Assimilationist Ideology Research Articles

Hiding and Seeking: The Educational and Socioemotional Needs of Asylum Seeker and Refugee Students

ABSTRACT Focusing on asylum seeker and refugee students attending a school with the stated mission to cater to recent immigrants, asylees, and refugees in Texas, we explored the school experiences of asylum-seeking and refugee middle schoolers and how they see their education. Having obtained political asylum in the United States, they are hiding from strife in their native lands, but also seeking a schooling experience that will nurture their dreams. We explored that seeking by having students envision their ideal classrooms with a group drawing exercise and then discuss these visions, the experiences that shaped them, and how their current schooling experience compares to their ideal in in-depth interviews. Complementary school data were collected. By focusing on asylum seeker and refugee students, we sought to eschew assimilationist ideologies and to highlight the diversity of experiences and interpretations within this group. We explored the themes found in students’ conceptualizations of their ideals, including the high aspirations students hold, their comparative outlook on education processes, the centrality of relationships to student success, and the conflicted identities students have to negotiate daily.

Two Theories of Self-Determination: The Discourse of Democratic Peoplehood in Colonial Korea

This article examines two distinct ways in which anticolonial thinkers in early twentieth-century Korea reconstructed their nondemocratic tradition in an attempt to justify (rather than take for granted) the claim of self-determination. The exposure to modern education and ideas of democracy prompted these thinkers to critically engage their tradition in the struggle for self-determination. That said, they could not simply abandon the cultural foundation of their nation. Japanese colonial rule drew its legitimacy from not only an assimilation ideology that the Japanese and Koreans shared the same ethnic origin but also a developmentalist conception of the colonized that they were premodern and incapable of self-rule. To reject imperial domination, Korean anticolonial thinkers needed to invent out of their country’s nondemocratic tradition (1) an unassimilable nation/people (2) capable of self-rule. Drawing upon the political writings of two early twentieth-century thinkers in colonial Korea, Yi Kwang-su (1892–1950) and Cho So-ang (1887–1958), I discover from their political thought two nuanced approaches to this project of inventing “the people” in the colonial world. I argue that while Yi succeeded in rebutting the colonial ideology of assimilation, he fell into the trap of developmentalism. I contend that Cho, on the contrary, sidestepped this trap with his revisionist reading of the Confucian past as a history of democratic transformation, thus providing an immediate alternative to imperial sovereignty.

Sociocultural engagement in a colorblind racism framework moderates perceptions of cultural appropriation

Cultural appropriation refers to an action whereby an individual makes use of, imitates, or takes possession of cultural products of an outgroup or source community. Compared to Black Americans, many White Americans do not differentiate between high (i.e., White) and low (i.e., Black) status actors when making judgments of cultural appropriation (Mosley & Biernat, 2021). The goal of the current research is to assess why some individuals exhibit a lack of recognition of structural and historical racism when making judgments of cultural appropriation. To answer this question, we draw on theoretical work on colorblind racism, a framework of racial ideologies that emphasize that group differences should be ignored, and that people should be treated as individuals (Bonilla-Silva, 2006). Three experiments investigate the colorblind - racism hypothesis: perceivers who are highly invested in a colorblind racism ideology —assessed along three dimensions including racial group identification, historical knowledge of racism, and endorsement of assimilationist ideologies—will see equal levels of appropriation in the actions of White and Black perpetrators. In contrast, perceivers low in a colorblind ideology will see White (versus Black) actors as more culturally appropriative. We see for evidence for this hypothesis among White (Studies 1–2) and Black (Study 3) perceivers. These findings suggest that endorsement in a colorblind ideology can facilitate ignorance of power differences between groups when perceiving cultural appropriation.

Translanguaging in Bilingual Deaf Education Teacher Preparation Programs

Most D/HH learners experience language deprivation because they lack full access to a comprehensible language input. Sometimes, this language deprivation continues through school because of the rigid school language policy and teachers’ failure to recognize and include all the linguistic repertoires which the learners bring. Like many other teacher education programs, some Deaf education teacher preparation programs have adopted assimilationist ideologies, subtractive approaches to bilingualism that focus on only the majority hearing language, English, or the majority Deaf people’s language, such as ASL. Embracing translanguaging improves the implementation of bi/multilingualism in Deaf education by empowering the learner and the teacher to work through these challenges of language deprivation and minority languages in classrooms with Deaf learners. The current article reviews the literature and draws from translanguaging theory and practices, biliteracy, and Crip linguistics to discuss how Deaf education teacher preparation programs can support future teachers in implementing translingual knowledge, skills, and disposition and avoiding linguistic neglect in Deaf learners. In addition, the article will focus on how teachers can value and support the acquisition of all languages beneficial for bi/multilingual Deaf learners to overcome language deprivation and challenges in school.

Yearning for a homogeneous Chinese nation: digital propaganda campaigns after the 2020 protest in Inner Mongolia

ABSTRACT This study examines the digital propaganda campaigns carried out by the Chinese Communist Party in Inner Mongolia following Mongols’ protest against the bilingual education reform in 2020. It analyses texts and images posted on WeChat official accounts of the Inner Mongolia Daily and Inner Mongolia Education Department. Through a detailed discourse and semiotic analyses of propaganda texts we reveal that the national unity and development discourses are replete with Han-centric assimilationist ideology. In our analysis, by drawing on a Bakhtinian chronotope, we foreground how the past, present and future are turned into a unified folkloric-cum-colonial space–time. This study also elucidates how the drastic policy shift and the re-articulation of national form in China is reflected in publicly circulated words and images in Inner Mongolia.

Selling White Australia: the Asian visits fund and assimilation as a foundational concept in Australian Cold War public diplomacy

ABSTRACT The ‘Asian Visits Fund’ was the Australian Government’s first Cold War people-to-people public diplomacy programme. Standing in the Fund’s way was Australia’s racially restrictive immigration programme. A central feature of the scheme, therefore, was to present a vision of a non-racial Australia through the new national ideology of Assimilation. The treatment of indigenous Australians was showcased as one way to highlight Assimilation and debunk broader claims of racism. Ultimately, however, the Asian Visits Fund was unable to alter the negative perception of Australia’s immigration policy. It was the last major initiative aimed at selling the unsellable ‘White Australia Policy’.

Modern Socratic Dialogue and Resilient Democracy: Creating the Clearing for an American Bildung

Modern Socratic Dialogue and Resilient Democracy: Creating the Clearing for an American Bildung

Mother Tongue Based Multilingual Education in Nepal

Nepal is a multilingual country consisting of 123 languages as reported by the census 2011 (CBS, 2012). Linguistically, all languages are equal. However, there are ideological differences among scholars and stakeholders of language. Critical theorists see language as a tool of dominating the minorities whereas utilitarians see language as a path from local to global world. From ethnic perspective, language is an identity and for politicians and activists, it is a means to activate people and a matter of ideology. For pedagogues, language of instruction has always been a dilemma and a sensitive issue. In this context, this review paper analyses the existing language policy of using mother tongue based multilingual education in Nepal, is just the continuation of assimilationist ideology in disguise and proposes language co-existence approach with a choice in language of instruction in policy and practice as a solution to maintain linguistic identity of ethnic groups. Furthermore, translanguaging can be used as a pedagogical solution in multilingual classrooms.

Queer Compositions in a U.S. Secondary Classroom: Genre, Citationality, and Linguistic Racism

AbstractIn recent decades, there has been an increase in literacy education research attending to curriculum inclusive of sexual and gender diversity in secondary classrooms. Although valuable, most of this research has focused on the ideational and representational qualities of curriculum and thus has overlooked the significance of composition and genre. Seeking to add this scholarship, I focused on youth choosing to write about queer topics for compositional assignments in a secondary humanities course that combined English language arts and social studies (U.S. studies). Drawing from a broader literacy ethnography conducted at a high school in a Midwestern U.S. city, I argue that youth in the humanities course drew on curricular ideas and genres in their literacy performances in ways that resisted and reified oppressive values. Genres that encouraged extended dialogue resulted in interrogations of cisheteronormativity that were sustained and intersectional. However, youth’s use of genres cited and reproduced racist and cisheteronormative Eurocentric, anti‐Black, and assimilationist ideologies. Hence, there is a need for approaches to queer‐inclusive curricula that explore intersections of queerness and race and attend to aspects of literacy and language practices beyond ideational and representational content.

Göç ve Edebiyat: Londra'nın Türk Göçmenleri

This paper examines the link between the monocultural British education system and the struggles of UK immigrants, with a focus on London’s Turkish community. Widespread hostility towards migrants and foreign culture in British society is concluded to stem from the assimilationist ideology originally at the heart of the education system and its policies. It is argued that monoculturalism itself is the mother of racism, and that Britain’s monocultural education system has been feeding racial tensions for decades. Similar concerns regarding the education system are covered, such as institutional racism. Multiculturalism and its promotion of tolerance if not respect towards cultural differences is proposed as a solution to replace monoculturalism. London’s Turkish community, it’s history and “self-sufficiency” is examined in detail, especially the causes behind widespread academic underachievement in younger generations. It has been advised that a middleman helps schools and parents communicate and cooperate, as lingual barriers and lack of parental involvement seem to be the biggest causes. On the literary side, the lack of new authors in the Turkish community is attributed to poor academic success and lack of cultural cultivation, while the paucity of translated material is attributed to public disinterest in foreign works, again caused by monoculturalism. Overall, it is concluded that the tendency of Turkish immigrants to rely on their network of countrymen to get things done, as well as lingual, racial, and social barriers have all contributed to an unintentional segregation of the Turkish immigrants from the rest of British society.

Language Ideologies, Language Policies and their Translation into Fiscal Policies in the U.S. Perspectives of Language Education Community Stakeholders

This study explored the potential effects of the Trump administration’s proposed budget cuts through the lens of language ideologies in the language education community. This community includes English as a second language (ESL), dual language bilingual programs, and world/foreign language education. The Trump administration proposed cuts totaling $4 billion by eliminating or reducing major language education programs. Through semi-structured interviews, the researchers explored the perspectives of stakeholders who would be impacted. Six participants who are actively involved in the language education community at different levels including ESL, dual language bilingual, and world language educators, administrators and coordinators of language education programs in the U.S. participated in this study. Thematic analysis of the interview data indicated that all participants from different stakeholder groups were ideologically aligned with the pluralist views. The budget cuts were perceived as representative of broader assimilationist ideology. The negative impacts of eliminations on teacher professional development programs, K-12 public education, post-secondary language education, and world language education in America were expressed by the participants. The participants’ counter arguments to the proposed budget eliminations are presented. This study has implications for the language education community, language policy makers, and educational policy planners in the U.S.

‘Waiting for my red envelope’: discourses of sameness in the linguistic landscape of a marriage equality demonstration in Taiwan

ABSTRACTAt the end of 2016, Taiwan witnessed a string of massive protest demonstrations held by both ends of the ideological debate on marriage equality. These public demonstrations can be seen as linguistic landscapes where the mass employment of signs, banners, flags, and other genres of protest signs discursively construct a highly visible socio-political space for public conversation around marriage equality. This study looks specifically at the protest signs from the 10 December pro-marriage equality demonstration in Taipei and applies critical discourse analysis to examine what identities and ideological positions are represented in the linguistic landscape. I argue that the protest signs construct a linguistic landscape that strongly emphasizes sameness with heterosexuals as a key characteristic of LGBTQ individuals, thereby depicting equality as taking part in the social practices and gender roles of heterosexual relationships and excluding a cross-section of the LGBTQ community who do not support the assimilationist ideology underlying marriage equality.

Organization of the senegalese educational system

. The school, in its present form, is not the product of the internal development of African societies. In the case of Senegal, the creation and development of the school network followed the French penetration. Basically, far from reducing the distance that separates the dominator from the dominated, the school has, in most cases, helped to make it impassable in order to maintain the colonial order. It should be noted, however, that in the aftermath of the Second World War, school policy was dominated by the ideology of assimilation. It is from this school that independent Senegal has inherited. It posed to the young state, among other challenges, that of building, with an extroverted school, an identity and a sense of belonging to the Senegalese nation based on the promotion of history, cultures and national languages. However, the school institution, privileged place of education, does not belong less to a global environment. Also, we are also interested in this environment... We have chosen a methodological approach favoring the analysis of educational orientation laws as well as their texting in educational programs and official instructions.

‘To teach the natives English’: James Pope’s 1880 native schools code

ABSTRACTFrom their inception in New Zealand in 1816, until the end of the century in some cases, most mission schools in the colony maintained instruction solely in the Māori language. However, from the 1840s, successive colonial governments promoted a secular schooling system in which English would be the language in which students were taught, principally because Māori was seen as an impediment to the governments’ assimilationist ideology. The 1880 Native Schools Code, devised by the first Inspector of New Zealand’s Native Schools, James Pope, was one of the final major steps in this era in advancing this assimilationist ideal through the country’s education system. Pope’s initiative was partly a continuation of state policy that had existed in some form since the 1840s, but it also served as the most explicit statement to that time of how the government intended to use schooling to incorporate Māori into colonial society.

A Brief Overview of Multicultural Education in Ethiopian: A Review

Ethiopia is a country of pluralistic society, having at least eighty nations and nationalities having their own cultures, norms, values, etc. which can be considered as a resource for country’s heritage. Multicultural education is designed to address and promote belongingness, equality and recognitions among several different ethnicities in an educational system. It is a field of study and an emerging discipline aims to create equal educational opportunities for students from diverse ethnic, social-class, and cultural groups. Contrary to this fact, however, such diversities had not been given recognition during the former regimes for they used to implement assimilationist ideology. With this regard, the education activities of a country had been carried out from one dominant cultural perspective. However, following the 1994 education & training policy, major reforms were introduced in the education system of the country. The changes constitute a significant turning point in the history of education of the country. The designing of education system that is responsive to multiculturalism has much importance to the citizens. In general, the underlying goal of multicultural education is to contribute to the transformation of society and to the application and maintenance of social justice and equity. Accordingly, educators, educational theorists, researchers, activists, and everyone else needs to continue to practice and apply multicultural teaching and learning principles both inside and out of the classroom if there is a need to be beneficiary from it at large and to achieve the major goals. Keywords: Historical development, Multicultural education, Multiculturalism DOI : 10.7176/JPCR/42-02 Publication date :March 31 st 2019

Towards a Safe and Respectful Campus: Perspectives of Multicultural Education

This paper argues that multicultural education is an essential way of creating a safe and respectful campus. Examined from the perspective of power relations, schools are viewed as a site that helps maintain existing power relations by reinforcing the assimilation ideology. A drawback of this is that only one set of perspectives is valued. As a result, students who are not part of the norm are more likely to be treated unfairly in school. This may impose a negative effect on their learning as school is not a safe environment for them. To create a safe and respectful campus, multicultural education has to be incorporated as it helps students foster multiple perspectives and learn to embrace diversity. This paper first defines multicultural education. Secondly, it illustrates why multicultural issues should be examined in the framework of power relations. Then, it focuses on exploring the assimilation ideology and the role schools play in the process of assimilation. In this section, it analyzes how students are endangered by assimilation, and the case of the Yeh Yong-Zi event in Taiwan is also examined. Finally, it discusses in what ways multicultural education could help establish a safe and respectful campus culture.

Queering Black activism: Exploring the relationship between racial identity and Black activist orientation among Black LGBTQ youth.

Linked fate, or connection to the Black community, may be a pathway to engagement in social justice action for Black liberation. The purpose of this study is to understand the role of racial identity on Black queer youths' orientation toward Black activism. We used hierarchical linear regression to examine relationships between dimensions of racial identity and Black activism orientation among 142 queer-identified youth. We found that racial centrality and racial ideologies predicted high-risk activism orientation. Additionally, assimilationist ideology moderated the relationship between racial centrality and high-risk activism orientation. The degree to which Black queer youth feel race is central to their self-concept relates with their intent to engage in Black activism. These findings demonstrate that racial ideologies matter distinctively to activism orientation and offer that perception of risk nuances linked fate as a pathway to activism for Black queer youth.

“The system of compulsory education is failing”

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the ways in which the mobility of indigenous people in Victoria during the 1960s enabled them to resist the policy of assimilation as evident in the structures of schooling. It argues that the ideology of assimilation was pervasive in the Education Department’s approach to Aboriginal education and inherent in the curriculum it produced for use in state schools. This is central to the construction of the state of Victoria as being devoid of Aboriginal people, which contributes to a particularly Victorian perspective of Australia’s national identity in relation to indigenous people and culture.Design/methodology/approachThis paper utilises the state school records of the Victorian Department of Education, as well as the curriculum documentation and resources the department produced. It also examines the records of the Aborigines Welfare Board.FindingsThe Victorian Education Department’s curriculum constructed a narrative of learning and schools which denied the presence of Aboriginal children in classrooms, and in the state of Victoria itself. These representations reflect the Department and the Victorian Government’s determination to deny the presence of Aboriginal children, a view more salient in Victoria than elsewhere in the nation due to the particularities of how Aboriginality was understood. Yet the mobility of Aboriginal students – illustrated in this paper through a case study – challenged both the representations of Aboriginal Victorians, and the school system itself.Originality/valueThis paper is inspired by the growing scholarship on Indigenous mobility in settler-colonial studies and offers a new perspective on assimilation in Victoria. It interrogates how curriculum intersected with the position of Aboriginal students in Victorian state schools, and how their position – which was often highly mobile – was influenced by the practices of assimilation, and by Aboriginal resistance and responses to assimilationist practices in their lives. This paper contributes to histories of assimilation, Aboriginal history and education in Victoria.

Park,chungum󰠏Failure of Assimilation ideology on Modern Japan.

The infamous pro-Japanese Chumkeum Park who had suppressed the Korean social movement, was elected as a member of Japanese Imperial Diet in 1932, 1940, and 1942. He is regarded as a nationalist in Japan who demanded to abolish the discrimination to Korean, such as removing restrictions on imports of the Korean rice, allowing the right to vote in Korea. He is also mentioned as a successful case of `colonial assimilation` at the times, and as a evidence of working institutional democracy under Japanese colonial empire in these days. His arguments, however, was for the Japanese settler community who had become the rich in colonial Korea or for the Korean rich people, not for the interests of Korean in general. The election of Park was due not to universal democracy, but due to strong support of interest group who exploited the loophole in general election. The fact that his electoral campaign was supported by the fund of the Japanese Government General of Korea who wants to advertise the success of colonization as well as the Japanese and Korean rich.

Assimilationist Ideology and Minority Language Rights: The Case of Manchu Language Endangerment and Revitalization

This study investigates the influence of assimilationist ideology and policies on the surprisingly severe<br />Manchu language endangerment via a social-historical analysis. Building on an examination of two<br />language policy models and four historical stages of minority language education since the<br />establishment of the People’s Republic of China, this study highlights the importance of viewing<br />Manchu language as minority language speakers’ necessary human rights. In order to emphasize<br />human agency considerations, this study also argues for the promising involvement of local educators<br />and communities in planning for Manchu language revitalization. Suggestions for ideological shifts<br />and implementational concerns are provided to address various sociopolitical and economic<br />constraints, and to empower Manchus to contest the historical injustice Manchus have experienced by<br />actively protecting their language rights and resources.