Arena Of Struggle Research Articles

Implementation of Public Affairs in the interests of military operations: NATO standards and Ukrainian Armed Forces experience

The research relevance is determined by the need for a deep understanding of Public Affairs strategies in modern military conflicts, where the information space becomes an arena of struggle no less important than the battlefield itself. In the context of the growing role of media and information technology, the effective implementation of Public Affairs can determine the success of military operations and the formation of public opinion. The study aims to analyse current approaches to Public Affairs in the military sphere, with a focus on the experience of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the implementation of NATO standards, to identify effective strategies and methodologies in this area. The methodological basis of the study is based on the following methods: analysis, synthesis, comparison, generalisation, classification, and systematisation. The results of the study include a review of regulations, organisational structure, means and methods of Public Affairs used in the Armed Forces of Ukraine and NATO countries. Analysis of the challenges and problems faced by Public Affairs professionals in the current conditions of hybrid warfare, as well as the prospects for the development of this area of activity in the context of strengthening the information security of the state, is given special attention. The author emphasises the importance of integrating Public Affairs into the overall system of Strategic Communications in the structure of military command and the need to ensure the active participation of Public Affairs Officers in the planning and implementation of military operations. The importance of developing the professional skills of Public Affairs professionals and using the latest information and communication technologies to improve the effectiveness of Strategic Communications is emphasised. The practical significance of the study is due to its contribution to the development of approaches and standards for the implementation of effective Public Affairs in the context of military operations, identification of problems and challenges in this area, recommendations for developing the skills of specialists and improving the level of information security of the state

МАСОВА ЖИТЛОВА ЗАБУДОВА КИЄВА ЧАСІВ СРСР: ПРОЯВ НАЦІОНАЛЬНИХ ОСОБЛИВОСТЕЙ МІСТОБУДУВАННЯ ЧИ ФОРМУВАННЯ УНІФІКОВАНОГО ПРОСТОРУ РАДЯНСЬКОГО МІСТА

The purpose of the article is to identify the peculiarities of urban development in Kyiv through the study of residential areas built in the modernist era and the possibility of taking them into account in the interests of post-war reconstruction of Ukrainian cities and Kyiv's development in the future. Methods. The planning features of the three socialist-era residential areas of Kyiv selected by the authors were assessed using a matrix of criteria developed on the principle of a comprehensive assessment of the territory in terms of three main functional zones. The results of the assessment served as data for building models in the form of petal diagrams that reflect the level of planning features of residential areas in the context of each zone. Results. The article reveals the peculiarities of mass housing construction in the capital of Ukraine in the second half of the twentieth century as a consequence of the adaptation of the Ukrainian urban planning scientific school and practice to the realities of Soviet ideology in urban planning. The article analyses the change in the urban face of Kyiv in the modernist era, the formation of various trends in the capital's urban planning, forms of implementation and trends in urban planning during the period of its Soviet ideologisation. Kyiv became an arena of struggle in urban development and redevelopment in the post-World War II period against the backdrop of rapid urbanisation, changes in housing requirements and acute manifestations of colonialism. A comparative analysis of three cases of housing construction, which recorded the progress in housing construction in terms of urban planning at different stages of post-war development of Kyiv - the residential areas "Berezniaky", "Syneozernyi" and "Teremky 1" - was carried out, which can better reveal the urban planning context in which the construction of a "European" and/or "Soviet" city is confronted. Scientific novelty. The tested methodology of field research of architectural and urban planning compositions, arrangement of urban spaces of different types, microzoning in order to compare residential areas and establish their user properties is the author's development. It has been established that despite the colonial policy, which had a significant impact on urban planning in Ukraine during the Soviet era, Ukrainian urban planners under the pressure of the Soviet ideological machine attracted the best European experience in planning and designing in the interests of the residents of the capital of Ukraine. Practical significance. The proposed methodology and the results obtained can be used in the planning and organisation of urban space. Mass housing construction will remain an urgent task in Ukraine and requires comprehension of negative experience and the use of the best practices of Kyiv's development in the modernist era.

China and the war in the cinema of the USA in 1941–1942

The study of the USA cinema during World War II is interesting not only from the point of view of forming the image of the enemy, but also of allies. This will allow us to determine more accurately what visual propaganda techniques were used by American directors. The image of China was always significant for the American information discourse: through it they created and adjusted of ideas about the East as an arena of struggle between the USA and Japan. This paper reveals features of the process of mythologizing the Second World War in the American cinema in 19411942, through an analysis of the features of constructing the image of China in the USA films. This will make it possible to judge the cinematography of the war years as a special phenomenon of the socio-political and cultural life of the United States of America. In addition, the features of American films about China, the methods and techniques of propaganda, and the role of cinema in the overall system of the American propaganda are clarified. The features of the process of visualization and mythologization of the Second World War in American society are determined as a historical phenomenon of the public life of the United States of America, which reflects both general (characteristic of civilization as a whole) and national patterns. The authors study interethnic imagological plots (the image of enemies and allies on the screen) as well as internal ones (American volunteers, the image of America), which have no less strong influence on the formation of the American national self-concept in a historical crisis period.

Palestinian rural education during the British mandate: a story of a national struggle and constant resistance

ABSTRACT Palestinian historiography has focused deeply on the complex political struggle in Palestine during the period of the British Mandate from 1920 until the tragic Nakba which turned most Palestinians into refugees. Less examined have been other contemporaneous arenas of struggle and resistance. This article turns attention to the Palestinian rural determined and consistent struggle for education and modernization under the British Mandate and the colonial aims of its education policy regarding Palestinian rural areas. The author argues that despite the Mandate’s deliberate siyasa al-tajhil (policy of making people ignorant), as the Arabs called it, impressive successes in rural education were achieved mainly by villagers’ own efforts. The meagre investment by the government in rural education was mainly to delude the village populations into believing that the British were actually interested in providing educational services. Interestingly, but not surprisingly, both villagers and Mandate government, understood that education was a powerful instrument capable of serving each to achieve their opposite goals.

THE LGBTQ ISSUE AS A SUPPLEMENTARY TOOL FOR POLARIZATION IN POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES – THE CASE OF GEORGIA

At present, when pandemic enters a new phase, the geopolitical confrontation between the adherents of unipolar and multipolar international security systems takes its new impetus. Besides the pandemic restrictions used widely as a tool of political pressure, the LGBTQ issue recently gained new importance. LGBTQ activists that announced pride in the Georgian capital have not taken to the main avenue of Tbilisi out of fears of violence. Instead, anti-LGBTQ groups' representatives used physical violence against media representatives because of their perceived pro-LGBTQ/Western stance. As it is known LGBTQ issue has become quite divisive not only in Georgia but in EU member countries. The present paper discusses developments in Georgia and the post-Soviet area as an example of a small proxy state of the former Soviet Union as an arena of struggle between the West and East on values shared by the most Western democracies.

The Becoming of the Past: an Exploration of Temporal Tension Enactments in a Historical Café

The uses of the past are the subject of a stream of research at the intersection of organization studies and business history, which highlights the importance of the past as a “tool” for organizations, but also acknowledges its potential being an “arena of struggle” among organizational actors. However, most contributions in this literature study the uses of the past quite statically, at a given moment in time. Adopting a temporality perspective - i.e. considering the past as constantly (re)negotiated in the present and in relation with the future -, and employing a retrospective study based on historical sources, this paper aims at understanding how the past becomes past and how it informs future outcomes. The empirical case used to explore this research question is the Caffe Pedrocchi, an historical cafe in Padua (Italy), which the founder’s heir left as a bequest to the Municipality, explicitly positing a past-future tension in the use of its past. We found out that in the history of the cafe there was no such thing as “the” past to be projected for the future, but four main forms that the same cafe’s past took (legacy, burden, constraint, enabler), varying along two dimensions: the past’s positive/negative value, and the active/passive role assigned to it. Also, every form of the past came with at least two possible future outcomes: continuous future (the maintenance of the status quo) and discontinuous future, occurring whenever some actor intervened influentially, also creating a new form of the past. By disentangling the role of the past beyond being just a tool or an arena of struggle, we provide a processual view on how the past shifts its forms according to the actors’ interventions and future outcomes.

It's Party Time

It's Party Time David Duhalde (bio) Over the past four years, I've had the privilege to work for two of the national organizations that took advantage of the political energy unleashed by Bernie Sanders's 2016 run for president. I first served as deputy director of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and then as political director of Our Revolution. The two groups take quite different approaches to the critical question of how, or whether, to work inside the Democratic Party to turn it into a principled, social democratic force. Our Revolution, which was created by the energy and core staff of the Sanders campaign, is dedicated to transforming the party. DSA, on the other hand, avoids engaging with internal party processes in any organized way. Our Revolution is following a more long-term and more promising approach: if you want to elect leftists to office across the nation, you have to take part in the internal workings of the mass organization that can make that possible. Strategically and realistically, if you do not engage in the Democratic Party, its apparatus will easily and continually be turned on you. To paraphrase Leon Trotsky: you may not be interested in the Democratic leadership, but they're interested in you. Our Revolution Bernie Sanders launched Our Revolution via a livestream from Burlington, Vermont, a month after the end of the 2016 Democratic National Convention. The nonprofit eventually grew to a handful of state committees, several hundred local affiliates, and over a quarter-million members. It focused on three arenas of struggle: passing transformative legislation such as Medicare for All, supporting progressive candidates up and down the ballot, and gaining a measure of power in the Democratic Party at all levels. After the contentious and sometimes nasty contest for the 2016 nomination had ended, convention delegates established a Unity Reform Commission (URC) to bring more transparency to party affairs and open the primaries to more voters. The URC was born out of a resolution that addressed the [End Page 119] Click for larger view View full resolution Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders in October 2019 (Bastiaan Slabbers/NurPhoto via Getty Images) concerns of many Sanders delegates that closed primaries, superdelegates, and party financing, among other issues, had unfairly slanted the primary in favor of Hillary Clinton. One of my first duties at Our Revolution, under the leadership of our chair, Larry Cohen, was to facilitate grasstops support—often but not solely consisting of pro-Sanders organizations—for the reform effort to codify the URC recommendations into party rules. After a nearly two-year-long internal campaign led by Sanders supporters, the DNC voted to retain superdelegates but only allow them to vote if the nomination battle goes beyond the first ballot. In addition, state parties were encouraged to open their primaries to independents, and fiduciary oversight was increased. Beyond reforming the national party, Our Revolution began to compete for state and local party offices. Jane Kleeb, an Our Revolution board member, was one of the most successful cases. Raised a Republican, she began voting Democratic in the 1990s but became a dedicated environmentalist during the George W. Bush administration. This decade, she joined the movement against the Keystone XL pipeline that threatened the water table in her home state of Nebraska. Kleeb was impressed by Sanders's strong backing of this movement effort by green and Native American activists against corporate power. In the spring of 2016, Kleeb helped him win the state's caucuses by nearly fifteen points and then got elected chair of the Nebraska Democratic Party. [End Page 120] In December 2016, members of Our Revolution began a series of similar campaigns to take power in the infrastructure of local Democratic parties. The effort in New York state was one of the most extensive. After the 2016 convention, a group of Sanders delegates decided to form the New York Progressive Action Network (NYPAN). One of their primary goals was to reform the state's voter registration law that forced residents who had been independents to switch their registration half a year in advance to vote in the Democratic primary. Under pressure from NYPAN and other progressive groups...

Produção capitalista do espaço e meio ambiente: ativismo urbano-ambiental e gentrificação verde no Brasil

Resumo Um novo fato urbano tem ganhado terreno em diversas cidades do planeta: trata-se do fenômeno da gentrificação verde. O objetivo deste artigo é testar a aplicação do conceito em três cidades brasileiras: Porto Alegre, Rio de Janeiro e São Paulo. Nos três casos, grupos contrários à apropriação do território pelo capital mobilizaram-se para denunciar publicamente os agravos. O conceito de gentrificação verde, ou sua aplicação no Brasil, ganha contornos próprios com o envolvimento de problemáticas distintas da realidade dos Estados Unidos onde fora cunhado. Conclui-se, portanto, que, se, de um lado, a gentrificação verde parece adquirir contornos cada vez maiores nas cidades brasileiras, por outro lado, mobiliza atores contrários a esse processo nessa contemporânea arena de luta nas cidades.

Transformaciones de la narrativa del cambio climático global en Uruguay

Resumen Entre 2005 y 2009 el cambio climático global aumentó su presencia mediática en Uruguay y terminó de institucionalizarse a nivel estatal, motivado por la experiencia colectiva de eventos meteorológicos extremos y una estrategia discursiva frente a la agenda internacional que incluyó a la sociedad nacional uruguaya en una humanidad planetarizada y en riesgo frente al cambio climático peligroso de origen antrópico. Este artículo busca, por un lado, mostrar cómo se ha ido transformando la narrativa del cambio climático de acuerdo a la visión hegemónica del desarrollo nacional desde los 1990 al presente. El clima se ha vuelto una arena de lucha de sentidos cuando se reincrustó en las discusiones sobre las formas de producción y consumo. Por otro lado, se describe y analiza la circulación y acomodación cognitiva de dicha narrativa ya nacionalizada en contextos particulares de uso social y político. Los casos a comparar incluyen científicos del clima, trabajadores de la industria energética y pescadores artesanales. En las conclusiones se aborda la brecha entre el uso institucionalizado de la narrativa global del cambio climático y las percepciones del tiempo y clima en la cotidianidad de las personas y cómo, al momento del estudio, no significaba un obstáculo a la reproducción de los modos de vida y producción.

NARASI FILSAFAT KONTEMPORER MOHAMMAD ARKOUN (Dari Post-strukturalis Menunuju Kritik atas Nalar Islam)

This paper explores the idea of Muhammad Arkoun who seeks to criticize the reasoning of classical Islam. Thought Arkoun is affected by movement (post) structuralist French. Arkoun historicism method used is the formulation of the social sciences inventions of modern Western thinkers (post) structuralist French. The main reference is De Sausure (linguistics), Levi Strauss (anthropology), Lacan (psychology), Barthes (semiology), Foucault (epistemology), Derrida (grammatologi), French philosopher Paul Ricour, anthropologists such as Jack Goody and Pierre Bourdieu. Arkoun borrows many concepts of the (post) structuralism for later introduction into the area of Islamic studies. Concepts such as corpus, Epistema, discourse, deconstruction, myth, logocentrism, the pitch, and not thought out, parole, aktant and others, is proof that Arkoun was brought up in an arena of struggle with (post) structuralism.

Love’s Wounds: Violence and the Politics of Poetry in Early Modern Europe. By Cynthia N. Nazarian

This compelling and elegantly argued monograph contends that expression of unrequited love in Petrarch’s Rime sparse enabled poets of Renaissance France and England to craft a rhetoric of plight that questioned cultural, religious, and political authority. Posing as secular martyrs, poets deployed strategies of abjection to shape their lyric. Portraying themselves in distress, they sought what Cynthia N. Nazarian calls ‘countersovereignty’: subject positions that use parrhesia, unabashed and courageous address, to endow lyric with power and political mettle. Petrarch’s rhetoric of unrequited love addressed political and religious conflict. He and his followers sought less to overturn sovereign authority than to situate themselves in ‘an oppositional state of exception’ (p. 4). French and English poets in his wake shaped shorter verse, notably the sonnet, into arenas of struggle, contention, and contradiction. Chapter 1 shows how Petrarch feigned misery and lament to address political strife in Provence and Italy at the time of the Papal schism. The wretched persona of the Rime sparse (ten redactions, 1342–74) becomes a model for Maurice Scève’s Délie (1544), in which the speaker or implied subject martyrs himself in adulation of his beloved in order to reify (or commodify) her in the name of what Scève called an ‘object of the highest virtue’. Reading like ‘measured stutters’ (p. 57), the dizains occasionally use abjection to draw attention to the omnipotence of the monarch at the moment when Henri II and Catherine de’ Medici rise to power. Chapter 2 studies the ‘rhetoric of anxiety’ (p. 75) in Joachim Du Bellay’s synchronous Deffence et illustration de la langue françoyse and the 115 sonnets of L’Olive (1549). Praise of imitation in the former implicitly makes a case for the art of borrowing and theft of Petrarchan forms which define the latter. Chapter 3 juxtaposes themes of martyrdom in Agrippa d’Aubigné’s early (unpublished) Hécatombe à Diane with the victims of Catholic depredations in his epic, Les Tragiques (1615). What had been the lover’s martyred body in the early verse later becomes the nation bloodied and dismembered by the Wars of Religion. Chapter 4 establishes ‘a deep intergenre consanguinity’ (p. 181) between Edmund Spenser’s Amoretti (1595) and the Faerie Queene (1590). Petrarchan codes are adapted to address the state of the monarchy under Elizabeth I. As in the sonnet sequences in L’Olive and L’Hécatombe, interwoven expression of abjection and subjection suggests that reasoned countersovereignty implies a need for proto-democratic checks and balances. Focusing on Shakespeare’s Venus and Adonis (1593) and The Rape of Lucrece (1594), the Conclusion shows how the comic poems, oscillating between tragedy and farce, mock the tactics that had defined Petrarchan rhetoric. Wounded subjects and bleeding bodies become signs of ever-renewed agency. To sum up: this volume is a vital, timely, and instructive engagement with early modern poetry and its will to power.

Othering Each Other: Mimicry, Ambivalence and Abjection in Toni Morrison’s The Bluest Eye

This study examines the intersections of Post colonialism and Psychoanalysis in Toni Morrison’s The Bluest Eye. It also aims to challenge Bhabha’s notions of mimicry and ambivalence as he deems them to be great forms of resistance against White supremacy. Indeed, The Bluest Eye considers Bhabha’s notion of mimicry as an oppressive strategy, especially when adopted by colonized characters like Pecola in their futile attempts to imbibe the imposed images of white culture. In addition to this literary inspiration, Julia Kristeva is among those Psychoanalytic critics who gives a further boost to my argument against Bhabha; remarking that mimicry creates the hazards of absorbing the norms of the dominant culture, and can result in psychological forms of oppression posed to the colonized, namely abjection. For instance, in Morrison’s The Bluest Eye, the non-whites use mimicry as the sole arena of struggle to get out of the marsh of abjection and create a sense of self; failing to grasp that mimicry itself contains the threat of ridding them to abjection and the vicious circle of ‘othering each other.’ Therefore, Bhabha’s ambivalent experience, to which the colonized is promoted through manifesting feats of mimicry is indeed a trap; for the voice that comes out of such experience is psychotic.

From terror to public diplomacy: Jibril Rajoub and the Palestinian Authorities’ uses of sport in fragmentary Israeli–Palestinian conflict

ABSTRACTFocusing on sport as an arena of struggle in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the current study traces, conceptually and historically, the way in which the Palestinian Authority in general, and Jibril Rajoub in particular, have shifted efforts toward the sporting arena in order to promote global awareness of the Palestinian case. In the current case study, the Palestinians were not successful at drawing attention to their political goals or in suspending Israel from Fédération Internationale de Football Association. However, their attempt emphasizes the ways in which conflicts had changed and the importance of images in the information age we live in. Conflicts today are very much battles of ideas and the information designed by the media. Alongside the military confrontations, an Image War is taking part in which each side tries to justifies its ideas, beliefs and actions.

Factors Behind Lebanon’s Difficulties Achieving Success at the Olympics

Lebanon’s record in international competitions is meagre. Since 1948, the year the country first participated in the Olympics, Lebanon has won only four medals: two silver, and two bronze. The last medal was obtained in 1980, during the Civil War that had ravaged the country from 1975 to 1990. Since 1992, the year of the first post-conflict era Olympics, only 11 athletes qualified for the Winter and Summer editions, but none won a medal. For the same period, countries such as Estonia, Georgia, and Jamaica with smaller populations and lower gross domestic product were able to win 20, 32, and 58 medals respectively. What are the reasons behind this condition? Is it the low public funding for sport? Is it rampant corruption gangrening the Lebanese sport structure? Or is it the fact that the sport sector, similar to any other public sector in this country, is a mere arena of struggle among political parties; thus, unable to provide the proper conditions for the establishment of an efficient national elite sport policy? This paper seeks to answer these questions by thoroughly examining the historical aspects of the Lebanese sport system.

Ty Cobb, Baseball, and American Manhood by Steven Elliott Tripp

Reviewed by: Ty Cobb, Baseball, and American Manhood by Steven Elliott Tripp Trent Brown Ty Cobb, Baseball, and American Manhood. By Steven Elliott Tripp. ( Lanham, Md., and other cities: Rowman and Littlefield, 2016. Pp. xxii, 401. $45.00, ISBN 978-1-4422-5191-5.) Over a two-decade career, Ty Cobb dominated baseball, setting records for offensive production in nearly every category that mattered. More than a star athlete, Cobb was an American celebrity. Where he went, the press followed, as Cobb developed a reputation for daring, aggressive acts on the diamond and beyond. Historians of baseball have consistently recognized Cobb'srole in creating the modern game. Biographies of Cobb have appeared regularly in [End Page 730] recent decades. Steven Elliott Tripp's Ty Cobb, Baseball, and American Manhood, however, demonstrates how a skilled historian can cause us to rethink a figure we believe we know. Tripp's book is one of the best recent studies not only of baseball but of southern and American masculinity as well. Tripp shows us how essential it is to ground Cobb's conception of manhood, and consequently his entire baseball career and public persona, in models that Cobb studied while growing up in Georgia at the end of the nineteenth century. Cobb, explains Tripp, learned that honor was central to manhood and that honor depended on insisting that other men recognize one's standing and independence. Were racism and violence central to the culture that shaped Cobb? Of course they were. One of Tripp's great achievements here is to squarely address that fact, while demonstrating both the complexity of Cobb and the reasons he appealed so broadly to American men, who saw in baseball a game that required "brains, brawn, and bravado," making it "the ideal training ground for modernity" (p. 233). "Baseball," wrote Cobb himself, "is a red-blooded sport for red-blooded men" (p. 1). Cobb's conceptions of manhood clashed with those of his more demographically diverse fellow players, many of whom formed their "conception of honor" in the "factories, shops, bars, and fraternal organizations of the industrial North and West" (p. 163). Cobb's sense of honor, too, depended on others, but the others were largely his peers, among whom Cobb could demonstrate that he was "man enough to be a big leaguer" and against whom he might display his "gameness" (pp. 82, 179). His southernness indeed made Cobb conspicuous, but it was more than a matter of accent or racial attitudes. Baseball, Cobb believed, was a serious business in which one worked constantly to exact tribute from fellow players and the crowd. American men of the era saw in Cobb something that spoke to their sense that they were engaged in an arena of struggle. Baseball, like life itself, they believed, was a race in which "every moment is tense with anxiety, lest something already gained be lost," whether that something was a corporate position or the possession of second base (p. 234). Cobb worked to defend the reputation that he built. As a writer of opinion pieces and memoirs, Cobb wished to have others recognize that his will, daring, work, and drive were the keys to his success. While he might not have been sociable, Cobb displayed the "manly fortitude" that fellow players and fans prized (p. 178). Driving himself relentlessly, Cobb proved he could, to quote Christy Mathewson, "stand the gaff" (p. 179). Throughout the book, Tripp shows a sure hand at setting Cobb within the broader context of American history, from the rural South to the urban world of the early twentieth century through the commercial boom of the 1920s. Chapter by chapter, Tripp corrects misconceptions and plain errors of fact that have obscured Cobb. On every page Tripp displays a thorough command of the scholarly literature on baseball and on American history more broadly. Anyone who wishes better to understand American masculinity and the appeal of baseball in the early twentieth century should consider Tripp's measured, persuasive reading of Ty Cobb. [End Page 731] Trent Brown Missouri University of Science and Technology Copyright © 2017 The Southern Historical Association

The Hegemonic Bourguibist Discourse on Modernity in Post-revolutionary Tunisia

This article examines the continued resonance of Bourguibist discourses on modernity within Tunisia, how his political legacy continues to serve as a point of reference for diverse political movements, and therefore seeks to question how this conceptualization of modernity remains hegemonic. I posit that the national narrative of “modernity” conveyed by Bourguiba in the post-independence era should be understood as an arena of struggle over power and identity, and accordingly that both serve to shed light on how collective memory is mobilized as a political idiom to legitimise certain ideological agendas and views on what is deemed the “right” Tunisian national identity. With specific reference to Ennahda and Nidaa Tounes, I argue that understanding the prevailing political and social scene of post-revolutionary Tunisia necessitates examination of the social construction of Bourguiba, how he has come to be “mythologised” in order to generate support at a national level, and more importantly how this functions within broader discursive strategies towards power. In seeking to move beyond the current binarism that situates Islamists and so-called “secularists” (supposedly heirs of Bourguibism) in opposition, this study seeks to demonstrate the commonalities within their respective appropriations of the Bourguibist legacy in the post-revolutionary context, and thereby to elucidate how his normative heritage serves as a touchstone for seemingly contradictory ideological currents.

Parading Memory and Re-member-ing Conflict: Collective Memory in Transition in Northern Ireland

In Northern Ireland, parades have long been important carriers of politico-cultural identities and collective memories, as well as arenas of struggle and conflict. Taking as its starting point that these contests over meaning are always framed by their contexts of articulation both in temporal and spatial terms, this article examines the role of parades in the current ‘post-conflict’ phase of the peace process as it plays out in a particular location, namely North Belfast. Using theories of cultural and collective memory and examples from republican and loyalist parades in North Belfast, it is argued that there is fear of memory and identity collapse in particular communities on the margins of the peace process, leading to a conscious doubling of efforts to (re)articulate the hidden recesses of memory in the current transition. In this, the patterns of ‘competitive commemoration’ in parades should be understood both horizontally: as majority memory traditions move to minority memory positions, and vertically: in relation to the increasing dissonance between vernacular practices of conflict and the official post-conflict discourses in Northern Ireland. Central to these arguments is the recognition that parading traditions are at once presentist, competitive instruments and also emotional and embodied practices to ensure the continuity of identity. It follows that both dimensions must be recognised together, if cognitive and visceral templates of conflict are to be explained and shifted. This article applies a wide-angle memory studies lens to capture the two together and explore the changing parade-scape.

Migrant Workers in Ontario's Tobacco Belt: An Examination of Workplace Dynamics

Recent critiques by scholars conducting research on the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program and labour geographers assert that there has been a lack of emphasis in the academic literature on the relevance of the formal workplace for developing an understanding of the social relations between capital and labour. In this article, I address these critiques through an empirical examination of workplace dynamics on two small-scale tobacco farms in Delhi, Ontario, Canada. My analysis draws upon original empirical evidence from interviews with three Mexican and nine Jamaican workers, two union representatives, and two farm owners. I argue that the farm is not simply a site for producing tobacco with economic efficiency, but an arena of struggle in which workers confront their employers, and a place of critical contests in the politics of production.

Suffering and Protest in Rhodesian Prisons During the Zimbabwean Liberation Struggle

This article is based on Zimbabwean ex-political prisoners' testimonies and writings, and argues that, although Rhodesian prisons were spaces of racialised abuse, curtailed freedoms, and heightened repression, they were also spaces of struggle, subversion and negotiation. Indeed, prisoners' testimonies and their written accounts reveal the depravity and brutality of prison life. They capture vividly some of the gruesome experiences in the state corridors of silence. Yet, as this essay demonstrates, these testimonies also disclose the ways in which prisoners were not simply victims of state-sponsored penal terror: prisoners told stories of how they struggled, coped and creatively adapted to the harsh prison regimes. I also argue that, by transforming the prison into an arena of struggle for political and social rights, African political offenders undermined the disciplinary, rehabilitative, and punitive intent of imprisonment. Political prisoners are important historical subjects in the telling of the struggle for liberation in Zimbabwe – prisoners' life stories and writings demonstrate the ways in which political prisoners confronted the colonial regime. As political prisoners, they were important symbols of the struggle for liberation, and were also producers of powerful critiques of the colonial regime through their writings.

Pulque limpio / pulque sucio: disputas en torno a la legitimidad y la producción social del valor

The aim of this study is to analyze the social construction of value of pulque in Tlaxcala, Mexico. It analyzes the production of value as an economic, as well as cultural and social process, that articulates power relationships in which subjects, institutions, and material resources are involved. This study focuses on the language and discourse of the producers and the public health authorities, about the legitimacy of consuming the traditional pulque drink, to argue that both are an arena of struggle where subjects continuously confront each other to create new meanings of value.