Arms Deal Research Articles

China’s Increasing Influence: What This Means for American Security

Purpose: With its growing domestic and international interest, China has solidified itself as a significant player in international relations, shaking up traditional geopolitics through its military and economic expansion and shifting focus in diplomatic relations. Consequently, it is crucial to understand China’s importance and effect on the United States’ own development in order to react to it correctly and efficiently.
 Methodology: This paper will detail the military, diplomatic, and economic aspects of the modern rise of China, respectively, including our recommendations for how the United States should respond to these three key areas in its relations with China. To do so, the International Relations Organization at Virginia Tech split into three initiatives, focusing on the three aspects of the modern rise of China as listed above. The Organization then spent several weeks conducting research using open-source intelligence and information from experts on the subject to understand the methods and strategies employed by China to expand its influence and power in other nations. After conducting research, the Organization began discussing the implications that the findings would have on U.S. national security and started synthesizing the research into our paper and recommendations.
 Findings: From our research, it is clear that China is seeking to build a strong military presence in Africa to expand their influence and reach in areas outside of Asia. Additionally, their maintenance of diplomacy with Russian and alliance with President Vladimir Putin makes it evident that they are desiring to position themselves as a contrasting force to the United States in terms of global military dominance. China’s goal of reunification with Taiwan furthers this notion, as in doing so they intend to increase its presence in the South Pacific arena. In terms of China’s diplomacy, we find their creation of the BRICS trade agreement to significantly increase their ties with the countries involved. We find China to be progressively focusing on their diplomatic relations with the BRICS countries, which in turn threatens the U.S. diplomatic relations with these countries and undermines their power and strength as a global superpower among the Eastern sphere. Lastly, China’s influence on the BRICS countries has lasting economic repercussions on the U.S. through the creation of BRICS itself, which we find to clearly be done to oppose the U.S.’ G7 trade agreement. We conclude that this, along with their Belt and Road Initiative and new presence in South American trade, is done as a method for China to compete with the trade dominance of the United States and widen the gap between these countries and the U.S. economically.
 Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: To combat China’s military involvement in Africa, we recommend for the United States to lean on its international allies to formulate an arms deal with other countries in order to formulate a better long-term arms deal, dismissing possible transactions with China. In terms of dealing with military expansion in the South Pacific, we recommend the U.S. to undertake policies to put an end to China’s maritime power in the Pacific and increase funding for the Air Force and Navy to invest in new technologies to deal with such power. We also recommend for the United States to promote diplomatic cooperation with Brazil, Russia, India, and South America to combat China’s increasing influence with these countries in BRICS. The United States must also focus on better positioning their diplomatic stance to be allied with nations continuing to push for bilateral issues and human rights conferences in Brazil and India, as well as support India in their push for UN Security Council membership. On the economic side, the United States must respond to China’s infrastructure plan for their economy by investing in other forms of development, such as agriculture, medicine, and digital infrastructure. This paper contributed to the theory of International Affairs and U.S.-China relations through analyzing various diplomatic, economic, and militaristic outlooks with the aims of providing a cohesive study on the level of threat towards American security. The theory of International Relations was augmented via the research and delineation of applicable studies and global conflicts. Thorough examination of included sources contributed to this theory and the practice of IR.

Red Capitalism and Neoliberal Authoritarianism

Abstract The rise of the brics block has contributed to the emergence of a “multiplex world”. This shift in power dynamics has revealed the crisis of the existing liberal international order, a relative decline in the U.S. power, and a gradual transition towards a post-American order. This article examines the dynamics of Sino-mena relations in a “multiplex world” where both the U.S. and the mena states have chosen “The Look East” policy. The U.S.-China geopolitical rivalry explains a shift in the U.S. foreign policy from the Middle East toward the Far East. The Middle East’s “Look East Policy”, however, is largely due to the needs for an alternative global partner. This article examines three pillars of the Sino-mena relations: the first pillar pertains to a broad category of energy, trade, investment, arms deal, security and geostrategic significance. The second pillar is centred around the Chinese policy of no military intervention and respecting the state sovereignty. The third pillar is pertinent to the “Chinese Model of Development” and what it means for the mena. It examines whether such relations might consolidate autocratic capitalism and neoliberalism without democracy and, or benefit mena civil societies’ quest for a grassroots and egalitarian development and democracy.

Arming the Yemen Conflict: Examining the Nexus of the US-Saudi Arms Deal, Modern Capitalism, and the Prolonged Warfare

With the massive flow of globalization, the last two centuries have seen the rise of the private defence industry, which offers a range of services and equipment needed in the military domain. These industries have had a significant influence in shaping the international political- economic order and in the context of global capitalism in the contemporary era. The private defence industry further benefits from the conflict, as was the case in the Yemen Civil War. The arms exports carried out by the US to Saudi and its coalition has been responsible for continuing the most severe humanitarian crisis in the world today. Seeing the chaotic situation, the US did not stop the arms deal with the Saudis but instead strengthened relations and multiplied the value of the arms deal. This paper uses qualitative research methods. With the conceptions of the Military-Industrial Complex (MIC) and the Defence Iron Triangle (DIT), the results indicate that the rise of the private defence industry has succeeded in creating opportunities for modern capitalism and a network of interest groups that have benefited from the Yemen Civil War. Thus, defence contractors, legislators, and executive bodies are trying to perpetuate arms deals, regardless of the never-ending war that becomes the consequence.

Warsaw and the Fedayeen: Wars in the Middle East, Secret Arms Deals and Polish Relations with the Palestine Liberation Organisation, 1967-1976

ABSTRACT Poland was the second-to-last country in the Soviet bloc to establish official relations with the PLO – only doing this in March 1976. However, mutual contacts date back to the late 1960s, when Polish military intelligence forged a top-secret relationship with the PLO based around the arms trade. Using a variety of archival sources, this paper seeks to re-assess the relationship between Warsaw and the PLO within the broader framework of Polish policy towards the Middle East from the time of the Six-Day War to the time of opening of the PLO Office in Warsaw in 1976.

AUKUS: When naval procurement sets grand strategy

Traditionally, a grand strategy lays out the trade-offs a state must make in pursuit of security, thereby setting all aspects of foreign policy, from trade deals to defence budgets. This essay argues that the trade-offs embodied in a deal as complex, expensive, and long-lasting as AUKUS will manifest themselves in Australia's grand strategy for decades to come. Going forward, Australia's naval procurement decisions will shape its grand strategy, rather than vice versa. The essay makes three related points. First, Australia's costly reneging on France in favour of the US is the most important aspect of the deal to date. Even if these nuclear submarines are never built (a not entirely remote possibility), this shift in investment will determine Australia's approach to the world for a generation. Second, understanding this approach requires acknowledging that arms deals, even between allies, are tough, zero-sum negotiations requiring all parties to give up something of value. Given this, the essay makes the final point that Australia, and any other country entering AUKUS in the future, will pay in autonomy as much as in dollars.

The impact of arms proliferation on national food security in Nigeria

This study explores impact of proliferation Arms on National Food Security in Nigeria. Proliferation of small arms and light weapons is often one of the major security challenges currently facing Nigeria. The proliferation of arms on the Country, according to some scholars, has been responsible for violence, crime and terrorism in the sub-sahara region. It has become one of the banes to security and developmental challenges in Nigeria during the last two decades. The wave of proliferation across Nigeria has resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people each year in Nigeria. Arms proliferation across the country has ravaged lives and property, and over 2,000 people have been reported dead in the country. Suffice it to say, combating arms proliferation has been a challenge to the government. Given this situation, the key questions posed in this paper are the following: What are the Causes of Arms proliferation in Nigeria? What are the effects of the proliferation on the peace and security of Nigeria? Importantly, what are the challenges faced by the government in combating arms proliferation in Nigeria? Why have the prices of food gone up and many people in Nigeria cannot afford three basic meals a day? This study adopts a qualitative research design using secondary data source. After identifying the issue in combating arms proliferation in Nigeria, it then makes proposals for the way forward. Nigerian government should develop a strict roadmap to tackle the issue of illicit weapons which will include addressing the issue of corrupt security officials, strengthening governance issue, updating legislative provisions and transparency of Nigeria arms deals. With these practical solutions, Nigeria’s effort in tackling illicit weapons would be valuable. Fulani herdsmen crisis should be addressed and proffer solutions to avoid threat to lives and property of the people.

An Arms Deal as a Bargaining Chip: Israel and the AWACS Deal

An Arms Deal as a Bargaining Chip: Israel and the AWACS Deal

Media Discourse, Legal, and Ethical Issues Arising from the Zuma Saga and Nkandlagate

Allegations of corruption and rape against President Jacob Zuma constituted among the most covered stories in South Africa and beyond. Widely dubbed “the Zuma saga” by the media, the twin stories began with allegations of corruption in the arms deal. While the corruption case still gripped the public, another damning allegation (rape) surfaced and fermented the story to levels surpassed by no other story at the time. Zuma was subsequently acquitted of the rape charge, but the charge of corruption continued relentlessly until the eve of the 2009 elections, in which he was elected as president. But just as the South African public thought the dust was settling, Zuma was hit by another damning allegation of inappropriately spending R250 million on upgrading Nkandla, his private residence. This article is three-pronged. First, it examines the key issues that accounted for the media frenzy sparked by both the Nkandla debacle and the Zuma saga. Second, it unravels critical ethical questions and legal issues implicit in the aforementioned cases. Third, because Zuma’s acquittal raised questions regarding the independence of the judiciary, the article also assesses the condition of judicial independence in South Africa. Theoretically, the article is informed by the sociology of journalism ethics and the notions of ethical leadership and judicial independence.

Russian Arms Deals: Implications for Regional Politics and Economy

This article analyses the role of Russia’s arms deals in international politics and its insinuations for the domestic economy. Arms trading has been well recognized as a tool for executing a nation’s foreign strategy. Therefore, exploring the drivers behind arms exports uncovers a nation’s priorities. Even though the relationship between the US and Russia relationship has worsened since Putin took power, Moscow has steadily increased its weapons sales in a few other geographic territories. This article examines Russian military exports to China and India to understand Russia’s thought process behind its export policy. The article further contends that international politics has presented itself as a key factor in devising the policies and procedures associated with Russia’s arms deals. Although Russian military exports have benefited the domestic economy in various ways, particularly in the early years of Putin’s administration, to create a polycentric world and strengthen Russia’s status as a regional power, Russia also utilized arms exports to preserve leverage and influence on its allies.

How do alliances trade arms? Political alliance networks and global arms transfers.

The arms trade has come to the center stage of the international political economy. Yet only a few quantitative studies have been conducted on the political economy of the arms trade. This paper focuses on the security rents shared by trading partners in determining their arms trade relationship. We argue that the mechanism of reciprocity is better understood from the perspective of an international alliance network. Because the rents are likely to be transferred to other related members in a community, when a state is engaged in an arms deal with another state, it takes into account not only the direct dyadic relationship but also the alliance community to which the other state belongs. Based on this understanding, we employ social network analysis (SNA) to identify the effect of the international alliance community on the arms trade. Our findings suggest that if two states have a tie in a political alliance network, they are also likely to have a tie in the arms sale network. Moreover, we also find that the alliance network is a strong predictor of bilateral arms sales. Being in the same alliance community encourages two states to trade more arms with each other.

‘Mauser Japonés’ & ‘Remington Ruso’: A History of the Arisaka and Mosin–Nagant Rifles in the Mexican Revolution

During periods of arms scarcity, the Mexican army imported several different patterns of bolt-action rifles to address shortages and maintain firepower. During the Mexican Revolution (ca. 1910–1920), the Mexican Army—facing multiple domestic rebellions, European reluctance to supply weapons, and a U.S. arms embargo—turned to Japan to fill the growing gaps in its rifle inventory. Once the U.S. arms embargo was lifted, Mexico purchased numerous bolt-action rifles from the United States, including U.S.-produced Mosin–Nagant rifles. This article seeks to elaborate the historical background of these two unconventional and intriguing arms deals, and examines how a country engulfed in continuous civil wars managed to utilise the purchase and disposition of foreign surplus arms as part of its diplomatic agenda in the 1930s. The author presents a narrative of a twenty-year period of Mexican history as viewed through the histories of two obscure, yet important, rifles.

USSR Military Assistance to the Federal Government During the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)

Drawing on newly available documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) the author closely examines Soviet-Nigerian military and technical cooperation during the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). He focuses on the following issues: the extent of Soviet assistance to the war efforts by the Federal Military Government (FMG) of Nigeria, how Soviet weapons were used in combat operations, what effect military aid had on Soviet-Nigerian relations. On 30th May 1967, the southeastern provinces of Nigeria attempted to secede as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. This caused the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). The head of the FMG general Yakubu Gowon had to apply the USSR for military assistance. The USSR did not recognize the break-away region. The author argues that there were three Soviet-Nigerian arms deals in 1967–1969. The quantity of military hardware and small arms supplied to the FMG remains a guarded secret, and the author had to rely on the declassified CIA intelligence and other published sources. Soviet military personnel in Nigeria, mostly pilots and aviation specialists, strictly adhered to the rule: do not commit acts that might have involved the Soviet Union in the Nigerian conflict. During the war, Soviet-Nigerian relations rose from virtually zero to a fairly high level. However, military assistance did not turn Nigeria into a Soviet ally. Nigerian foreign policy did not change fundamentally, it was still dominated by the Western vector.

The Primacy of Politics? Arms Imports and Political Relations of the Visegrád Countries 1999–2020

International commerce can be determined by the political climate between the exporter and the importer. Arms transfers are a much complex process, where beyond economic factors, alliance ties, security perception and defence planning are also considered. Still, they might not be independent of political relations. This paper aims to capture the arms supplier–recipient relations between the Visegrád countries and Russia, the United States and Germany from 1999 to 2020. More specifically, how do the two factors affect each other: are good political relations necessary for arms deals? Or do arms deals facilitate a friendly political climate? Our conclusion is as follows. On the one hand, a cooperative political climate increases the probability of arms deals, but they are not a necessity, as mutual benefits and security perceptions can override the current political climate. On the other hand, however, arms transfers can deepen cooperation or alleviate the existing differences between the parties.

The Primacy of Politics? Arms Imports and Political Relations of the Visegrád Countries 1999–2020

International commerce can be determined by the political climate between the exporter and the importer. Arms transfers are a much complex process, where beyond economic factors, alliance ties, security perception and defence planning are also considered. Still, they might not be independent of political relations. This paper aims to capture the arms supplier–recipient relations between the Visegrád countries and Russia, the United States and Germany from 1999 to 2020. More specifically, how do the two factors affect each other: are good political relations necessary for arms deals? Or do arms deals facilitate a friendly political climate? Our conclusion is as follows. On the one hand, a cooperative political climate increases the probability of arms deals, but they are not a necessity, as mutual benefits and security perceptions can override the current political climate. On the other hand, however, arms transfers can deepen cooperation or alleviate the existing differences between the parties.

Judicializing Foreign Affairs: The Canada-Saudi Arms Deal and the Implications of Transnational Tort Litigation

In the recent past, the ability to challenge Canadian government action with foreign relations elements has spilled over from administrative law into tort law. At the same time, tort actions against multinational corporations for human rights violations abroad have also seen a surge in Canadian courts, culminating in the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Nevsun Resources Ltd. v. Araya. This article addresses some doctrinal elements of a potential transnational tort claim against the Canadian government and a Canadian arms manufacturer pursuant to human rights violations arising from the 2014 Canada-Saudi Arms Deal [CSAD]. It also explores consequential effects that Canada’s burgeoning transnational tort laws can have on Canada-Saudi relations as well as the Canadian defence industry. Overall, this article uses the CSAD as one real-life scenario in which private law litigation can have broader effects on a country’s foreign relations and domestic economy. In this instance, the judiciary’s power to exact extra-judicial consequences illustrates how tort litigation can curtail the behaviour of governmental and commercial actors.

Peddling Atrocity

Abstract The contribution of corporations to the commission of international crimes has been profound in effect, but largely understated in actual criminal prosecutions. While the ability of the International Criminal Court to hold corporations accountable remains the subject of debate, national jurisdictions can play an important role. Canada could be a notable player in this regard, with many registered businesses operating abroad and sometimes in circumstances potentially linked to human rights violations or international crimes. This article addresses Canada’s ability to hold such corporations accountable. It first establishes the applicability of corporate criminal responsibility for international crimes in Canada. As an illustrative case study, it then applies this framework to a major arms deal between a Canadian corporation and Saudi Arabia and considers the potential link to war crimes allegedly committed by Saudi forces in Yemen. The article confirms that corporations may in principle be held criminally responsible in Canada for international crimes committed by third parties abroad, and urges close scrutiny of such matters, including in Yemen.

"Keep It under Wraps": The Arms Deals of the Austrian State Industry and the Noricum Scandal

The so-called Noricum scandal deeply unsettled the political system of the Austrian Second Republic between 1985 and 1993. So far, this case has not been the subject of historical research with the exception of journalistic or political science accounts. The affair was caused by illegal arms deals with Iran and Iraq, at a time when these countries were fighting against one another in the Iran-Iraq War (1980–88). The arms shipments were conducted by the Noricum Maschinenbau und Handel Gesellschaft m.b.H, a subsidiary firm of the Vereinigte Österreichische Eisen- und Stahlwerke-Alpine Montan AG (VOEST-Alpine AG), the heavyweight of Austrian nationalized industries. The sales encompassed 353 long-range howitzers (GHN-45), ammunition, and supplies. The deals constituted a clear violation of Austrian arms export laws, which forbade the sale of arms to belligerent states. After the affair gradually became public, political and criminal responsibility was clarified during several trials. This contribution explores the subject in regard to the overall context of postindustrial change in the 1970s and 1980s. The Noricum affair is interpreted as a continuation of problematic Austrian arms exports to Latin America and the Middle East. Furthermore, the circumstances of Austrian neutrality and the arms exports laws are highlighted, as well as the political-judicial consequences.

Arming a Few Dictators but not Others: the Politics of UK Arms Sales to Chile (1973–1989) and Argentina (1976–1983)

The United Kingdom imposed an arms embargo on Chile in 1974 but not on Argentina after the 1976 coup, despite brutal military dictatorships in both countries. What explains this difference? What can this difference reveal about the determinants of government decisions regarding arms exports? Using mainly archival evidence, this article demonstrates that this difference is explained by a stronger advocacy network in the United Kingdom campaigning on Chile, which was largely due to a greater identification of the British left with the Chilean struggle. The hub of this network was the Chile Solidarity Campaign, which mediated the influence of the transnational anti-Pinochet movement on the UK government. These findings suggest that shared values or identities make transnational issues more likely to resonate with domestic audiences. Evidence also indicates the importance of activists’ connections with gatekeepers, focus on specific arms deals, and demonstrated causal chains between arms exports and repression.

Arming a few dictators but not others: The politics of UK arms sales to Chile (1973–1989) and Argentina (1976–1983)

The United Kingdom imposed an arms embargo on Chile in 1974 but not on Argentina after the 1976 coup, despite brutal military dictatorships in both countries. What explains this difference? What can this difference reveal about the determinants of government decisions regarding arms exports? Using mainly archival evidence, this article demonstrates that this difference is explained by a stronger advocacy network in the United Kingdom campaigning on Chile, which was largely due to a greater identification of the British left with the Chilean struggle. The hub of this network was the Chile Solidarity Campaign, which mediated the influence of the transnational anti-Pinochet movement on the UK government. These findings suggest that shared values or identities make transnational issues more likely to resonate with domestic audiences. Evidence also indicates the importance of activists’ connections with gatekeepers, focus on specific arms deals, and demonstrated causal chains between arms exports and repression.

Britain and African Nationalist Leaders: The Response to Arms Deals with South Africa, 1968-1972

ABSTRACT In the Cold War, South Africa saw itself an important stronghold of the West, being also Britain’s fourth largest export market. Edward Heath’s Conservative government assumed that Pretoria would participate in the region’s defence, thus resumption of arms supplies for external defence was necessary, while African countries could not ignore their economic dependence on the White regime. On the other hand, Black Africa perceived South Africa as a danger to international stability. Kenneth Kaunda, Zambia’s president, warned that Western Powers' failure to ‘assist the oppressed’ was forcing nationalists into the communist bloc, while Julius Nyerere of Tanzania wrote that outside forces were oppressing Africans. The freedom struggle had become part of the global ideological conflict. For Britain, it remained part of Cold War issues and balance of payments questions; for Africans, it was something non-negotiable. Nonetheless, Western regional security favoured a flourishing arms market from which no one wanted exclusion.