Arms Acquisition Research Articles

The Economic Impact of Arms Spending in Germany, Italy, and Spain

Abstract In the last 10 years, military expenditures of NATO EU countries (according to NATO definitions and data) have increased by almost 50 %, from €145 billion in 2014 to €215 billion in 2023. In this context, it is important to assess the economic consequences that the current increase in military spending is likely to have on Europe’s economies. We focus on Germany, Italy and Spain, and we concentrate on arms acquisitions. The article investigates the economic effect of military expenditure on growth and employment and compares it to the impact that could emerge from a similar expenditure for education, health and the environment. We use an input–output methodology – already adopted by several studies – to assess the relevance of imports and of demand towards different sectors providing intermediate inputs. We assess the likely impact on output and jobs of one billion euros of extra spending in arms, and compare it to the outcomes of the same amount spent in education, health and the environment. Our findings show that for all countries non-military public expenditures have a greater impact on the economy and employment than spending for arms acquisition.

Arms acquisition in the Baltic States and transfers to Ukraine: balancing national security

ABSTRACT Three Baltic States (3Bs), like most eastern NATO countries, treat the war in Ukraine as a strong national interest: if Russia is stopped in Ukraine, it will not be capable of inflicting any harm to them. As a result, national decision-makers are making hard choices on which military capabilities need to be transferred to Ukraine and what must remain for national needs. The results indicate that 3Bs Defence Ministers understand the importance of supporting Ukraine with lethal and non-lethal items. 3Bs acquire major arms from various countries with different spending levels and have limited ability for combined procurement opportunities, although they seek to develop similar military capabilities. It is assessed that 3Bs will not deliver newly acquired major arms to Ukraine and will continue delivering reliable legacy systems. Therefore, allocating funds for combined major arms procurements implemented by the third party like the U.K.-led International Fund for Ukraine, is the most viable option to continue supporting Ukraine.

The Question Of The Supply Of Weapons And AmmunitionTo The Republic Of Armenia In 1918-1920

In 1917-1918, the unpredictable course of events led to the re-establishment of the Armenian statehood, which forced the creation of its own armed forces as a guarantee of its existence, which made the young republic dependent on almost all powers in terms of arms acquisition, in particular after the October 1917 Russian coup. From the Entente countries, Britain and France, which became major actors in the Transcaucasian region and were guided by their hidden deep interests, the assistance to the Republic of Armenia was conditional, partial, inadequate and in many cases outdated. Allied military-political representations in Transcaucasia and Armenia gradually replaced the initially cautious approach with outspoken pro-Muslim practices, and the interests of Britain and other countries became more in tune with Azerbaijan and Georgia. Armenia appeared in the role of a beggar for help, including the delivery of weapons and ammunition, which was incomplete, low-quality, accidental, completely outdated.

Implications of Proliferation of Arms and Ammunition for West Africa Sub-Regional Development

The transfer of weapons and ammunition between non-state groups has grown significantly in West Africa. The consequences of these for regional security and their cross-border impacts have made it more likely that many other security issues would arise. The problem has gotten worse. In recent times and this raises questions about the sub-region’s security as a whole. The implication of proliferation of arms and ammunitions was examined qualitatively in this study. The research uses content analysis thereby limit the data to secondary data. The paper identified factors that motivate arms acquisition in the region, the most significant of which are unending conflicts and inability of governmental to control it. The work highlights the various efforts at eradicating the threat of the proliferation of illegal arms. The efforts were been hindered by a number of challenges namely lack of transparency, corruption on the part paramilitary officer, effect of globalization among others. The paper concludes and recommend more proactive response to curb the proliferation of arms and to maintain some level of security and a secure sub-region. An extensive strategy is advised to ensure the complete eradication of illegal dealing in arms.

Offset versus off-the-shelf in arms procurement: the Boxer infantry fighting vehicle in Lithuania as a case study

ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to discuss offset versus off-the-shelf options for arms procurement in Lithuania between 2014 and 2022, including the acquisition of the Boxer infantry fighting vehicle. Content, quantitative, and qualitative comparative analyses are used to interpret accessible data. Lithuania, as an off-the-shelf buyer, achieved a median price for the Boxer in a short-term perspective, while countries/manufacturers or technology-acceptors gained economic advantages and beneficial prices. Upcoming arms procurements in Lithuania could anticipate and even shape the position of the government toward offset implementation in arms acquisition.

The Dutch Uzi: Service Variants of the Army, Navy & Air Force, 1957–1997

The well-known Israeli Uzi sub-machine gun saw service with the Dutch Armed Forces between 1957 and 1997. Other than the Israel Defense Forces, the Netherlands were the first nation to adopt this weapon for their conventional military forces—and also the first to use the Uzi in combat. The Dutch Navy, Air Force, and Army all adopted the Israeli sub-machine gun, although each service selected a slightly different configuration, including variants with different stocks and modes of fire. This article presents a brief history of the Uzi in Dutch service, tracing the primary variants in service with all three branches of the armed forces and examining how this variety highlights a recurring small arms acquisition trend within the Dutch military.

Analysis of Key factors in Arms Export and Arms Export Strategy of Middle East Countries


 President Moon has visited to UAE as a National Visit in March, 2018 and express to support co-develop, co-produce and co-export to the third countries of weapon system. Therefore, the paper analyzes the recent arms market in the Middle East, as one of the three major arms export market to Korea, and present an arms export strategy to customize the Middle East countries.Concerning a recent 10 year arms export by region, the ratio of Middle East countries arms export was highly increased by 12%p(17%→29%). And arms acquisition budget in 5 years(2018∼22) will be over 130 billion dollars. UAE has a highly interested in missiles, warship building, surveilance system, RWCS etc after Summit meeting. Iraq has focus on his post war rebuilding to include relevant weapon system and facilities. Also, Saudi Arabia is necessary to fulfill his Saudization policy to enter his arms market.For expanding of Middle East arms market, it is necessary to provide customized defense industry total solution for the whole weapon system lifecycles, dispatch defense cooperation director, find out co-development program between Korea and Middle East countries, and diversify cooperation system in the near future.

Economical & Technological Ripple Effects in Acquiring New Weapon System : Focused on Ground․Sea․Air Weapon System

The private sector is currently reviewing the feasibility of the project or deciding economic policies by analyzing the economic ripple effects. However, the arms acquisition project focuses on the need for the national defense weapons system by analyzing the costs and the effectiveness of the analysis and reviewing the necessity and feasibility of the project. In order to analyze the economic ripple effects, KB (the Bank of Korea) prepares and publishes an analysis table of industrial associations in a given unit. IAAR (the industrial association analysis report) is difficult to apply directly to the defense weapons system. Therefore, research on the economic ripple effects applicable to the defense arms procurement project was needed. In this study, we propose the generic methodology for estimating economical and technical ripple effects resulted in acquiring new weapon systems. Based on the analysis of inter-industrial relations, economical ripple effects are estimated with production inducing effects, value-induced effects, employment-induced effects and export-induced effects. Also, the technological ripple effects are estimated with technological intensity represented by investment cost in research and development. To show the validity of proposed methodology, a case study of acquiring new weapon systems such as GR (guided rocket), destroyer, and helicopter is accomplished. From the case study, it is concluded that these economical & technological ripple effects can be used as a reference to decision making in the course of acquiring major future defense weapons systems.

The Regional Impacts of India-Us Nuclear Deal

The Indian-us nuclear deal brought about a tense scenario to the strategic stability of South Asia in many ways. It intensified the already persistent political albatross between Islamabad and Delhi and Beijing and Delhi in general. The deal enables India to get access to the fissile materials across the world and enrolls it into the nuclear supplier groups lopsidedly, which poses much concern for Pakistan. The diplomatically biased overture of US in the wake of its nuclear wholehearted assistance to Indian pushed Pakistan into psychological isolation, to say the least. Given the fact that the U.S.-India nuclear deal has had a devastating regional impact, it seemed as precipitant to the already existing nuclear arms race among the regional triangle; Pakistan, China and India. Both Pakistan and china showed their loathsome response to the deal and considered it as a conceived blow to the regional strategic stability, for they have their longstanding territorial issues with India. Besides the strategic asymmetry that it procreates in south Asia, the deal also ensures a reassurance effect for the nuclear runner up countries like Iran and North Korea, who are in the way around near to become a nuclear power states. Moreover, US-India nuclear deal also proves lethal to Pakistan-US relation that focuses on the strategic stability of Afghanistan primarily. It spawns many kinds of suspicions in Pakistan’s government toward the US over the later impartial diplomatic approach toward the former. Pakistan in return embarks upon a cordial relation with the Russian to reciprocate the US-India new engagement. Somehow, it gives enough reasons for Pakistan to embolden its defense, economic and political ties with Russian and China in a bid to counterweight Indian influence in the region. The nations of both developing countries India and Pakistan are reeling under multiple problems ranging from abject poverty, poor health facilities, illiteracy, to unemployment and lacking basic life amenities. Ironically enough, the ever-gloomy picture of the people in these countries on one side and their disproportionate defense expenditures on other side forecast destructive consequences in offing as the underdeveloped society is a time bomb and can be turned violently against the state. Hence, the region is in crucial need of human development in terms of education, health, economic resources, industrialization, job security and social security against all odds. The time is ripened up for both India and Pakistan to draw their attention away from arms acquisition toward regional multilateral engagements and should learn the lesson of European countries how could ably they translate their once perennial rivalry into perpetual friendship.

An Alternate Theory for the Acquisition of Arms to the Collective Goods Theory

This article offers an alternate theory for the acquisition of arms to the collective goods theory. Deduced from structural neorealist principles, this structural theory of arms acquisition shows how structural forces at work shape and condition arms acquisitions for a particular country much more than what is commonly acknowledged. It supplements what is lacking in the collective goods theory of arms acquisition, namely the postulates of the structure part and the link between interest and structure. This study accounts for the disproportionate expenditures in terms of system-wide structure and polarity, as well as lower subsystemic structures such as relational and dyadic structures.

Exploring Strategies and Implications of an Opportunistic Alliance: A Case Study of Pakistan and China

This article seeks to test the validity of ‘balance of threat’ theory as propounded by Stephen Walt that states react to imbalances of threat. It takes into account the factors enumerated by Walt to explore threat perceptions of Pakistan and the strategy they developed to cope with security threats. It attempts to take an overview of Pakistan's security dilemma its responses in twin time frames: the Cold War period (1980–1989) and the post-Cold War period (1990–2000) with relevance to the contemporary period. Pakistan's arms acquisition, upgradation in sophistication of arsenals, increase in fund allocation in defence have all been its tangible tactics to neutralize India's military superiority. Pakistan explored Pan-Islamism to bring the support of the Islamic states. Pakistan also resorted to an active alliance with China, to increase its competency. From a theoretical angle, this article adopts a realist viewpoint, focuses on security concerns of state actors.

Coroner autopsy study of homicides in Rivers State of Nigeria: 11-year review

As most developing countries, including Nigeria, grapple with economic crisis, poor human capital development and high levels of income inequality, violent crimes - especially homicides - continue to be a cause for concern. We studied the pathology and demographic distribution of homicides in Rivers State of Nigeria expecting that the findings would be useful in formulating preventive strategies. Reports of homicide autopsies in the state for 11 years were retrospectively scrutinized for age, gender, type of weapon, site of injury, circumstances, mechanisms and causes of death. The data were analyzed using SPSS version 17. Homicides constituted 50.5% of the medicolegal autopsies. Although the overall male:female ratio was 12.4 : 1, there was variation with weapon. Deaths by firearm had the highest male:female ratio of 24.6 : 1. The mean and peak ages were 29.2 ± 11.4 and 21-30 years, respectively, while the range was 1 to 96 years. Firearms were the most common weapons, at 68.9%, hemorrhagic shock and head injuries at 61.5% and 28.2% respectively were the most common mechanisms and causes of death. Armed robbery incidents were the most common circumstances, while the head was the most common site of injury at 48.8%. The homicide rate is high in our environment and most homicides are committed during armed robberies using firearms. Improving medical care and providing emergency medical services will reduce cases of deaths from homicides, most of which occur due to manageable hemorrhagic shock. Increasing the drive towards controlling illegal arms acquisition and possession will reduce the present carnage in the state.

From Under Their Noses: Rebel Groups’ Arms Acquisition and the Importance of Leakages from State Stockpiles

This article discusses the importance for armed groups of arms acquisition from government sources. It considers how arms transfers are treated by the “new war” and globalization literature, and how they focus on cross-border transfers at the expense of domestic procurement. Despite the attention given to the international arms trade, in reality it is by theft, ambush, and corruption that most rebel groups source weapons and ammunition. Evidence from conflicts around the world indicates a preference for this type of arms acquisition over foreign sources, in part because the importation of weapons requires money and sponsorship. Bringing together examples of conflicts where domestic procurement has been crucial, it highlights conditions that favor targeting government-sourced weapons, particularly during the early stages of a conflict. The article ends with a discussion of the policy implications of its findings.

Arms Acquisition Patterns and the Dynamics of Armed Conflict: Lessons from the Niger Delta

Arms acquisition is a crucial venture for armed insurgency groups for carrying out their militant activities. I argue that the specific manner in which these groups obtain weapons may have important consequences for the dynamics of violent intrastate conflict. While most previous studies of the relationship between arms acquisition and armed conflict have focused solely on the impact of arms availability, in this article I analyze the impact of two specific aspects of arms acquisition patterns—the methods and the degree of leadership control—on the dynamics and nature of armed conflict in a qualitative case study of the armed conflict in the Niger Delta (Nigeria) between 1995 and 2005. I conclude that the specific arms acquisition method and the degree of leadership control over this process have strongly affected the dynamics of the conflict.

Path to African security under the 21st century nuclear regime

Historically, it is most unfortunate that not long after Africa extricated itself from the hellish pangs of colonialism spurned around her by the contradictions of industrial Revolution of the 19th century, the continent and the entire humanity for over 40 years have contended with global insecurity occasioned by the recent Cold War between the United States and the then Soviet Union. As the Cold War lasted, and arguably till today, African security also remained under threat, thanks to a resurgence of neocolonialism across the world. Today mankind has arrived the nuclear age and the bubble is about to burst. Today, not only the super powers but also the once pitied countries in the Third World countries in Asia and Latin America now engage one another in an unspeakable cut-throat competition in arms acquisition including the most lethal nuclear war-heads. The point is that this development posed very grave threat to the security of life to the entire mankind in general but also to that of Africa. In particular in this paper the author analyzed aspects of African security and constructed a new path to African security under the current nuclear regime. Key words: Africa-Africa security, nuclear regime, twenty first century.

Conflict Specific Capital: The Role of Weapons Acquisition in Civil War

This article presents a correspondence between the mode of weapons acquisition by armed opposition groups and the form of a civil war. The mode of arms acquisition is affected by two factors—availability and control over the acquisition process. Variations in the mode of arms acquisition correspond to three types of insurgency: led by a single and organized group, warlordism, and disorganized armed bands. This article discusses how weapons acquisition is considered in the existing literature on arms and civil conflict, and examines the definitions of arms availability. It provides new insights on the availability and control of weapons in civil conflict and provides examples from Nepal, Iraq, and Afghanistan. The article concludes with an examination of the policy implications of its findings.

Small Arms and Light Weapons Among Pastoral Groups in the Kenya–Uganda Border Area

Recent decades have seen an escalation in interethnic resource conflicts and banditry among pastoralists in the Kenya-Uganda border region, fuelled by a growing number of small arms. State management has been largely unsuccessful and often counterproductive in reducing numbers of small arms. The creation of paramilitary institutions in rural Kenya and Uganda are an example of how legal arms are entering communities and intensifying the conflicts further. Understanding the sources and mechanisms of arms acquisition is a significant step in curbing the violence. The main sources and routes, and the current costs of arms and ammunition are provided. More important however is to appreciate the complex reasons behind the demand for small arms. Relationships with states, alienation of pastoral land, cultural issues and questions of livelihood are all examined, using empirical evidence collected by the author between 2001 and 2005. IN JANUARY 2000, at the height of a drought in the Kenya-Uganda border region, Karimojong warriors from Nakapiripirit manyatta in Uganda killed 60 Pokot pastoralists in a conflict over pasture. A total of 11 children and 16 women were killed in the battle and several more injured. The guns of the dead and 5,000 heads of cattle were taken.1 The incident is illustrative of a larger trend which has seen an escalation in the numbers of light weapons and violence in the area. The Kenya-Uganda border is one of East Africa's most severely affected areas in terms of firearm-related insecurity. Over the last three decades, small arms and light weapons (SALW) have entered the cross-border regions in unprecedented numbers. This is evidenced in part by the frequent reports of violent cattle-raiding activities, banditry on roads and attacks on the Ugandan army. In Karamoja, on the Ugandan side of the Kennedy Agade Mkutu is a former lecturer with the Kenya Institute of Administration and is currently a consultant with Peace and Conflict Transfomation. 1. Interview with Rev. John Lodinyo, pastor of Baptist Church, Kiwawa, 31 May 2001. The officer-in-charge of the police noted that the number of Pokot looking for pasture had increased because of the dry spell in the district at the time.

Crossbows for the King, Part II: The Crossbow during the Reign of Edward I of England (1272-1307)

Because of the enormous increase in military activity during the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century, royal officials serving Edward I (1272Ð1307) were faced with the need to acquire far larger numbers of crossbows and crossbow bolts than had been the case under Edward's predecessors. In order to save money, royal administrative officials pursued two distinct policies with regard to these weapons. First, royal officers purchased and deployed the new technology of a removable winch that could be transferred from one crossbow to another, thereby cutting down on the total number of these expensive devices that were required for service. Royal officials also made a conscious decision to deploy very large numbers of the least expensive wooden "one-foot" crossbows in place of the more expensive, although more powerful, composite crossbows of the "two-foot" and winched types. In pursuing this cost-saving measure, Edward's officials deviated from the arms acquisition policies of Henry III's reign.

The making of arms in South Africa

The article presents a history of South Africa's arms industry. It charts the creation of Armscor, the post-apartheid breaking up of its procurement and production roles to form the current arms producer, Denel, and the even more recent restructuring of the industry. It is a story that shows the continuing legacy of apartheid, underlining the strength of the vested interests that make up the country's military-industrial complex, and highlights the important influence international arms producers can have. The article raises concerns over the structure and governance of the industry and over an arms offset deal associated with the most recently signed major arms acquisition package, and traces the dangers that are present for any small country that becomes embroiled in the international arms market.

Rethinking Arms Races: Asymmetry and Volatility in the Taiwan Strait Case

Post-cold war experience requires us to rethink our understandings about arms race phenomena. Existing scholarship is dominated by models that bear insufficient resemblance to contemporary circumstances to warrant their being applied as analytical tools to yield predictions or explanations of ongoing arms acquisition processes. These standard models assume bilateral competition under conditions of symmetry and have produced a body of findings based on analyses of aggregate defense expenditure time series. Contemporary international arms competitions such as the China-Taiwan conflict are quite different. They are characterized by significant asymmetries in actors’ strategic calculations and their geopolitical capabilities, by the direct or indirect engagement of more than two actors, and by combinations of defensive and offensive weapons systems. In this paper we undertake a case study of the China-Taiwan arms competition using both quantitative and qualitative methods. We demonstrate that this competition is a true arms race, heavily weighted toward the types of weapons that have the potential to destabilize the existing military balance between the two states. The implications of this finding are an increased probability of violent conflict between China and Taiwan, and a greater likelihood that arms competitions between China and other military powers involved in the region will intensify.