\ “There Was No Resisting John Canoe” Circum-Atlantic Transracial Performance —PETER REED John-Canoe is considered not merely as a person of material consequence, but one whose presence is absolutely indispensable. . . . There was no resisting John Canoe. —MATTHEW GREGORY LEWIS, Journal of a Residence among the Negroes in the West Indies (1816, published 1845) In her 1861 autobiography Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, Harriet Jacobs writes of popular holiday slave performances she calls “Johnkannaus.” The performances , appearing in various guises throughout the Atlantic world, once spread up the eastern seaboard of the United States and survive today in the Caribbean. Their movements—geographical as well as cultural—make them some of the most compelling and slippery performances in the nineteenthcentury Atlantic world. In its various forms, the acts performed black Atlantic culture to a variety of observers. Anglo-Jamaican planter and playwright Matthew G. Lewis (perhaps best known for helping to create gothic melodrama back in England) sensed Jonkonnu’s allure in the ¤rst decades of the 1800s. He found “John Canoe”just as compelling as Jacobs did, calling the act’s main character “indispensable,” even irresistible. As Lewis’s journal suggests, the performance meant much to audiences both white and black.For slave and slaveholder alike,the actrepresentsacompellingmoment of interracial interaction.Jonkonnu generated its broad appeal in a series of shifting reinventions, revealing mobile { 65 } and active concepts of race and identity at play inthenineteenth-century circumAtlantic world.1 Broadly speaking, Jonkonnuactsevolved from Caribbean and North American planter society performances, through Atlantic street performance, to the stage, eventually ¤nding their way into Jacobs’s memoir. The collective performance histories of Jonkonnu, then, reveal geographical movement accompanied by generic movement: its performances do not passively remain in one location or in any one form. As the act traveled, it jumped generic boundaries, insinuating its characters and scenes ¤rst into institutionalized theatre and eventually into literary culture. This movement, of course, happened repeatedly, de¤ning nineteenth-century theatre culture. Jonkonnu’s movements also point to elaborate and complicated dynamics of attraction and exploitation, rebellion and collusion in nineteenth-century representations of race. Jacobs’s use of the popular performance in her emancipatory memoir suggests that Jonkonnu enacted some liberatory potential, even if resistance was only masked and momentary . At the same time, Lewis’s journal entry reveals that the act exercised a compelling attraction to white audiences, despite its riotously disruptive potential . Such tensely competing claims reveal the importance of Jonkonnu acts to Atlantic theatre culture. Jacobs’s account of antebellum American slave life, with one of the bestknown descriptions of Jonkonnu, can give us a sense of some of the act’s prominent elements. Jacobs remembers a collective, group-oriented event: “They consist of companies of slaves from the plantations, generally of the lower class. Two athletic men,in calico wrappers,have a net thrown over them,covered with all manner of bright-colored stripes. Cows’ tails are fastened to their backs, and their heads are decorated with horns. A box, covered with sheepskin, is called the gumbo box.A dozen beat on this,while others strike triangles and jawbones, to which bands of dancers keep time.” Jacobs describes the performances as elaborately staged and thoroughly prepared events. For some time leading up to the festivities, participants composed songs for the occasion. The performance event itself provided a pretext for barely controlled revelries hinting at threatening reversals of slavery’s power structures. Jacobs recalls the license granted on these occasions: “companies, of a hundred each, turn out early in the morning , and are allowed to go round till twelve o’clock, begging for contributions.” The actors used the contributions of rum and money for “carousals”authorized but not supervised by the masters.2 Such are the classical elements of American Jonkonnu performances of the nineteenth century. It took place during the winter holidays, tolerated and even encouraged in the break between Christmas and the New Year.3 Dancers (usuPETER REED { 66 } ally male), costumed in a variety of disguises, performed the act on the street or the grounds of a plantation. In descriptions, spectators frequently use the name “Jonkonnu” to refer to the leading character as well...