Argive Plain Research Articles

Mid-late Holocene vegetation history of the Argive Plain (Peloponnese, Greece) as inferred from a pollen record from ancient Lake Lerna.

This study provides a high-resolution reconstruction of the vegetation of the Argive Plain (Peloponnese, Greece) covering 5000 years from the Early Bronze Age onwards. The well dated pollen record from ancient Lake Lerna has been interpreted in the light of archaeological and historical sources, climatic data from the same core and other regional proxies. Our results demonstrate a significant degree of human impact on the environments of the Argive Plain throughout the study period. During the Early Bronze Age evidence of a thermophilous vegetation is seen in the pollen record, representing the mixed deciduous oak woodland of the Peloponnesian uplands. The plain was mainly used for the cultivation of cereals, whereas local fen conditions prevailed at the coring site. Towards the end of this period an increasing water table is recorded and the fen turns into a lake, despite more arid conditions. In the Late Bronze Age, the presence of important palatial centres modified the landscape resulting in decrease of mixed deciduous oak woodland and increase in open land, partly used for grazing. Possibly, the human management produced a permanent hydrological change at Lake Lerna. From the Archaic period onwards the increasing human pressure in association with local drier conditions caused landscape instability, as attested by a dramatic alluvial event recorded in the Pinus curve at the end of the Hellenistic Age. Wet conditions coincided with Roman times and favoured a forest regeneration pattern in the area, at the same time as we see the most intensive olive cultivation in the pollen record. The establishment of an economic landscape primarily based on pastures is recorded in the Byzantine period and continues until modern times. Overgrazing and fires in combination with arid conditions likely caused degradation of the vegetation into garrigue, as seen in the area of the Argive Plain today.

Politics and Landscape in the Argive Plain after the Battle of Sepeia

AbstractModern studies have emphasized the contradictory nature of the ancient traditions concerning the aftermath of the Battle of Sepeia (494 BC), in which the Argive army was destroyed by the Spartans. This article tackles the most significant point of agreement in these traditions: the theme of Argive ‘oligandry’, the demographic crisis caused by the battle. An analysis conducted on the basis of Ansley J. Coale and Paul Demeny’s Model Life Tables shows that the real impact of the demographic crisis was felt in the age structure of Argos’ population rather than in the sheer size of its citizen body. Consequently, this article argues that the political ramifications of the battle originated not from the demographic crisis alleged by the tradition, but from the state of powerlessness and regional isolation into which Argos was plunged by the defeat of 494. This argument, which supports a reappraisal of Plutarch’s(De mul. vir.4) version of Argos’ response to Sepeia, also helps explain why Argos embraced a markedly aggressive foreign policy towards the towns of the plain in the following decades.

Forces of the Hands, Forces of the Lands. An Awareness of People's Multi-tasking in the Agrarian and Economic Landscape of the Late Bronze Age Argive Plain

Forces of the Hands, Forces of the Lands. An Awareness of People's Multi-tasking in the Agrarian and Economic Landscape of the Late Bronze Age Argive Plain

The “House of Pithoi”: An early Middle Helladic (MH) household in the South Quarter of Argos (Argolid, Peloponnese)

This paper presents the final results from the systematic re-examination of a household assemblage, known as the “House of Pithoi” in the South Quarter of Argos, excavated by the late Prof. Francis Croissant in 1966, and dated to the Middle Helladic (MH) period. The purpose of the study is to (a) present the four distinct architectural phases, which cover the entire span from MH I to MH II early, (b) highlight the burials made, both during its period of occupation and shortly after its abandonment, (c) describe the early MH pottery in detail, and (d) discuss and contextualize the storage facilities of the House of Pithoi – dating from the beginning of the MH period. These, taken with other pieces of evidence including the wider socio-economic circumstances in the Argive plain, reveal a more dynamic situation than traditionally thought.

Mortuary practices in the Argolid, Ca. 1200-700 BC

Esta comunicação constitui um resumo do estado atual da pesquisa de doutoramento desenvolvida no MAE / USP que pretende levantar, catalogar e examinar os vestígios arqueológicos dos contextos funerários, datados entre o intervalo do século XI ao VIII a.C. - a denominada “Idade Obscura” grega-, nos sítios da região da Argólida. Comparando tais dados entre si e discutindo-os a partir de fundamentos teórico-metodológicos da arqueologia das práticas mortuárias, objetivamos, por fim, levantar considerações sobre os costumes funerários dessa região, revelando possíveis padrões de enterramento e de comportamento sociocultural inseridos nas mudanças políticas ocorridas, principalmente, no século VIII a.C

GEOMORPHOLOGICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE BROADER AREA OF THE MYCENAEAN DAM OF MEGALO REMA AND ANCIENT TIRYNS, SOUTHEASTERN ARGIVE PLAIN, PELOPONNESUS

Along the eastern margins of the Argive plain, in the torrent of Mégalo Rema and at a distance of 4 kilometers east of ancient Tiryns, lies the "Mycenaean dam of ancient Tiryns" a unique technological work of 13th century B.C. It is believed that it was constructed for the effective protection of the immediate environs of the Mycenaean acropolis of Tiryns from the great floods of Mégalo Rema torrent which was flowing just south of the citadel in Mycenaean times. This technical feat is survived in very good condition, having an almost N-S direction, a length of 80-100 meters, a base of 10 meters and an extant height of 8 meters. Its external side is lined with Cyclopean walls. The stability of the dam is strengthened by the presence of flysch on its southern end. The diversion of the channel of Mégalo Rema was accomplished by the digging of a 1.4 Km long artificial channel having a SSW direction and joining downstream with the natural channel of Agios Adrianos Rema which discharges in the Gulf of Argos farther south from ancient Tiryns. The course of this downstream part of the new Mégalo Rema was again diverted by the Venetians around 1500 A.D. The presence of this dam comprises a fundamental reference point for the geomorphological evolution of this area in the last 3200 years, given that when it was constructed the drainage network of Mégalo Rema had already incised in the Pleistocene sediments to a depth of about 10 meters as testified by its inactive channel behind the dam. The ensuing downcutting in the artificial channel during the last 3200 years is 2 meters below the depth of the inactive channel. The incision processes in this time period were not continuous resulting in the formation of a 3-4 meter inner alluvial terrace probably in post - Roman times. The construction of the Mycenaean dam for flood protective purposes seems to be valid, but the study of the evolution of the broader coastal environment of the Tiryns acropolis leads to an equally important hypothesis that the high sedimentation rates of Mégalo Rema had been creating serious problems in the sediment filling of this Mycenaean port whose operation was vitally important for the broader area of the Mycenaean Argive plain.

A late Holocene record of environmental changes from the Aliki lagoon, Egion, North Peloponnesus, Greece

Aliki lagoon is a small lagoon located on the micro-tidal south coast of the Gulf of Corinth, Greece. The sediments of the lagoon recovered in three cores provide a record of late Holocene environmental change, including tectonic subsidence, tsunami layers, and change in local vegetation and sedimentation. Four periods of rapid environmental changes were identified over a 5000-yr-long record. These date from about 4700, 3000, 2500 and 2000 yr BP. Each change is linked to activity on the Egion fault, a deepening of the lagoonal bottom and a rise in relative sea level. Six tsunami events are recorded and have been caused by earthquakes on the Egion fault (three events ∼4700, ∼3000 and ∼2500 BP), Eliki fault (2350±40 yr BP) and two more distal fault ruptures. The vegetation history and pollen zones are similar to those recognised by Jahns (Vegetation Hist. Archaebot. 2 (1993) 187) on the Argive Plain, 100 km southeast of the lagoon. Five successive sedimentological configurations are established in relation to the time frame provided by the tectonic activity: (1) crevasse splay; (2) fresh to brackish water marsh; (3) and (4) brackish to hypersaline “blind” lagoon, and (5) brackish to hypersaline “blind” lagoon or brackish open lagoon.

An electron microprobe study of P645/T390: Evidence for an Early Helladic III Lerna–Aegina connection

AbstractMiddle Helladic Aeginetan Ware is widely distributed throughout the Aegean. It is characterized by a “gold mica or volcanic ash” fabric and is abundant at Lerna on the Argive plain, Greece, in the Middle Helladic and Late Helladic I periods. A group of Early Helladic III ceramics at Lerna includes P645/T390, which also has a volcanic fabric. We have sampled all the major rock types of the separate volcanic episodes on Aegina, Methana, and Poros and analyzed the constituent minerals with the electron microprobe. These analyses provide a reference standard against which the mineralogy of P645/T390 and other potential Aeginetan wares can be compared. The compositions of amphibole, clinopyroxene, plagioclase, and biotite in P645/T390 are identical to the same minerals in dacites on Aegina, suggesting an origin on that island. Compositional mismatches with the minerals of Methana and Poros indicated the ceramic was not manufactured at these locations. This narrow‐necked jar represents the earliest occurrence of Aeginetan Ware on mainland Greece that has been confirmed by a quantitative method. © 2002 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

How Argive Was the "Argive" Heraion? The Political and Cultic Geography of the Argive Plain, 900–400 B. C.

The Sanctuary of Hera on the eastern limits of the Argive Plain has, in recent years, figured prominently in accounts seeking to describe the process of Greek state formation. There has been a general consensus that the establishment of the sanctuary in the Geometric period served to delimit the territory of the nascent city of Argos and to establish Argive domination over the Plain, to the detriment of the neighboring communities of Mycenae and Tiryns. This article reexamines the evidence for the Heraion and its position within the Argive Plain from an explicitly interdisciplinary point of view, drawing on archaeological, historical, linguistic, and mythological data. It attempts to demonstrate that the territory of Argos was not coterminous with the entire Argive Plain in the eighth century B. C.; that there were distinct cultural differences between the eastern and western sides of the Plain; that the Heraion is accommodated more easily within the religious and cultural traditions of the eastern Plain; and finally, that there was no major change in this state of affairs until the mid-fifth century B. C.

On the Holocene vegetation history of the Argive Plain (Peloponnese, southern Greece)

Palynological investigations have been carried out on a sediment core from ancient Lake Lerna, a former fresh water lagoon in the western part of the Argive plain, Peloponnese, southern Greece. The sequence starts at 6800 B.P. (5700 cal B.C.). The lowest part of the pollen diagram shows a period of open deciduous oak woods, which may have been influenced by human impact already (Zone I). It is followed by a period of dense deciduous oak woods (Zone II), which lasted until the beginning of the Bronze Age ca. 4800 B.P. (3500 cal B.C.). Later, the diagram indicates strong human influence such as woodland clearance, the spread of maquis, phrygana and pine in Zones IIIa-IV. During the Archaic, Geometric and Classical periods after ca. 2700 B.P. (800 cal B.C.) there is evidence of a phase of extensive olive farming (Zone IIIb). In the same zone, after a period of scattered finds, there is an almost continuous Juglans curve. Zone IV is characterised by high pine values. In Zones I-II the evidence of evergreen Mediterranean plants is surprisingly small. In times with no discernible human influence (Zone II), deciduous oaks dominate, with no evidence for a climax vegetation of the Oleo-Ceratonion alliance. Olea europaea is the only species of that alliance traceable by its pollen in the diagram, while Ceratonia pollen is totally absent.

Quaternary transgressive/regressive cycles in the Gulf of Argos, Greece

Borings in the Argive Plain reveal cycles of marine incursions, each ending with a Mediterranean soil profile and followed by a prograded fluvial and coastal wedge. The sediment prism of the Gulf of Argos shelf, visible in high-resolution seismic reflection profiles, also consists of transgressive and regressive depositional sequences identified by onlap, downlap, and truncation of deposits. At least four major reflectors, recognizable by their high acoustic impedance and erosional features, can be correlated across the shelf. The sediments between each pair of reflectors represent the seaward part of a set of transgressive and regressive marine deposits. They can be matched to the stratigraphic sequence on land where each marine unit is topped by a soil. Corrected for subsidence, the terminations of the onlapping and downlapping units define a local sea-level history; its time scale can be derived from a comparison with the eustatic sea-level history deduced from ocean cores. Thus, marine seismic reflection data can be used for the correlation of Quaternary oceanic and terrestrial chronologies.

Argive Politics and Policy after the Peace of Nicias

IN THE summer of 418 B.C. the Spartans in full force, accompanied by their Helots, and the Tegeans with all their Arcadian allies marched out to attack the territory of the Argives. At the same time their allies from Boeotia and Corinth along with those from the rest of the Peloponnese gathered at Phlius to take part in the campaign. The magnitude of the force was well justified by the seriousness of Sparta's grievances against Argos. The Argives had seized upon the weakened condition of Sparta after the Archidamian war to try to recover the hegemony of the Peloponnese. They had allied themselves with Elis and Mantinea to form a league which powerfully threatened the Spartan position. More recently they had made a treaty with Athens and were engaged in besieging Epidaurus. The prestige of Sparta was at low ebb; some Peloponnesian states had already revolted and others were restive. With the Spartan position deteriorating daily King Agis set out against the Argives to destroy a serious threat to the hegemony of Lacedaemon. After some preliminary maneuvers to achieve a favorable position (these will be discussed later) Agis moved into the Argive plain and prepared for battle. The Argives were arrayed to meet him and all was in readiness for a great conflict; the armies had all but made contact when a remarkable event took place. Two Argives, Thrasyllus, one of the five strategoi, and Alciphron, proxenos of the Spartans, came forward to Agis asking him to avoid battle. They offered, as Thucydides tells us, to put to arbitration any grievances the Spartans might have against them and to make a treaty as well. Agis accepted the offer, struck a four months' truce with the Argives, and led his army homeward. The battle never took place. The decision of Agis is very surprising; the battlefield and his position on it had been of his choosing and he had at his disposal a formidable army. Thucydides tells us, moreover, that the Argives were hemmed in on all sides and that they were without cavalry to face the Boeotian horse. Why, then, did Agis agree to a truce ? Some have suspected that the decision was founded on political rather than military considerations without giving a fully satisfactory account of the political situation involved.' Others have rejected politics and explained the incident in purely military terms.2 It is the purpose of this paper to show that the military interpretation is inadequate and to suggest an explanation based on political factors. Thucydides tells us plainly that during the Peace of Nicias there were

Mycenae

The plain of Argos is roughly triangular in shape. The base lies along the sea coast from Lerna to Nauplia and the apex is at Mycenae, which thus overlooks the Argive plain as Deceleia overlooks the Attic. The traveller, who, like Pausanias, approaches Argolis from the northeast by way of Corinth and Nemea and sees, as he emerges from the Tretos defile, the Argive plain opening before him to the southeast, will notice among the foothills to his left a rather inconspicuous, but isolated hill standing out between two steep and rocky conical peaks. This is the citadel of Mycenae. It owes its strength to its natural position, which is easily defensible, and it has an ample supply of fresh water from the spring Perseia running into an underground cistern reached by a secret passage. There were also three wells within the walls and at least one rain-water cistern. No enemy can hope to approach its walls in any force without being observed, and its distance from the coast precludes any danger of surprise from the sea. As a seat of power it is admirably placed. It dominates the Argive plain and it controls the routes that lead northeast to Corinth and the rich districts easily accessible thence, the fertile littoral of Achaia or the Boeotian coast with the central Greek plain behind. The site was thus naturally inhabited early in the Bronze Age, probably from the very beginning of that age on the Mainland of Greece about 2800 B.C., and round it on the outlying hills were neighbouring settlements so that the district even then must have been fairly well populated.

§ XII.—Hagios Elias

The citadel of Mycenae owes much of its impressiveness to the fact that it lies at the foot of and between the twin heights of Hagios Elias to the north and Zara to the south. These two bare peaks of limestone rise very steeply, and seem to stand like two sentinels specially posted by nature to add to the dignity of Mycenae. Their mountain wildness is in strong contrast to the smiling fertility of the Argive plain, which stretches away to the south-west. Zara is some 659 m. high, and has no remains of antiquity on its summit. Hagios Elias is higher, some 807 m., and has been known, since the days of Schliemann, to be crowned by the ruins of ancient fortifications.We made an expedition to the summit on the evening of June 18th, 1922, camped for the night there, and spent the next day in planning the walls and making trial excavations within them. The view from the summit is magnificent (Fig. 96). To the south the whole of the Argive plain lies at one's feet; Argos itself, Lerna, Tiryns, Mideia, Nauplia and Asine are all visible.