength of the state, and the cohesion of the political elite. In the case of Malaysia, the structural conditions that emerged in the late colonial period, that is the absence of mass resistance movements, allowed for the rise of a relatively democratic postcolonial state. Conditions had been relatively conducive to the development of democratic political culture. However, recent years have seen the development and exertion of a more authoritarian trend among the political and religious elite that has accompanied a process of Islamisation of governance. These developments resonate with a more feudal, hierarchical and authoritarian culture that can be traced to the pre-colonial past and which has an affinity with a more authoritarian interpretation of Islam so typical of the contemporary state religious establishment. The future of democracy in Malaysia depends on the ability of democratic tendencies within the state as well as civil society to work against these authoritarian forces. This future would require drawing upon the more egalitarian and humanist tradition of precolonial Islam and the modernist movement of the colonial Malay world.