Association Of Businessmen Research Articles

Формирование российской модели лоббирования: от истоков к современному состоянию

In the present article the authors carry out the analysis of permissible degree of influence of groups of interests on institutes of the public authority, tools of influence on their law-making activity within methodology of chronodiscrete monogeographical comparative law. The research of domestic practice of lobbying during the pre-revolutionary and modern periods is undertaken. In the pre-revolutionary period influence through such forms as activity of the exchanges, work of congresses and other associations of businessmen is allocated. Dynamics of their development under conditions of emerging institutes of parliamentarism is noted. In modern period new means of lobbying which have appeared with carrying out of anti-corruption reform — anti-corruption examination of regulations and their projects, assessment of the regulating influence, participation in activity of public councils at authorities are noted. As a result the conclusion about the prospects of adoption of the special law, and in more urgent prospect — regulation of lobbying at the sublegislative level is drawn.

Concept and types of regulatory legal acts of executive authorities

The article is devoted to the analysis of the concept and types of normative legal acts of the executive authorities of the Republic of Belarus. These bodies differ in the rule-making activity. Executive authorities through the publication of normative acts within their competence form the national legal system, have an impact on the legal order playing an active role in the implementation of legislative acts of a higher legal level and carrying out its own normative activities. Normative environment depends on their well-timed adoption, this is especially important in a period of intense competition between States. In this regard, the need for deep improvement of the law-making by the Republican Executive authorities is increasing. The law “On normative legal acts” defines the ratio of the legal force of normative legal acts. Unfortunately, there is no mention of the place and role of special acts. They should have a greater legal force than other acts, including, in case of a special law, and in relation to other legislative acts, excluding program legislative acts (program laws and directives). Other proposals are also being made. So, it is specified that acts (joint acts) which are accepted in the form of agreements between executive authorities and trade-union bodies, associations of businessmen should have a special legal force. The task of ensuring the package principle of preparation of normative legal acts has been set out long ago. In this regard, when developing a draft law or other legislative act, defining their concept, the relevant working group should include representatives of the relevant department (usually this is the case). Simultaneously with the process of preparation of the draft legislative act, it is advisable to develop a draft of departmental act. This work could be particularly intensive after the approval of the draft law in the first reading in the house of representatives of the National Assembly. It would be useful to discuss the main provisions of the future departmental act within the framework of the Commission responsible for drafting the draft law, if the need for its adoption arises from the draft law (the same should be done if the government act is to be adopted). The exchange of information between these bodies (Parliament, Government, ministry) can also be organized during the development of a set of acts, using information technology. We believe that the implementation of the idea expressed in the literature on the need to adopt the Administrational (Administrative) code of the Republic of Belarus is overdue.

Public Diplomacy Activities of TÜSİAD and MÜSİAD During the AK Party Era

The evaluation of the role of businessmen associations in Turkey, and the extent to which these organizations have been involved in Turkish foreign policy, depends particularly on how they perceive different norms in line with their identities, and how they try to disperse these norms in society. Although associations of businessmen have diverse interests, goals, and stances, and therefore create a heterogeneous structure in Turkey, they are now being encompassed in public diplomacy plans and activities more and more. Among these organizations, the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TUSIAD) and the Independent Industrialists and Businessmen Association (MUSIAD) as two associations of businessmen with different political ideologies and cultural backgrounds have played an important role in Turkey’s political, economic and cultural relations with the European countries and the USA. In this paper, the activities run by these organizations and their roles in Turkish public diplomacy in Europe and the US during the AK Party era will be studied. The organizations’ action plans, and efforts to improve Turkey’s image in these regions after the failed July 15 coup attempt will also be analyzed.

Crafting a business Umma? transnational networks of ‘Islamic businessmen’ after the Arab Spring

This article focuses on the transnational project, led by Turkish Independent Industrialists and Businessmen Association (Müsiad), of crafting a community of Islamic businessmen. The Arab Springs opened new opportunities to further this project, especially in Tunisia and Egypt where Islamist groups rose to power after 2011. In both countries, Müsiad supported the creation of two Islamic business associations, exporting its own organizational model. Examining this circulation process, we question the classical dichotomy between economic and advocacy transnational networks. We also show how this transnational activism is constrained by divergent domestic patterns of relationships between Islamists, business and states in each country.

Социологическая модель делового пространства российского предпринимателя. Часть 1

The paper analyzes the regional social self-organization processes going on in the of small and medium-sized businesses environment of present-day Russia, particularly the actual business relationships and connections, ensuring existence and development of business, as well as establishment of regional businessmen associations in the fi elds of their regional economic activities. In considering the regional dimension of these processes, entrepreneurship is viewed as the new social environment where the processes of subject and spatial self-organization take place.

Flexible Working and Employment of People with Disabilities at Customs Brokerage Firms in Turkey: A Social Responsibility Project

The ratio of the disabled population is higher in Turkish society than the world average. Previous studies on this topic have been limited to statistical surveys and no firm theoretical bases have been established in the investigation of the perception of disability in Turkish society. Approximately 8.5 million disabled citizens in Turkey -- about 12% of the overall population -- face many difficulties, the greatest of which is unemployment.The purpose of this study was to evaluate the employment of disabled people as tele-workers working from home for Turkish Customs brokerage companies. This project is a social responsibility project to enable participation in social life and provide a career for disabled people in Customs brokerage firms. This project was implemented by Uludag University in partnership with the Bursa Industrialists and Businessmen Association (BUSIAD).In this study, we will discuss how Customs brokerage firms can employ disabled people working at home using a tele-working system.

Testing Large Business's Commitment to Democracy: Business Organizations and the Secular–Muslim Conflict in Turkey

AbstractThis article argues that the Turkish economic elite – represented by the Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association (TÜSİAD) – has preserved its liberal democratic stance despite tensions between the religious Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the secularist establishment. Although secular itself, large business maintained a moderate position in the conflict and has continued to push for democratization thanks, in part, to organizational factors that ensure consistency in the larger goals of the association. The article thus claims that studying business as organization rather than business as capital can help the comparative literature understand how entrepreneurs' commitment to democracy under capitalism can become long term.

Special government/business relationship: the case of Taiwanese Businessmen Association in mainland China

PurposeThis paper focuses on the relationship between spontaneous business groups, such as the Taiwanese Businessmen Association (TBA), and the Chinese government.Design/methodology/approachIn analysing the relationship between the TBAs and the Chinese government, this paper focuses on three cities, Tianjin, Kunshan and Dongguan. Furthermore it observes Taiwanese investment in mainland China from 1987 to 2004, in three sub‐periods: 1987‐1993, 1994‐1999, 2000‐2004. Statism (e.g. rational choice) appears to be a valid theoretical framework.FindingsIt was found that the Chinese government's changing interaction with Taiwanese businesses always suited their best interests at the time, which proves that the Chinese government applied rational module in interacting with Taiwanese businesses.Research limitations/implicationsRational choice is not a comprehensive approach in political science, but it is the most suitable approach to analyse the interaction between the Chinese government and Taiwanese businesses.Practical implicationsThe first TBA was established in Beijing in 1990; nowadays there are over 100 TBAs in mainland China. It has been argued that TBAs can be seen as the emergence of a sort of civil society in mainland China; to others, they merely reflect the strong will of the Chinese government to attract foreign investment.Originality/valueThis paper demonstrates that Taiwanese businesses is a security asset for the Chinese government in the cross‐Strait relationship.

Policy Entrepreneurship, Policy Opportunism, and EU Conditionality: The AKP and TÜSİAD Experience in Turkey

This article examines the relationship between European Union (EU) conditionality for membership and policy entrepreneurship in a candidate country. In Turkey, EU conditionality opened a window of opportunity for policy reform by lowering the political costs of controversial reforms. The study demonstrates that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association (TÜSİAD) responded to a window of opportunity by advocating a series of reforms that represented a bold challenge to the traditionally reform‐averse and Euro‐skeptic political culture in Turkey. The study finds a difference in the duration of both actors' commitment to reforms. To explain this difference, we distinguish between policy entrepreneurs, who are actors with a long time horizon, and policy opportunists, who are actors with a short time horizon. The policy implication of this finding is that the European Commission's expectations of the AKP government to deliver the necessary reforms may be too optimistic.

Managerial subcultures in Turkey: how does membership in business associations impact managerial values and assumptions?

The study examines the impact of membership in business associations on managerial subcultures in Turkey. Perceptions of societal values and assumptions of top level managers regarding how to manage human resources were compared between the two groups: members of Independent Industrialists and Businessmen's Association (IIBA) and members of other business associations. IIBA member organisations are known for their adherence to conservative Islamic values and principles, while others stand closer to the secular ideology. A total of 223 top level managers (Presidents and Vice Presidents) participated in the study. Results indicated that top managers did not differ in their values and assumptions.

Entrepreneurs, Democracy, and Citizenship in Turkey

Business leaders and business associations are key political actors in late industrializing societies. The relationship between business and democracy has been a source of continued controversy in comparative studies of democratic transitions and democratic consolidation. In the traditional view, businessmen are typically interested in stability. Whenever considerations relating to stability come into conflict with political pluralism and democratic opening, they tend to swing in the direction of authoritarian solutions. However, more recent studies have drawn attention to the increasingly progressive or favorable role that business or entrepreneurial groups can play in the process of democratic transition and consolidation.1 Why did business interests, notably big business, tend in the past to favor-or at least not to reject outright-authoritarian practices, while they have given growing support to liberal democracy and political pluralism in recently emerging second and third wave democracies? Turkey is an interesting case to examine from a comparative standpoint. It is an example of the second wave democracy. A broadly open polity has existed, albeit with certain interruptions, over a period of four decades, yet the democratic order falls considerably short of being fully consolidated judged by the norms of westernstyle liberal democracies. The Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen's Association (TUSIAD) is a voluntary interest association representing big business and large conglomerates in Turkey. The segment of the business community represented by TOSiAD has become increasingly vocal in recent years in favor of further democratic opening. Indeed, its recent publications and the pronouncements of its leaders in public have concentrated almost singlemindedly on legal and constitutional reforms. This position contrasts sharply with the earlier pattern in the 1970s and the 1980s, when the organization's efforts focused primarily on issues of economic reforms and largely evaded open discussion of issues relating to democratization and constitutional reform. Clearly, a number of challenging questions of wider interest from a comparative perspective emerges in this context. How can the striking shift in the preferences of the business community in the direction of participating in or even actively leading the prodemocratization coalition be explained? What does big busi

Business associations and the representation of business interests in post‐war Lebanon: the case of the association of Lebanese industrialists

No studies have been done on business groups in Lebanon: their history, organization, the manner in which they articulate their demands and their relations with each other, labour and the government. This is regrettable given the historic dominance of the private sector in the Lebanese economy, and the liberal attitude of the state towards the formation of autonomous business associations. Previous research on Lebanon has not dealt in any systematic way with the issue of articulation and advancement of economic interests, whether those of labour or business.' In the growing literature on the political economy of the Arab region, one encounters an equally deficient treatment of the activities of business groups, despite some scant references by Eva Bellin, Joe Bahout and Riad al-Khouri to the activities of such associations in Tunisia, Syria and Jordan, respectively.2 A somewhat more detailed treatment of business associations in Egypt, especially the Egyptian Businessmen Association (EBA), can be found in Sullivan's study of private voluntary organizations (PVOs) in Egypt.3 Given the historic dominance of the public sector in most Arab economies, at least until the 1980s, it is understandable why authors did not give much attention to the activities of associations of private businessmen. But in the late 1980s and 1990s, the role of the private sector expanded in most Arab economies. This should have led to greater interest on the part of political economists in how associations of private businessmen are responding to the new challenges and opportunities created by structural adjustment, economic liberalization and privatization. Formal associations of private businessmen have a long history in Lebanon, many go back to the early days of independence, if not earlier.4 As aforementioned, however, such associations have received little academic interest. This article is a partial answer to this deficiency in the literature on Lebanon's political economy. It explores a number of questions regarding

Businessmen's Associations in Egypt and Turkey

Associations representing the special interests of the Egyptian business community have grown in number and variety during the last 15 years. The largest and most powerful of these interest groups are examined here. The persistent diversity of business organizations is explained by the discontinuous historical evolution of the private sector and by the changing political and economic strategies of Egypt's authoritarian regime. Finally, Egyptian business groups are compared briefly with Turkish business associations, which played a key role in the privatization of an economy once dominated by the state sector.

Boards of Trade and Canadian Urban Development

Entre 1840 et 1950, des board of trade ou des chambres de commerce se formèrent dans quelque 600 centres urbains au Canada. Plusieurs études ont déjà traité du rôle important joué par ces associations d'hommes d'affaires. Le présent article présente un résumé de la législation fédérale et des modèles relatifs à l'incorporation de ces associations à travers le Canada, en insistant sur l'importance des board of trade comme agents de développement urbain.

Dr. Philippe Hamel and the Public Power Movement in Quebec City, 1929-1934: The Failure of a Crusade

La lutte menée de 1929 à 1934 en vue défaire approprier la distribution de l'électricité par l'administration municipale de Québec avait été suscitée par r intention bien arrêtée d'un dentiste en vue, le docteur Philippe Hamel, de délivrer ses concitoyens des griffes du cartel de l'électricité. Au début, l'attaque dirigée par le Dr Hamel sur la compagnie Quebec Power, qui jouissait d'un monopole à Québec depuis 1923, avait été soutenue par les associations d'hommes d'affaires locaux, sauf exception notable, la Chambre de commerce. La Quebec Power ayant coopéré aux projets de la Chambre de commerce visant à attirer les grandes entreprises à Québec, et Hamel s'étant montré favorable à l'étatisation de l'électricité, les deux mouvements conjugués provoquèrent un affrontement amer lorsque l'administration municipale parut gagnée à la cause du dentiste. Enfin de compte, les dissensions au sein du milieu des affaires, les conflits de personnalité et les rivalités politiques aidèrent la Quebec Power dans sa défense, orchestrée avec soin, devant les pouvoirs municipaux, puis provinciaux. L'engagement du Dr Hamel dans le mouvement nationaliste canadien-français et son association avec l'Ecole sociale populaire durant les années 30 donnèrent une dimension exceptionnelle à son attaque contre le cartel de l'électricité à Québec. L'allure de croisade que prenait sa campagne pour faire intervenir l'Etat dans le domaine de l'électricité afin d'assurer une certaine concurrence se retourna contre lui entre les mains de la Quebec Power et de ses alliés, contribuant ainsi à faire échouer le mouvement pour l'étatisation de l'électricité dont le Dr Hamel avait été le fer de lance en ces années-là à Québec.

The First Chamber of Commerce in the United States

The chamber of commerce, which today varies widely in the range of its activities and functions, has had a long and important history. As an association of business men, its history goes back at least to Roman times; the first such association to bear the name “chamber of commerce” was that of Marseilles, established in 1599. The organization we know as the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York was not only the first association of business men for the purpose of furthering their interests to be launched in America; it also ranks among the world's oldest of such institutions, established and conducted independently of government, which exist today.

Book Review: Management and Morale: F. J. Roethlisberger Harvard University Press, 1941, p. 194

This book is a collection of essays, originally a series of addresses made to various associations of business men. The purpose of these addresses was to acquaint the business man with the findings of the well-known Hawthorne experiments of the Western Electric Company. It is to be hoped that Management and Morale will bring these findings to even wider circulation in the business world.