Suu Kyi Research Articles

Critical Review: The Impact of Political Prisons on Political Participation (The Case of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood)

Many revolutionary figures throughout history proved their corrupted intention whenever they reached authority (e.g., the Iranian revolution, Burma’s Aung Suu Kyi). Some political leaders in Egypt claim they own it all depending on whom they represented in the latest major social uprising, and they define what is moral or who shall be the target for future political manoeuvres of the ruling military regime. With no one taking the lead for democratising the system, and the ex-minister of defence, incumbent President Abdelfattah Al-Sisi allegedly caught up in an internal fight with a corrupt government, the country’s better future seems to be a long and arduous struggle away. This paper addresses the overlapping and misleading media and political utterances of Egyptian opposition, who either takes a popular stand or loses followers through democratisation itself.

An Exploration of the Causes of the 2021 Military Coup in Myanmar

On February 1, 2021, the Burmese military suddenly staged a military coup, detaining some key officials of the democratic government, including Senior Minister Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, and overthrowing the National League for Democracy (NLD) government elected in the 2020 election. Since the coup occurred only a few months after the election, its sudden occurrence shocked the world and caused extensive discussions among scholars. Focusing on the reasons for this military coup in Myanmar, this paper analyzes it from multiple perspectives. By observing the economic situation and social conflicts in Myanmar before the coup and studying the relevant measures under the NLD government, this paper argues that the NLD failed to solve the problem of being restricted by the military regime and that the military still manipulated the actual power of the country behind the scenes. Some of the political moves by the NLD even complicated the conflict between the democratic government and the military, which caused the military to have a sense of crisis, thus directly leading to the coup in 2021. Other reasons for the coup were the failure of the NLD to solve social problems, such as ethnic and religious issues in the country, and to improve the economic downturn, which allowed the military to stage a coup to prevent further democratization.

The Power Struggle Between the Military Junta and Democracy in Myanmar

Ever since the first coup by the military forces in 1962, Myanmar has stood out among the Southeast Asian nations due to the prolonged political turmoil between the ever-powerful junta and the rising forces of the people, assisted by the National League for Democracy (NLD) party who demanded democracy. These clashes have profoundly affected the country’s socio-economic and politics for decades. Hence, to find the root of this long-ongoing conflict, this paper examines the historical timeline of the friction between the two factions, the military junta (Tatmadaw), and the general population from the post-independent years until now. The study analyses various aspects, including the ethnic tension, the formation of Tatmadaw, the events leading to three military coups, and the people with their multiple uprisings. This paper also sheds light on the leading party, NLD, especially on the central figure, Aung San Suu Kyi, who became the voice of democracy. Overall, this study mainly used the library research method and a content-analysis approach to gather information and assess the dynamic relations between the two forces and how the power struggle remains well into the 21st century.

China’s Intervention Policy in Myanmar Facing Challenges from India

In the context of the 21st century, Myanmar holds a significant geopolitical position, serving as a hotbed of competition between India and China in the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia region. To counter India’s influence, China has employed various tools to increase its sway in Myanmar. This article investigates China’s intervention policies in Myanmar in the face of challenges from India. The research results indicate that China is implementing four main policies to intervene in Myanmar: (1) Approaching political factions; (2) Exploiting ethnic issues, particularly the Rohingya; (3) Creating economic dependence through investment and trade; (4) Enhancing military and defense cooperation. However, Myanmar’s policies have undergone numerous changes, causing China’s influence to waver. Nevertheless, in the current volatile context, Myanmar tends to rely on China economically and militarily. This has posed challenges to India’s position, especially since the National League for Democracy (NLD) leader - Aung San Suu Kyi was ousted.

Historic Disclosures About Blurry Motives of Politicization in Pakistan’s Judiciary

The constitutional role of state institutions is very important for the stability of an independent state. Every independent state has three main pillar Executive, Legislature and Judiciary. While the judiciary being an important pillar in any state, plays a crucial role in maintaining of law and order, and peace along with political stability. In case of Pakistan judiciary as seen under politicization. Thus in Pakistan, there state institutions have been facing inner political interference in every era. Therefor the Constituent Assembly and Judiciary had completely failed to play its own constitutional role. The Constituent Assembly real task is legislation and Executive’s work to implement it. But the work of Judiciary is more important than these two institutions, it reviews and also interprets the laws made by the Constituent Assembly. So that, the supremacy of justice has been established in the country. But the judiciary involved along with the Executive remained the seat of politics for their own benefits. The basic purpose of this research article is to identify historic disclosures about blurry motives of politicization in Pakistan’s judiciary. 
 
 The judiciary must be strengthened and
 released from political. interference.
 ----Aung San Suu Kyi---

The relationship between Myanmar’s past and its future

Outside Myanmar, the 2021 coup d’état has often been portrayed as the end of a hopeful period for the country. In this Adelphi book, however, Aaron Connelly and Shona Loong argue that the Aung San Suu Kyi government that preceded it was a false dawn, unlikely to fulfil the international community’s aspirations for a stable, peaceful and strong Myanmar. Instead, the movement opposing the 2021 coup holds much greater promise – despite the bloody conflict that dominates the news today. Connelly and Loong survey three fundamental relationships that have shaped Myanmar before and after the coup – between the military and the state, between the majority Burmese and ethnic minorities, and between Myanmar and the world – to explain how opposition to the coup has shifted all of them in a more liberal, pluralist and cosmopolitan direction.

The relationship between Myanmar and the world

Outside Myanmar, the 2021 coup d’état has often been portrayed as the end of a hopeful period for the country. In this Adelphi book, however, Aaron Connelly and Shona Loong argue that the Aung San Suu Kyi government that preceded it was a false dawn, unlikely to fulfil the international community’s aspirations for a stable, peaceful and strong Myanmar. Instead, the movement opposing the 2021 coup holds much greater promise – despite the bloody conflict that dominates the news today. Connelly and Loong survey three fundamental relationships that have shaped Myanmar before and after the coup – between the military and the state, between the majority Burmese and ethnic minorities, and between Myanmar and the world – to explain how opposition to the coup has shifted all of them in a more liberal, pluralist and cosmopolitan direction.

The relationship between the centre and the periphery

Outside Myanmar, the 2021 coup d’état has often been portrayed as the end of a hopeful period for the country. In this Adelphi book, however, Aaron Connelly and Shona Loong argue that the Aung San Suu Kyi government that preceded it was a false dawn, unlikely to fulfil the international community’s aspirations for a stable, peaceful and strong Myanmar. Instead, the movement opposing the 2021 coup holds much greater promise – despite the bloody conflict that dominates the news today. Connelly and Loong survey three fundamental relationships that have shaped Myanmar before and after the coup – between the military and the state, between the majority Burmese and ethnic minorities, and between Myanmar and the world – to explain how opposition to the coup has shifted all of them in a more liberal, pluralist and cosmopolitan direction.

The relationship between the armed forces and the state

Outside Myanmar, the 2021 coup d’état has often been portrayed as the end of a hopeful period for the country. In this Adelphi book, however, Aaron Connelly and Shona Loong argue that the Aung San Suu Kyi government that preceded it was a false dawn, unlikely to fulfil the international community’s aspirations for a stable, peaceful and strong Myanmar. Instead, the movement opposing the 2021 coup holds much greater promise – despite the bloody conflict that dominates the news today. Connelly and Loong survey three fundamental relationships that have shaped Myanmar before and after the coup – between the military and the state, between the majority Burmese and ethnic minorities, and between Myanmar and the world – to explain how opposition to the coup has shifted all of them in a more liberal, pluralist and cosmopolitan direction.

Introduction

Outside Myanmar, the 2021 coup d’état has often been portrayed as the end of a hopeful period for the country. In this Adelphi book, however, Aaron Connelly and Shona Loong argue that the Aung San Suu Kyi government that preceded it was a false dawn, unlikely to fulfil the international community’s aspirations for a stable, peaceful and strong Myanmar. Instead, the movement opposing the 2021 coup holds much greater promise – despite the bloody conflict that dominates the news today. Connelly and Loong survey three fundamental relationships that have shaped Myanmar before and after the coup – between the military and the state, between the majority Burmese and ethnic minorities, and between Myanmar and the world – to explain how opposition to the coup has shifted all of them in a more liberal, pluralist and cosmopolitan direction.

Misunderstanding Myanmar

executive summary: This article examines how, in retrospect, the military coup in Myanmar in February 2021 was a foreseeable consequence of domestic political dynamics in the country and the misperceptions of the international community about the hybrid civilian-military government. main argumentOn February 1, 2021, the military in Myanmar deposed the civilian side of the hybrid civilian-military government to reassert direct military rule. The coup ignited a nationwide resistance against the new military junta, the State Administrative Council, involving many of the nation's decades-old ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), newly created People's Defense Forces (PDFs), and an opposition National Unity Government. Looking back, Myanmar's military saw the 2008 constitution and its hybrid government as the end point for political reform, not as the beginning of a transition. The military's actions during this decade reflect this. Attempts by Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy, and the international community to foster further political changes may have been contributing factors to the military's decision to stage a coup. Myanmar is now embroiled in a multifront civil war involving most of the country's largest ethnic communities, including the Bamar majority, with no end in sight. policy implications • Peaceful resolution of the conflict in Myanmar is not likely at this time. The U.S. and other nations should consider providing limited and targeted military assistance to the EAOs and PDFs. • The Biden administration should expedite implementation of the authorities provided in the BURMA Act, including the provision of nonlethal assistance to the EAOs and PDFs. The U.S. State Department should rekindle its ties to the EAOs to facilitate nonlethal assistance and efforts to form local governments in areas "liberated" by the EAOs and PDFs. • The U.S. Agency for International Development should shift the delivery of humanitarian assistance to local organizations operating in India and Thailand to more effectively provide aid to refugees and internally displaced persons from the civil war. • The U.S. and other nations should provide financial assistance for efforts to document possible war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed by the junta's military forces and coordinate this effort with the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, the International Criminal Court, and the International Court of Justice.

Failure of Myanmar's Democratic Transition

Myanmar is one of the countries that carried out military coups several times from 1962 to 2021. Although known as an authoritative ruler, the military junta has carried out more democratic policies, such as opening space for press freedom and holding Myanmar‘s election which allowed the participation of a pro-democratic party namely the NLD Party. However, the military junta suddenly staged a military coup in 2021. In previous years, Myanmar's military junta attempted to make a democratic transition. This raises the question of what factors caused the democratic transition in Myanmar to fail, despite previous positive results. The phenomenon of democratic transition in Myanmar will be analyzed using democratic transition theory, democratization theory, and the concept of civil-military relations. This study uses an approach-explanation approach to determine the failure factors of the democratic transition in Myanmar. Based on the theories, concepts, and research methods used, the failure of the democratic transition in Myanmar occurred due to four factors: The first factor is the democratic transition in Myanmar using the top-down path. The second factor is that the transition is not followed by the installation of democracy. The third factor is that the civil-military relations in Myanmar are included in the category of unbalanced civilian accommodation. The fourth factor, the military afraid of Aung San Suu Kyi succeeded in amending the 2008 constitution which will remove military privileges.

Peran Indonesia dalam Penyelesaian Konflik di Asia Tenggara Sebagai Pemegang Presidensi ASEAN 2023 (Studi Kasus Kudeta Myanmar)

A coup is an act carried out by military officers in terms of obtaining power from a legitimate government. Then, the incident can be defined as a military coup, one of the countries that has experienced various military coups, namely Myanmar. The most recent case occurred in February 2021 when the military junta government overthrew Aung San Suu Kyi and her cabinet because it was considered that there had been fraud in the elections and could not carry out Postponement of elections due to COVID-19. The success of the overthrow of the civilian government, the military junta government was in power. During its reign the military government often committed various acts of human rights violations so that many parties, such as the United Nations through its Human Rights Council, ASEAN and Indonesia became countries that held the ASEAN presidency in 2023. However, each party must not intervene in Myanmar's national policies and must prioritize diplomatic efforts in resolving this case

Rights talk in a genocide: Myanmar as a lens for the problem of rights in Buddhist political thought

ABSTRACT With their integration into the global political world, the historically Buddhist countries of Southeast Asia have begun to augment, sometimes to the point of replacement, their traditional political structures with Westernized political institutions. Despite these formal changes, far less development has been made as a matter of underlying political theory. Though the language of contemporary Buddhist political thought and action is colored with talk of rights, it remains unclear how firmly this new orientation is founded. The consequences of this mixture of Western democratic political forms built upon an underlying foundation of Buddhist political theory can be seen in the developing human rights crisis in Myanmar. On the subject of the Muslim Rohingya, advocates of Burmese democracy, such as Aung San Suu Kyi, have seemingly found common cause with the military junta, with the country’s newly-minted democratic institutions proving themselves to be inadequate as a means of sustaining rights protections for the religious minority group. This paper examines the standing of rights-language in Buddhist political thought and how these concepts have thus far proven insufficient as a surrogate to similar conceptions in the liberal tradition as a foundation for political protections.

The Relations of Middle Eastern Countries with Myanmar: The Challenge of Increasing Influence through Strategic and/or Economic Ties Amid the Persecution of the Muslim Rohingyas

The Relations of Middle Eastern Countries with Myanmar:The Challenge of Increasing Influence through Strategic and/or Economic Ties Amid the Persecution of the Muslim Rohingyas Michael B. Bishku (bio) Introduction Myanmar, known as Burma until June 18, 1989, received its independence from Britain on January 4, 1948, and, unlike India, never joined the Commonwealth. It has been either under direct military rule or that institution's strong influence since 1962. From that time until at least the late 1970s, it was "almost completely sealed off from the rest of the world." General Ne Win's regime "was reluctant to allow any foreigners into the country, and had a passion for keeping foreign influences at a minimum."1 As a result, the country's economic situation deteriorated greatly and Burma began seeking investment from abroad, something that would have adequate success by the early 2000s. Burma's powerful neighbors were the [End Page 22] first approached and were quite receptive.2 As conditions did not improve, by 1988 there was civilian unrest which the military quashed with the use of torture, arrests, and the killings of thousands. While an election was held in 1990 resulting in a landslide win for Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), the military refused to hand over power. Nevertheless, Myanmar, which had been reluctant to join the Association of Asian Nations (ASEAN), an organization of states in Southeast Asia, during the Cold War, was admitted to the group in 1997. Today, even after the 2021 coup by Myanmar's army, most of ASEAN's other members, along with China and India, are the biggest foreign investors in Myanmar, with China and Singapore at the very top.3 Over the years, the United States, Britain, the European Union, Australia and Canada have imposed economic sanctions and arms embargos against Myanmar due to the human rights violations committed by the military, but eased them when political conditions improved.4 Those sanctions, corruption, and bureaucratic restrictions have discouraged some countries from investing in Myanmar. In 2012, Suu Kyi – who had been under house arrest for more than two-thirds of the time between 1989 and 2010 – and members of the NLD were elected to a limited number of seats in parliament, with that institution (and the country) still firmly under the control of the military. Also, in 2012, sectarian violence broke out in Rakhine (formerly Arakan) state – bordering Bangladesh – between Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims, the latter having been persecuted since General Ne Win's regime and effectively becoming stateless in 1982 when the Burmese government did not include them as one of 135 official ethnic groups. Since 2016, there has been an insurgency led by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, in which civilians have borne the [End Page 23] brunt of Myanmar's military actions. Meanwhile, in parliamentary elections in 2015 and 2020, Suu Kyi's NLD won landslide votes, but she was barred from becoming president, as her family members were British citizens; instead, she had to settle for the newly created post of state counsellor, a Myanmar version of prime minister. Although, in December 2019, Suu Kyi denied that the military's actions against the Rohingyas was genocide at the International Court of Justice,5 just over a year later, in February 2021, she was removed from office in a military coup and subsequently convicted of corruption, with other charges still pending. Myanmar is once again facing Western economic sanctions. While Middle Eastern states have periodically expressed concern for the welfare of the Rohingyas and criticism of Myanmar's policy in Rakhine state, the Arab Gulf states nevertheless have shown the greatest interest in increasing economic ties with Myanmar. Following the coup against Suu Kyi's government in 2021, Iran has reportedly provided Myanmar with military assistance. While there has been some academic study of Israel's relations with Burma/Myanmar, especially during the early years when that country was under civilian rule,6 no significant attention has been given to the ties of countries in the Muslim Middle East with Burma/Myanmar, a relationship that has been slower to develop, with the exception of Egypt, whose interests in Asia have diminished...

Clio’s Stepchildren: How Oxford Missed the Boat in Southeast Asian Studies, 1979-2018

Between 1979 and 2018 Oxford University was presented with numerous opportunities to develop Southeast Asian Studies, nearly all of which were not taken up. This autobiographical article describes how these opportunities arose and how the author tried to generate support for Southeast Asian Studies during the period when he was Laithwaite Fellow in Modern History at Trinity College, Oxford (1979-2008) and following his early retirement in October 2008. The article describes the challenges of developing interest and commitment to area studies in a firmly Eurocentric Oxford history faculty, and the lack of institutional support from the wider University. This culminated in the embarrassing event at the Hong Kong Jockey Club in June 1988, when a substantial endowment for a chair of Nanyang (overseas Chinese) Studies offered by the Macao gambling tycoon, Stanley Ho, was allowed to slip out of the University’s grasp as a result of the ineptitude of its then Pro-Vice Chancellor, Sir Patrick Neill QC. Following that debacle, the article describes the author’s involvement in a number of parallel non-academic activities relating to Southeast Asia. These include lobbying in the University on East Timor, support for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s campaign for democracy in Burma through her Oxford-based husband, Dr Michael Aris, in the 1990s, and the establishment of the UK disability charity, The Cambodia Trust (1989-2014), and its spreads to East Timor (2003-5) and Indonesia (2008-12). Reference is also made in passing to the author’s involvement in a Track-2 diplomacy initiative aimed at normalizing US-Vietnam relations in 1989-90, and Oxford Project Southeast Asia initiative (2009-2018), an organization set up by Oxford graduate students from Southeast Asia, which hosted seven high profile Southeast Asian Studies Symposia in Oxford and in Southeast Asia between 2012 and 2018.

Preparing the Coup in Myanmar: The Military's Strategy for Undermining the National League for Democracy Government

Abstract: The military coup February 1, 2021, in Myanmar came as a surprise for many observers. This article argues that the Constitution of 2008 has the script for a future coup should the military lose power and control over civil society, state administration, and the political process. Since 2015, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has warned of the "disintegration of the main national causes" meaning that national unity, protection of race, and Buddhism, and the Tatmadaw's leading role was in danger. He constantly referred to the emergency clauses in the constitution. After 2015, Western media focused on the "democratic transition" but tended to overlook how the military undermined Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government. Since 2017, they have blamed Daw Suu for the military's atrocities and eviction of the Rohingya. The article analyzes how the military network destabilized the civilian government, using examples from Karen State to illustrate that process.

From Secret Fashion Shoots to the #100projectors

From Secret Fashion Shoots to the #100projectors

KUDETA JUNTA MILITER MYANMAR TERHADAP AUNG SAN SUU KYI 2021

This paper aims to find out and analyze how the coup carried out by the Myanmar military junta against Aung San Suu Kyi. This research began on November 8, 2022, the Government of Myanmar held a presidential election. The election was won by Aung San Suu Kyi through the National League Democracy (NLD) party. The election was won by Aung San Suu Kyi through the National League Democracy (NLD) party. The opposition through the Union Solidarity and Development did not recognize the election results. They claim that Aung San Suu Kyi's victory in Myanmar's election was carried out by fraud. This made the opposition party reject and the military junta supported the decision. Through the Myanmar military junta, Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested and the election was deemed invalid. The coup by the military junta against Aung San Suu Kyi was carried out so that Myanmar was declared a state of emergency after the military coup led by the military junta in Myanmar. Based on this the author tries to analyze how the military junta carried out a coup against Aung San Suu Kyi.

키워드 네트워크 분석을 통한 국내외 미얀마 연구 동향 비교 분석

To capture the recent Myanmar research trends, this study analyzed 605 domestic journal articles (indexed in Korean Citation Index) and 31,671 international journal articles (published in Springer) by taking the keyword network analysis method. Myanmar research has been actively carried out since early 2010 both domestically and internationally, showing a rapid increase from 2016 when the democratic government was established by Aung San Suu Kyi. Keyword analysis indicated that domestic journal articles put priority on Myanmar's internal issues, such as political conditions, economy, social culture, and international relations. On the other hand, international articles prioritized generic research topics, such as species diversity, climate change, health care, and malaria infection. Topic modeling analysis identified that international trade policy and trade cooperation were dominant research topics for both domestic and international journal articles. However, Myanmar's internal specific issues such as Buddhism, history, and the military issues were analyzed as important topics by domestic articles while global topics such as energy/resources problem, education, health policy, and species diversity were ranked as important topics in international articles. Periodical research trend analysis distinguishes the directions of domestic and international research articles. In domestic journal articles, Myanmar’s internal domestic issues such as religion and language were dominant topics before the economic opening period. In the initial stage of economic opening, research proportions on Korean companies' strategies for entering to Myanmar market were high. In the period of openness expansion, market entry strategies for individual industry sectors and analysis of investment effects were important research topics. On the other hand, international articles showed consistency and firmness in selecting research topics, such as food issues, species diversity, climate change, health care, and education policy. This paper empirically suggests that domestic journal articles focus on international trade and investment-related issues by taking an economic approach while international articles highlight the diverse characteristics of Myanmar by taking a holistic approach.