Arctic Policy Research Articles

Polar Contradictions: China’s Dialectical Thinking About the Arctic

ABSTRACT Using China’s seemingly contradictory positions on the Arctic as a starting point, this article examines China’s official and academic Arctic discourses. This paper proposes that China’s apparently contradictory positions in the Arctic region are the result of the dialectical resolution of discursive tensions. Using an original dataset of over one thousand Chinese academic articles and books, together with China’s official statements, this article presents China’s Arctic policy discourse as a polyphonic landscape where diverse opinions and ideas compete within a discursive field. The research proposes that by utilising dialectical thinking, China is able to seek a middle ground between conflict and cooperation, between the near-Arctic state and stakeholder identities and between resource development and environmental protection. China also aims to preserve the status quo while striving to reform Arctic governance.

The Changes of United States Foreign Policy in The Arctic in 2022

The United States' (U.S.) attention to the Arctic region has intensified in recent years due to the opening of vast natural resources and the potential for new shipping routes resulting from global warming. As an Arctic nation, the U.S. has actively focused on the region. From its initial Arctic policy in 1971 until 2021, U.S. foreign policy remained relatively passive, merely outlining the general U.S. position in the region. However, in 2022, without significant changes or upheavals in the Arctic region, the U.S. significantly altered its foreign policy by incorporating military instruments To explore that factors that influenced the change in U.S. policy in the Arctic in 2022, this study employs the decision-making process theory. Utilizing qualitative research methods, the study relies on both primary and secondary data, drawn from official U.S. policies, supplemented by credible articles, news, and scholarly writings. The research identifies three factors that led to the U.S. altering its foreign policy in the Arctic in 2022: domestic political conditions, economic and military factors, and the international context.

A research on the Turkish shipyards in the Arctic: Opportunities and challenges

The Arctic region has been experiencing an extensive transformation and several economic opportunities have emerged due to the shrinking sea ice. While the Arctic Ocean has become more convenient for navigation, both Arctic and non-Arctic states have updated their Arctic policies according to recent developments. There has been a substantial increase in the number of studies studying three main Arctic sea routes: Northwest Passage (NWP), Northeast Passage (NEP), and Trans-Polar Sea Route (TSR). Albeit the existence of contradictory results, the interest in Arctic shipping presents a growing trend. The Turkish shipyards increasingly participate in tenders as well. While Çelik Tekne Shipyard stands out as the first Turkish shipyard to win the shipbuilding tender in accordance with polar conditions, a significant increase has been observed in the number of shipyards within the Arctic shipping tenders since 2018. In addition to Atlas and Akdeniz Shipyards, producing ice-class vehicles in accordance with the requirements of the Polar Code, it is possible to multiply examples from Beşiktaş Shipyard, which built ice class fuel ships, Sanmar Shipyard, which won the icebreaker tugboat tender, and Sefine and Kuzey Star Shipyards, which participated in the icebreaker tenders. Besides, the participation of Turkish shipyards as sole contractors in the Russian Arctic as of 2021 indicates their determination to become active actors in the Arctic shipping industry. Accordingly, this paper discusses the opportunities and challenges of Arctic shipping based on the Turkish case.

The Modern Arctic Policy of India

Aim. To study India’s Arctic policy by considering its conceptual, institutional and procedural components. Methods. Structural-analytical approach, document analysis, comparative analysis, generalization and synthesis.Results. The article examines the provisions of a strategically important document of India dedicated to the implementation of policy in the Arctic, government bodies competent to implement India’s Arctic policy, their main functions, and the directions of Delhi’s activities in the Arctic. The trends along which actions are actually taken are compared with the directions enshrined in the country’s strategic document on Arctic policy.Conclusions. The document “Arctic Policy” is only declarative, political in nature. The policy document establishing the action plan for the implementation of policy in the Arctic with deadlines has not yet been adopted. There are no standards for holding people accountable for improper implementation of activities. A specialized body responsible for implementing policy in India has not been created, despite its mention in India’s Arctic Policy. The scientific direction in the Arctic is key for India. It is also highlighted as a priority in the Arctic policy, which is a weak point of Indian Arctic policy. There are 5 more areas of Indian activity in the Arctic that are at the stage of formation or development. Norway is India’s main partner, close ties are developing with Russia. There are serious omissions in the country’s Arctic policy related to the lack of an icebreaker, non-participation in the Barents Euro-Arctic Council, and poor investment in Arctic projects. The practical significance of the scientific work lies in the ability to use its results to further build a dialogue with the Indian government and business community, and its conclusions can form the basis of future scientific research.

Arctic Cooperation between Russia and India in the Wake of Climate Change

Global climate change has placed the region at the centre of geopolitics, as melting Arctic sea ice transforms it from a predominantly scientific interest to a contest of national security claims, commercial interests and environmental concerns, with profound implications for both the international legal and political systems. The Arctic environment is an area of common concern requiring collective behaviour by all, including Russia and India.Aim. Examine environmental issues in the Arctic policies of Russia and India, and find common ground in Arctic cooperation on climate change.Tasks. Identify existing problems and propose recommendations to address them.Methods. To solve the problems set in the study, the author uses such methods as statistical analysis, method of document analysis, discourse analysis of speeches of political leaders of Russia and India. Results. The issues of the climate agenda of Russia and India are considered. Unlike Russia, the Indian side has problems in implementing its state policy on climate change. Sharing experience in effective financing of environmental programmes, disaster risk management and information exchange are areas of potential cooperation in the context of climate change. Despite the geopolitical changes taking place around the world, Russia-India cooperation has not been interrupted, but has remained at the same level and has great potential.Conclusions. Ensuring the environmental security of Russia and India is an integral part of the policies of the two states. As the data presented in this paper show, the states have similar interests in developing measures to prevent climate change deterioration in the Arctic region.

Emotional politics of norm hierarchy in EU’s external relations: the case of climate crisis and the EU’s arctic policy

ABSTRACT This article focuses on the role emotions play as a heuristic tool in determining the hierarchy of norms in EU’s Arctic policy. In the Arctic, appropriate behaviour prescribed by the norms regarding climate change mitigation (the European Green Deal and the Paris Agreement), environmental protection according to EU environmental law and UN-recognised Indigenous Peoples’ rights contradict each other. When multiple norms are to be applied in a situation and they conflict with each other, a prioritisation needs to be made among these norms. This paper investigates how emotions contribute in a heuristic way to determining this priority. It finds out that fear of climate change enables climate change mitigation and regulations of the European Green Deal to gain primacy over environmental protection norms and Indigenous Peoples’ rights. Self-confidence of the EU and its trust in Nordic member states in these two areas constrain the EU from taking further protective measures.

Russia’s Arctic icebreaking capability: an assessment

ABSTRACT This paper explores the Russian icebreaker fleet capabilities, problems, and perspectives. It also analyses Russian civilian and military icebreakers, and their dual-use capabilities. The paper responds to a question grounded in Russia's Arctic policy: How critical is icebreaking capability to Russia’s Arctic strategy? Based on the findings, the paper concludes that the influences of climate change and Russia’s foreign and external security policy affect the development of its icebreaker fleet in the Arctic. In this respect, temperatures of the ice melting in the Arctic and delays in building new icebreakers, because of access to the technology caused by the sanctions, are stressed. On the other hand, Russia’s confrontation with the West following the invasion of Ukraine and the sanctions over it, increases the allocation of government finance to support local shipbuilding companies. Moreover, the paper argues that Russia’s economic difficulties and shipbuilding delays should enhance the dual-use capabilities of the Russian icebreakers in the coming years.

Человеческий капитал в теории и практике экономического роста (на примере Мурманской области)

Russia’s Arctic policy focuses on making large-scale progress in the Arctic’s social and economic domains, including the development of local natural resources and the Northern Sea Route and the establishment of high-tech centers that can create global value chains. One of the primary challenges and threats to the sustainable development of the Russian Arctic regions is the mismatch between regional higher education systems and the needs of the economy. The risks are significantly exacerbated by the global economic transformation and the advent of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Therefore, when considering the prospects for the innovation-driven development of the Arctic’s economy, a critical issue is the accumulation of highly educated human capital, where higher education plays a key role. The article explores the issues surrounding the formation and accumulation of human capital from the perspective of regional economic growth. The goal of this work is to empirically test the theory of increasing returns on investments in education. The key premise is that human capital accumulation has constant returns and can therefore grow indefinitely. This made it possible to put forward the hypothesis that the better the population’s access to higher education, the bigger the human capital and, accordingly, the higher the growth of gross output per capita. An empirical assessment was conducted to check the test model of the influence of university enrollment rates on economic growth. The results indicated a high coefficient of determination from the regression of the time series of the studied indicators. Also, the model showed the presence of conditional convergence, which means that a decrease in university enrollment rates is compensated for by an increase in the return on human capital due to an increase in the quality of education.

EU Engagement in the Arctic: Challenges to Achieving Ambitions in an Area outside Its Jurisdiction

The European Union (EU) has underscored its will to heighten its engagement in the Arctic region. Beyond traditional areas of interest – such as tackling climate change, supporting research and developing cooperations – critical resources and security emerged as new topics in the EU’s most recent policy documents. These have become even more critical since February 2022 following Russia’s all-out war against Ukraine. The Circumpolar North is the subject of many challenges caused by climate change and its fragile biodiversity, which, combined with the region’s importance for scientific research, access to natural resources, tourist activities, and military security, places it in a geopolitically strategic position. By focusing on EU ambitions in the Arctic, this article analyses the EU’s potential to implement policies and set consequential trends in an area of political interest outside its jurisdiction. It concludes that core political priorities and sector-specific regulations that directly guide the behaviour of EU members may have more influence than Arctic policy statements.

NATO’s Securitization of Climate Change in the Arctic

This study analyzes how and why the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) securitizes climate change in the Arctic. The study acknowledges that climate change has not only endangered the environmental security of the Arctic but has also intensified geopolitical competition over the region’s resources and trade routes as a threat multiplier. Regarding the impact of the changing structure of the region from the “cooperation front” to the “competition area”, the study reveals that NATO considers climate change as a part of the collective defense dimension of its organizational identity, along with increasing geopolitical competition, to develop a holistic approach in its Arctic policy. Drawing on the Copenhagen School and social constructivism, the study presents that NATO resorts to securitization discourses that concretize the threat in order to address climate change within the scope of its organizational identity.

Militarisation of the Arctic and Problems of Strengthening the Security of the Russian North

The relevance is due to the fact that the main rea¬sons and prerequisites for the expansion of military activity of the Arctic countries are caused by the aggravation of the international situation in the world, the emergence of a new architecture of international relations. It is emphasised that the increasing role of the Russian Federation in the global energy and food markets, as well as in the global maritime logistics, blocks the United States and its NATO allies, forcing them to pursue an aggressive course and militarize the Arctic. Russia is forced to retaliate by strengthening its defence in this region. The article is aimed at the author's assessment of the processes of militarisation of the Arctic, the authors use the following research methods: structural-functional logistic, historical-comparative. The task of the research is to study the strengthening of the role of the Arctic in modern conditions. The article uses elements of expertise. Strengthening the Arctic security of the Russian Federation hopes for a sensible approach and independent from the U.S. Arctic policy of small states members of the Arctic Council, such as Iceland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, which Washington tries to “twist arms” and forces to strengthen military presence in the region. Moscow also counts on the support of such friendly countries as India and China to develop the Arctic and strengthen regional security in this emerging region. A good dialogue and joint practical activities in the Arctic have already been built with China. Its economy, economic power, and growing political weight as a nuclear power and as a permanent member of the UN Security Council are indisputable. China is increasingly becoming a global superpower capable of really confronting the United States.

The Karelian Arctic in the directions of China’s Arctic policy at the present stage

The article identifies four main areas that define China’s strategic goals in the Arctic region: the energy sector, infrastructure, tourism, educational and scientific co-operation. Special attention is paid to the strategic friendship between Russia and China in the context of Arctic policy. The RussianChinese partnership in this region is seen as a key factor in ensuring the stability and development of Russia’s Arctic zone. The interaction between the two countries not only contributes to the strengthening of economic ties, but also ensures the security and sustainable development of the region. The paper presents examples of successful cooperation between the Republic of Karelia and the People’s Republic of China and analyses these relations as an example of the practical implementation of China’s Arctic strategy at the regional level. It is important to note that the realisation of many investment projects on exploration and mining in the Karelian Arctic is connected with the attraction of Chinese investment in this industry. The article also evaluates Chinese interests in the Karelian Arctic in other areas, such as the construction of hydroelectric power station infrastructure projects in the Kemsky region as well as some perspective projects related to the construction of a deep-sea port in Kem or a seaport in Belomorsk.

China's Arctic Aspirations and Polar Silk Road: Implications for Great Power Competition

This article offers an in-depth exploration of China's Arctic aspirations, with a specific focus on the development of the Polar Silk Road (PSR), and the ensuing implications for the dynamics of global power. The Arctic region, once considered remote and inaccessible, is undergoing a transformation largely driven by climate change. This transformation is unveiling new opportunities for navigation and resource extraction, thereby attracting the attention of various nations, including China. Despite its geographical distance from the Arctic, China has been vocal about its Arctic aspirations, most notably through its proposed PSR initiative. The article scrutinizes the development of the PSR, a component of China's broader Belt and Road Initiative, and its potential to bolster China's economic prowess by unveiling new trade routes and granting it access to valuable resources. It also discusses the potential implications of China's Arctic ambitions for the balance of power among major powers such as the United States, Russia, and the European Union. Drawing on theories from political science and international relations, including realism, liberalism, and constructivism, the article provides a theoretical lens to understand these dynamics. It underscores the need for careful management of Arctic affairs to ensure that competition does not escalate into conflict. The article concludes by highlighting the need for further research to fully grasp the implications of China's Arctic policy and to explore potential responses by other major powers.

Новый военно-политический ландшафт в Арктике: прогнозы из Китая

The Arctic is becoming another node in a series of geopolitical contradictions between Russia and the West, where Moscow and Beijing speak largely from the same positions. This trend has become more relevant after the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine, which was also well understood by Chinese scientists and experts. In this work, the author has attempted to analyze the Chinese academic discourse, which considers the current geostrategic situation in the Arctic and substantiates the possibility and necessity of military and political cooperation between Russia and China in the Arctic region. Chinese scientists and experts identify a number of new trends in NATO’s Arctic policy and conclude that the adjustment and new trends in the Arctic policy of the North Atlantic Alliance closely interact with the international political situation and the Arctic geopolitical game and correspond to the transformation and expansion of NATO’s strategic functions in recent years. As for the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the Arctic, China believes that it is mainly reflected in changing the geopolitical structure of the Arctic; undermining the foundations of international cooperation in the region; negatively affecting the process of economic development of the Arctic; and increasing pressure on the Arctic climate environment. A general analysis of the military-political situation in the Arctic in the context of China’s interests leads Chinese researchers to the conclusion that it is necessary to strengthen Russian-Chinese interaction and cooperation in the region. This conclusion allows them to formulate specific recommendations: facing new challenges in the Arctic and its increasing militarization, China and Russia need to define a program of security cooperation and increase its level.

Политика Республики Корея в полярных регионах в 2023–2033 гг.

This article reviews the current state of the Arctic policy of the Republic of Korea, which, like other states, has increased interest in the Arctic region in recent years, as well as its plan of activities in the Arctic and Antarctic for the coming years. The Republic of Korea needs to gradually develop an Arctic strategy at the government level to promote national interests in the Arctic region. The scientific significance of the article is related to the translation into Russian and analysis of the “Polar Activities Promotion Act for 20232027”, published in February 2023 by the Korean Institute of Marine Science & Technology Promo-tion. The article discusses the content and timing of the country’s 3 main polar policies: research and dis-covery, climate change forecasting, and polar development. In addition, 5 main strategies for promoting the Republic of Korea in the polar region are discussed, including: expanding the area of research of the territory, developing plans to solve environmental and climate problems, creating a polar industrial base, creating a network of cooperation with foreign countries and between industrial and scientific organiza-tions within the country, developing an interstate dialogue on polar activities.

Paths and Implications of Indo-Russian Arctic Cooperation from the Perspective of India’s Arctic Policy

India’s earliest involvement in the Arctic was influenced by the Antarctic, driven primarily by the need for scientific research on the environment and climate change. Later, the importance of Arctic energy and geo-strategic factors became more and more prominent, and these three factors are now the core drivers of India’s involvement in the Arctic. Depending on the degree of importance and involvement of the Indian government in Arctic affairs at different times, India’s Arctic policy can be categorized into three stages: the unformed stage (before 2007), the embryonic stage (2007-2012), and the initial stage (2012-present). With the gradual molding of India’s Arctic strategy, Indo-Russian Arctic cooperation has gradually become a hot topic. Specific cooperation paths include energy, scientific research, transportation and other fields. The driving force of Indo-Russian Arctic cooperation includes historical cooperation foundation, objective cooperation needs, geopolitical strategy and other factors, but at the same time, India’s domestic disagreement on Arctic policy, its own economic level, the complex situation in South Asia, the international political situation, economic risks, technical difficulties, and the U.S.-Russian rivalry also limit the deepening of Indo-Russian Arctic cooperation. For China, India-Russia Arctic cooperation in Arctic affairs and geopolitics in the short term will not pose too much of a threat, but from the point of view of prevention, should still be India and Russia to join forces to maintain appropriate vigilance, in order to better safeguard national interests.

ARCTIC VECTOR OF GERMAN FOREIGN POLICY

Research Objective. The Arctic is a unique region of our planet, one that affects not only the climate, ocean currents, and weather but also geopolitics and the economy. Various international actors vie for influence in the Arctic region, seeking to maintain a balance through international agreements and intergovernmental cooperation. This article provides a brief overview of the Arctic region. It observes the interests of Arctic states and Arctic Council Observers. The main focus is on Germany's Arctic policy as an Arctic Council Observer. The article gives a brief historical overview of Germany's Arctic policy. The transformation of Germany's position regarding the Arctic, as well as the formulation of a national Arctic strategy, is revealed through an examination of inter-party discussions in the German government. The article investigates Germany's current Arctic policy and an overall German strategy in the Arctic region. Additionally, the ecological and scientific research strategies of Germany in the Arctic region are detailed. Furthermore, the article explores Germany's national interests in the Arctic region. The methodological basis of the article is formed by the studies of Russian and foreign researchers. The paper uses general scientific research methods (analysis, synthesis, classification, comparison). Empirical data used in the work are taken from open sources. Conclusions. The described tendencies and contradictions of German and international policy towards the Arctic indicate still unformed ways and instruments to ensure a coherent policy in the Arctic region. Further research and the development of an international Arctic strategy that can satisfy national interests and meet the individual priorities of each state interested in the Arctic is needed.

The ambivalence of the implementation of the US arctic policy: integrating and disintegration factors of the allies

The Arctic region is gaining increasing strategic importance due to its economic potential, resource richness, and shifting geopolitical landscape. The United States has recognized this significance and has established alliances and partnerships with various countries in the region to enhance its positions and interests. However, concerns exist regarding the limited understanding of the complex dynamics and evolving relationships among the US Arctic allies. The lack of comprehensive analysis and up-to-date information hinders the understanding of their strategic documents, military exercises, and interactions with global players like China and Russia. To address these concerns, our objective was to identify, analyze, and assess the factors that strengthen or weaken the interaction between US allies and partners in the Arctic region. We conducted an analysis of national Arctic strategies, reports, publications, and expert opinions from Western Arctic Council countries such as the USA, Canada, Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, and Finland. We also examined the reports and structures of the US defense services, interstate organizations like the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD), as well as insights from leading experts on Arctic affairs in allied countries. The study revealed several factors that contribute to the strengthening of the US allies in the Arctic. These include active military cooperation within the North Atlantic Alliance, joint exercises, intelligence sharing, and the development of Arctic infrastructure to enhance regional security and defense capabilities. However, we also identified factors that weaken engagement among the US allies. These include differences in strategic goals, competing territorial claims, domestic political considerations, and varying relationships with other Arctic stakeholders like Russia and China. These factors can lead to tensions and challenges, which undermine collective action and impede the achievement of common goals.

Small States in World Politics: Norwegian Interests and Foreign Policy Challenges in the Arctic

Small states are perceived to be subject to the will of great powers in the international system. Yet, small states – such as Norway – also have interests they pursue through various means. This article features an inventory of the Norwegian government’s main foreign policy and Arctic policy interests, and examines the rationale behind these interests from a domestic and an international perspective. The article highlights Norway’s challenges in the Arctic, including balancing between Russia and NATO, Norway’s bilateral relationship with the United States, dealing with China as an emerging Arctic stakeholder, and Norway’s ambivalent relationship with the European Union concerning the Arctic. The analysis draws on theorizing about small states in world politics and Putnam’s two-level game. The latter facilitates the examination of how the Norwegian government must reconcile domestic and international priorities simultaneously, and how the negotiation of foreign policy is conducted as a balancing act in national and international arenas.

Human Security of Inuit and Sámi in the 21st Century: The Canadian and Finnish Cases

In a changing territorial and geopolitical moment of the Arctic region, are the Indigenous Peoples Organizations heard at the regional level and are the Arctic states working to keep them safe and secure? To safeguard the human security of Arctic Indigenous peoples, Arctic states (and their governments) have to understand the needs and changes that are affecting their way of life as well as to be able to cooperate between them. In a comparative study of Canada’s and Finland’s Arctic policies—<em>Canada’s Arctic and Northern Policy Framework</em> (2019) and <em>Finland’s Strategy for Arctic Policy</em> (2021)—it is possible to identify the applicability of the human security approach, which is influenced by the truth and reconciliation process between Canada and Inuit and Finland and Sámi. This process is a main factor in having their human rights respected and their human security safeguarded, considering that the relation between the countries of the North and the South of the Arctic countries is a discovery of their diversity (linguistical and cultural) in the 21st century. In my perspective, and for a participative democracy to be applied as mentioned by the green political theory (following the views of scholars like Barry, Eckersley, and Goodin), states and governments need to be open and recognise the gaps identified by those communities and transnational organisations.