Archaeological Facts Research Articles

The Limits of Archaeology and Cultural Anthropology: Archaeological Witnesses and Ethnographical Data Among the Bakola-Bagyeli “Pygmies” (South Cameroon)

The reading of the transformations recorded in the material equipment of disappeared societies still remains largely inspired by the dogma of materialism. This inclines inferences, in archaeology, to systematically deduce evolutionary stages on a double level, chronological and economic, from the material remains of technological changes only. However, the unpredictable experience of human societies can often reveal situations that contradict the established inferential model. Such a reality therefore poses the problem of searching for an approach capable of achieving balance in the possible equation between the experience of human societies and the methodological means implemented to account for it. The question therefore remains to know whether data collected and explained in a methodological approach specific to a discipline always reproduce the improbable nature of the reality of human societies, both living and extinct? Thus, ethnographic, qualitative data and archaeological facts are do they still agree regarding the current experience of life of the Bakola-Bayéli “Pygmies” of South Cameroon, since the 1990s? The hypothesis supports: data collected according to the orthodoxy of techniques specific to dissociated disciplinary fields, in a conventional manner, can contradict each other on the same fact. The complexity of the reality of human societies escapes the specific filter of conceptual and methodological practices characteristic of the disciplines that separate techniques specific to each method. The archaeological witnesses, taken from surveys carried out on the sites where the Bakola-Bagyéli “Pygmies” live, contradict the oral testimonies, given by these same populations through interviews, directive and semi-directive, guided by a questionnaire. A comparative study of qualitative and quantitative data makes it possible to verify the hypotheses put forward. The theoretical approach acquired to the cause of disorganization and opposed to the terminism of ends makes it possible to discuss the a priori organization of cultural facts and the accomplishment of reserved goals.

Reconstruction of the lost colonial architecture in the context of heritage tourism: Dutch Trading Post in Taiwan

To strengthen brand identity, enrich tourist experiences, and promote heritage education, Taijiang National Park proposed to reconstruct Taiwan’s Dutch Trading Post in a different location from where it was initially erected in the 17th century. This paper is a case study of the reconstruction proposal for a lost colonial architectural complex in the context of heritage tourism. It discusses the practical and academic issues of rebuilding long-lost colonial heritage sites. The author provided a first-hand account of the technical and practical reasoning for reconstructing a bygone complex erected by Dutch settlers. Historical development phases of the Dutch Trading Post of Taiwan were first introduced, and then a reconstruction strategy was proposed to resolve conflicts with legal constraints. Additionally, a site selection process using GIS, a conceptually driven plan for reconstruction, and a 3D simulation were provided. Three specific issues in heritage rebuilding were further discussed, including the decision to reconstruct a heritage building (complex), the authenticity of the reconstructed building if done in a different location from where it was initially situated, and the need to discover more archaeological facts.

From the Delta to the Delta: Natural Conditions and Settlers on the Main Nile in the Fifth Millennium BC. Part III

Neolithic in the Nile Valley in the 5th millennium BC was spread from the Sudanese Gezira to Central Egypt in the form of year-round settlements and seasonal camps of hunter-gatherers mastering the cattle breeding. Some researchers argued that it was a kind of cultural community, but this rather contradicts the known archaeological facts, which also do not confirm the theory of mass migration of the Neolithic tribes of the Sahara to the Nile in that era because of climate drying. Generally, “a convincing Neolithisation model” for this macroregion is still an actual problem of the Egyptian-Sudanese archeology. In the north, in Upper Egypt with the main concentration closer to Asiut, there are sites of the early Neolithic cultures of Tasa and Badari (the former is also considered as the initial stage of the latter) which preferred plateaus, wadis and edges of the adjacent “deserts” to the river floodplain; nevertheless, some scholars claimed the “Tasians” already to have been farmers growing cereals, although the available archaeological data allow us to speak at best about the beginnings of agriculture in the sparsely populated Tasian-Badarian Egypt. In the south, close to the confluence of the White and Blue Nile from the Gezira to the Sixth cataract, the culture of Khartoum Neolithic dominated, replacing Early Khartoum (Khartoum Mesolithic), from which it differed economically by the transition to cattle breeding; any traces of agriculture in its area, as well as in the early sites of the Saharan-Sudanese Neolithic, are absent. Khartoum Neolithic apparently experienced some drying of its containing landscape in the second half of the 5th millennium BC, and this could hardly be favored by the warm and moist climate at the peak of the Atlantic thermal optimum of the Holocene; most likely, there was a change in the hydrology and hydrography of the river network in the area of concentration of this culture, associated with the stabilization of the “meandering” estuary channel of the Blue Nile in its current position.

Archaeological knowledge production: reading mortuary reconstructions

Research on archaeological knowledge production emphasises the contingent nature of understandings of the past. In practice, however, levels of uncertainty and conjecture can easily become less than obvious in interpretations, perhaps especially visual ones. The authors interrogate multiple textual and visual accounts of a Viking-Age burial to demonstrate how selection processes—what to portray or omit—highlight the contextual nature of the knowledge claims in these images. Arguing that the circulation of reconstructions shorn of textual nuance leads to misperceptions, the authors call for transparency in the creation of these images. Rather than definitive depictions of archaeological fact, these reconstructions offer tools for archaeologists and the public to think with.

Perkembangan Pendidikan di Weltevreden Awal Abad 20

This study aims to provide a historical description of the development of education in Weltevreden (Nieuw Batavia) in the early 20th century. After the move from Oud Batavia to Weltevreden, it also had an impact on the development of education as a community need at that time in the new urban planning system. The method used in this study is the historical method which includes the stages of heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Data collection techniques with literature studies of relevant sources. The historical and archaeological facts found show that there are remains that form the basis of the argument for the development of education in Weltevreden. Starting with the emergence of the Javanese medical school (STOVIA) as a pioneer in education in the health sector. Then continued with the establishment of the law school Rechtshoogeschool (RHS) until the formation of the indigenous elite who were partly members of the Volksraad.

Penyebaran Islam Di Nusantara Antara Kultur Dan Struktur

In the course of its history, Islam in Nusantara has struggled with sosial realities for approximately 8 centuries. Islam in Nusantara has participated in coloring the sosial life of the Nusantaran people. The development of Islam in Nusantara is so fast and peaceful. This is something unique in history. a number of orientalist experts say that the main and first motive for the spread of Islam is wealth and power. However, archaeological data informs that Islam in Nusantara states otherwise. Even though Islam in Nusantara does not hold the reins of power, it continues to develop well in society. The da'i when spreading Islam, without adequate financial rewards, they often have to sacrifice material for the smooth running of da'wah. They also adapt to local socio-cultural conditions. Due to a natural process, archaeological facts inform that Islam in Nusantara often holds the reins of power, although this is not the main goal.

“GLADYATÖR” FİLMİNİN ARKEOLOJİK AÇIDAN İNCELENMESİ A REVIEW OF “GLADIATOR” FROM THE ARCHEOLOGICAL POINT OF VIEW

Epic Films, which is an important genre in cinema, have always won the appreciation of the audience and have been most popular in the 1950s and 60s with their samples that depict the “Antique Age”. The samples of this genre, that educate while entertain are still being made today. After the 2000 movie "Gladiator", many Epics have being produced. One of the best Epic Films, director Ridley Scott's 2000 film "Gladiator" is successful not only in terms of cinematic point of view but also in terms of its reflecting archaeological facts correctly. The film successfully transferred history to the pellicule in terms of venues, art design, accessories and the story line. In "Gladiator", director Ridley Scott gathered all the elements of Gladiator Films, -a subgenre of Peplas made in Italy in the 1960s- and reflected them in one film only. “Gladiator”, combines the themes of Peplas, such as Rome, gladiators, arenas, slaves and cruel rulers in a single work. The starting point of the movie is the competitions held in the Arena in the Ancient Age. Arenas are a platform not only individuals show themselves, but also the rulers to prove their power. In our study, starting from the formation of Amphitheaters, we examine the Arena Phenomenon, Gladiator Films and the place of "Gladiator" in between the similar works, respectively.

A Yakut Composite Bow from the Toybokhoy Museum

We give the fi rst description of an unusual composite bow of the Central Asian type, owned by the Toybokhoy Museum in the Suntarsky District of Yakutia, and provide information about its discovery. We foc us on the details and structural peculiarities of the specimen, and note that this refl ex composite bow differs in terms of construction and technology from those of the Northe rn type used by the Yakuts in the 17th to 19th centuries. It resembles bows of the Central Asian type. Its distinctive features are eight horn and bone frontal plates, four end-plates, and four long edging-plates made of bone. According to folkloric sources and 17th century archival documents, before the Russians migrated to the Lena Territory, the Yakuts had used bone combat bows of the Central Asian type. We cite an archaeological fact demonstrating the use of such bows in Yakutia—a central plate from a composite bow with widening paddle-shaped ends from the mid-15th to early 16th century burial at Sergelyakh. We publish the results of the radiocarbon analysis of the horn plate from the Toybokhoy bow, carried out at the Center for Isotope Research at the University of Groningen. They support the legendary version: the Toybokhoy bow belonged to the brother of the Yakut ruler Tygyn Darkhan, Ala Kyrsyn, who lived in the early 17th century and became the founder of one of the Vilyuy Yakut clans. We conclude that alongside the Northern type bows, the late medieval Yakuts used refl ex bows of the Central Asian type.

Mixed Harvest: Stories from the Human Past

Mixed Harvest: Stories from the Human Past

Reading Psalm 90 in the African (Yoruba) perspective

Psalm 90 stands at a critical juncture in the overall scheme of the Psalter. It is also the first Psalm of the small collection which constitutes Book IV of the Psalter. Psalm 90 can be regarded as one of the magisterial Psalms. Psalm 90 is unique in four ways: (1) Psalm 90 is the first Psalm of Book IV with new words after the unresolved ending of Book III; (2) it is the only Psalm with a superscription dedicated to Moses; (3) Psalm 90 is the most popular and attested text of the Bible according to archaeological facts; (4) the chapter is the theological heart of the Psalter with its emphasis on God’s time and his reign. Unfortunately, however, many scholars have not paid much attention to how these Psalms are used as amulets, talismans, and medicine as attested by archaeological documents uncovered. The purpose of this article is to examine Psalm 90 in the African (Yoruba) context which has been supported by archaeological documents of Psalm 90 uncovered. Psalm 90 has been considered as a Psalm of protection, healing and success.Intradisciplinary and interdisciplinary implications: ‘Reading Psalm 90 in the African context’ interprets Psalm 90 in the light of African culture. It deals with biblical studies, exegesis, African traditional religion, and African cultural practices using historical-critical and African biblical hermeneutical methodologies. The Euro-American way is challenged, and African biblical hermeneutics methodology presents a legitimate historical-critical methodology.

РАЗВИТИЕ И СТАНОВЛЕНИЕ АРХИТЕКТУРНО-СТРОИТЕЛЬНЫХ ТРАДИЦИЙ СТЕПНОЙ И ЛЕСОСТЕПНОЙ ЗОН ВОСТОЧНОЙ ЕВРОПЫ С V ПО VII В.

This article is the fourth of the general topics«Development and formation of architectural and construction traditions of the steppe and forest-steppe zones of Ancient Russia. In the process of studying historical and archaeological facts, tere arefollowing:The main type of settlements of the early medieval period of the 5th-7th centuries in all territories of Slavs' residence –uninhibited villages along the banks of rivers and lakes on low floodplain terraces with an area of 0.25-1.0 ha, but in Moldova -up to 1.2 ha, in Podolia –up to 1.5 ha, inSmolensk –up to 7.0-8.0 ha. In the Upper Dniester and Upper Dnieper, the location of settlements is «nesting» with a distance between «nests» of 0.3-0.5 km. Layout –ordinary along the coast according to the terrain. Settlements of 3 types: tribal trade and craft centers, shelters and religious centers. Refuge settlements were built in the Upper Dnieper Left Bank, in the Upper reaches of the Western Dvina, in the borderland with Finno-Ugric and Germanic tribes, especially in the Upper Oka basin, where the main type of settlement settlements. They are trade and craft centers of permanent residence, asylum-fortifications were built separately.Placement of settlements -suburban protected areas, additional fortifications -ramparts and ditches, wooden walls with crates along the inner perimeter of the walls, their area is 0.2 -0.3 ha. Ancient settlements-cult centers inSmolensk region had similar fortifications.Dwellings –everywhere rectangular plans (or close to them, with gable roofs covered with a layer of clay or resin, rammed earthen floors.Space-planning decisions in all territories of Slavs' residence are of the same type, the differences are only in wall designs, which depended on climatic conditions, and in the placement of heating devices: among Slavs, stove-stoves and clay in the corner of dwellings, among neighbors of the Slavs (Balts and Finns) –foci in the middle of dwellings.So in the Southern region there are half-dugouts and ground pillars and log houses with a hearth in the center or a stove with a stove in the corner of the outbuilding.In the Northern region there are rectangular log cabins with astove in a corner. In the Western region, there are half-dugouts and terrestrial columnar and log-house constructions with centers in the center or a stove-heater in the corner.Definitely religious buildings –pagan luminaries. Found only in the Smolenskregion. They are round, rammed, a platform with a diameter of 6 m, along the edge of which is in the center of the site.The burial facilities of the early period of the Slovenian middle ages ubiquitous soil burial grounds and mounds are mainly accordingto the rite of incineration.Thus, the construction and architecture in all areas of the Slavs and their immediate neighbors to the VIII century –of the same type. This situation in the Steppe continued in the Middle Ages, when the Turkic-speaking Huns invaded the Steppe in the Middle of the 4th century wich is putting an end to the centuries-old domination of the Iranians and causing the grandiose movement of European peoples –«The Great Relocation».Development and formation of architectural and construction traditions of the steppe and forest-steppe zones of Eastern Europe from the 5th to the 7th centuries –The early stage of the early Slavic Middle Ages –is considered separately for the forest-steppe and steppe zones. The development of constructionin the steppe zone, through which the namada of the Hun circle moved west, is represented only by random mounds, often inlets, left in the Steppe from the previous time. All types of structures of the settled population of the forest-steppe zone that havedeveloped earlier were developed in this period. The early Slavs, the formation of whose ethnicity began in the III century. BC., to the V century. n. e. the main types of buildings have developed, which have had a special development since the 5th century. n. e.

The Art of Recycling Fresco-Icons. At the Roots of the Cult of Images.

Of the observations made during the author’s research in S. Maria Antiqua (1957-1960), the most baffling were some which indicated that efforts had been made in the early eighth century A.D. to preserve and safeguard the older fresco-images in the church. The procedure discovered here, which had served to incorporate important earlier iconographical matter into the program designed for Pope John VII (A.D. 705-707), was a phenomenon then wholly unknown from church art of the period. However, that a systematic labor of image-reuse according to such principles had been carried out, could be established with certainty on the basis of some very precise archaeological facts. These facts had to do, above all, with the absence on many of the earlier fresco panels in the church of the hatchings or indentures thickly applied to frescoed walls wherever they were to receive new coats of mortar. As proved by meticulous study of the panels in S. Maria Antiqua on which no chisel marks are found, none had had newer strata of painting applied to them. Evidence of these picture-protecting exerts is abundant in the church and prompted conclusions like the following (1968): ”Now it becomes possible also to gauge the fervor with which the individual frescoes were worshipped. The reluctance to obliterate a picture, the efforts made to preserve it, and also the eventual repainting of it with strict adherence to the original subject, all reflect an attitude characteristic of the cult of the icon”. Nordhagen 1968, 90.

The (Im)Palpable: Two Cycladic Landscapes in the Poetry of Derek Mahon and Michael Longley

ABSTRACTThis paper juxtaposes two poems depicting Cycladic landscapes: “Christmas in Kinsale” by Derek Mahon (1997) and “A Hundred Doors” by Michael Longley (2011). Mahon’s is a spiritual landscape based on the essential natural features of the Greek archipelago; in the poem, written from the perspective of his home in Kinsale, Ireland, the Greek landscape provides a counterbalance for global cultural and environmental crisis. Longley’s poem focuses on Cycladic cultural heritage which connects the present with the past via elements of nature personified in the poem. Both poets relate landscape to the spheres of imagination and memory as well as to notions of home, place and identity. Taking into account their Northern Irish origin, these concepts gain a political dimension, especially in Longley’s case. The paper situates both texts in the framework of ecocriticism, backed up with archaeological, historical and political facts, and argues that the poems represent the type of engagement with the world defined by Lawrence Buell as ‘registered and energized’ by ‘acts of environmental imagination’. Given the historical discontinuity in Ireland and Greece, writing landscape is not just an aesthetic venture, but also brings forth ecological, economic, cultural, political and spiritual concerns.

The Burial at Ak-Alakha-3 Mound 1, Gorny Altai: New Findings

Osteological and archaeological facts concerning burial 1 at Ak-Alakha-3 mound 1 in Gorny Altai, are presented. The barrow is famous for the mummy of a woman (burial 2). Burial 1 was situated immediately above the timber frame with the mummy, and contained the remains of a male and a juvenile. Features of the funerary rite shed light on the social status of the so-called Kara-Koba burials associated with the Pazyryk culture. Pathological symptoms detected in the man's skeleton indicate physical disability. The individual died a violent death.

THE EVOLUTION OF ANCIENT MAYA EXCHANGE SYSTEMS: AN ETYMOLOGICAL STUDY OF ECONOMIC VOCABULARY IN THE MAYAN LANGUAGE FAMILY

AbstractThis article presents a cultural reconstruction of ancient Maya economic development derived through etymological study of exchange-related terms in Mayan languages. It applies the results of historical linguistic analysis to archaeological and epigraphic data in order to gain insight into Maya economic prehistory. Cognitive spheres examined include generalized exchange, reciprocation, appropriation and vertical transfers of goods and labor, open commerce, and material valuables. Among the most poignant implications of the results are the antiquity of commerce and its rather extended evolutionary trajectory. Indicators of intense commercialization, however, are few and rather late. Widespread recognition of several elements of the diverse complex of Contact period Mesoamerican valuables can be traced only to the latter part of the Late Formative period or afterward. Evidence of formalized market systems—specifically linking commerce to towns and architectural plazas—appears only late in the Classic period. Terms associated with the hierarchical appropriation of goods and labor appear earlier and are more persistent and stable over time. In particular, there is a single widespread root for tribute obligation apparently subsuming tax, plunder, and work debt all under a single term, as well as evidence for the great antiquity of formalized servitude. Finally, various forms of general reciprocity and gifting are, as might be expected, shown to be of great diversity, complexity, and antiquity. In the course of analysis, several recent models of Mayan language interaction and diversification are examined and evaluated, and a slightly revised linguistic chronology is suggested that better reconciles linguistic data with archaeological facts as they are currently known. The results also have interesting implications for proto-Mayan geographical origins.

Photographs and Archaeological Knowledge

<p class="p1">This article explores some of the ways in which photographs and their archives establish archaeological knowledge. It draws upon histories of photography and archaeology within South Asia to create focus upon archaeology’s evidentiary regimes. The aims are to: a) demonstrate the importance of engaging with photographs and their archives as objects for reckoning archaeology’s evidentiary terrains, b) draw attention to multiple social biographies a photograph or photographic archive acquires, c) highlight the visual as a force of archaeology’s historiography, and d) impress upon the necessity of attending to historiographical issues. The aims allow us in seeing some of the ways in which field sciences create their evidentiary frames, and have a special resonance within the context of South Asian archaeology where professional and amateur archaeologists continue to promote the belief that archaeological facts exist out there, and that archaeological research produces better and more robust sources for the past than scholarship based on texts. Visual histories also highlight the mutation of the so-called ‘colonialist’ historiography within the post-colonial histories of archaeology’s developments, and encourage us to go beyond the hackneyed formulations of colonial legacies and the hagiographic literature of individual practitioners.

Did Gravettian apprentices make projectile elements in Tercis (Landes, France)?

1. Presentation of the site. The archaeological site of Tercis (Landes, France) has yielded several concentrations of lithic artefacts discovered since the 19th century (fig. 1). The majority of these substantial series were collected by C. Normand from the end of the 1970s onwards during the open cast mining of a large limestone quarry by the “Societe des Ciments de l’Adour” (fig. 2). The spatial delimitation of these small concentrations scattered along Tercis ridge over a length of about one kilometer evokes rapid flint knapping activities, carried out in a few hours, providing evidence of short-lived installations linked to the presence of abundant flint on the anticlinal. Many human groups were thus attracted by this raw material since the early stages of the Palaeolithic. But the site was exploited on a larger scale during the Upper Palaeolithic, namely by Gravettians to whom most of the lithic industries can be attributed and notably the small assemblage presented in this paper. 2. Presentation of the assemblage with backed points. This lithic assemblage comes from a concentration which, unfortunately, was not entirely collected because of the short time allotted for rescue excavations by the Societe des Ciments de l’Adour (fig. 3 and tab. 1). Tools make up a minority of the assemblage compared to flint knapping products, which is a logical consequence of the workshop context. Among tools, lithic projectile elements are largely dominant (fig. 4 to 6). The original aspects of this assemblage are a poorly executed flint reduction sequence associated with around thirty small backed pieces that are either unfinished and/or failed. These 34 unfinished and/or failed backed pieces are associated with seven cores (fig. 7 to 14), only one of which was productive (fig. 7). This core is also the only specimen which was not made in the grey-black Tercis flint used for other cores and all of the backed pieces. Moreover, a hundred relatively regular laminar blanks attest straight and regular blade production, with standardized dimensions around 2.5 inches long, 0.5 to 0.8 inches wide and 0.2 inches thick (fig. 16 to 19 and tab. 2). This production is also attested by the refitting of several flakes and laminar blanks which yield a reverse image of knappers’ intentions (fig. 15). 3. An example of projectile weapon elements apprenticeship ? Within the framework of this article, we wish to introduce a palaeo-sociological reflexion based on the accurate presentation of the data. Indeed, this lithic assemblage displays several paradoxes. Firstly, knappers used poor quality flint in a knapping workshop context which is paradoxically suitable for fine production. Secondly, two types of flint exploitation can be observed : on one hand, an exploitation of good quality blocks of raw material which supplied good blanks, such as cores 1, 8 and 9, as shown by the considerable proportion of laminar blanks (fig. 7, 15 and 16). On the other hand, the majority of refitted cores and products testify to the complementary existence of the local exploitation of low quality blocks or flakes (fig. 8 to 14). Finally, straight and regular laminar blanks are not used for backed pieces. What would have motivated knappers to use low quality flint and to select the less regular blades and bladelets to make their backed pieces ? The evidence provided by this assemblage point towards the appealing hypothesis of apprenticeship (fig. 20) which has been poorly documented archaeologically up until now (Pigeot 1988 ; Ploux 1991 ; Pelegrin 1995 ; Klaric 2006, in preparation). Although we cannot definitively advocate this latter hypothesis, we nevertheless propose to assess the archaeological facts, which are, as of yet, restricted, in order to propose a relevant methodology for the restitution of gestures and intentions.

An Analysis Of Mitochondrial Dna From The Pakhomovskaya Population Of The Late Bronze Age, Western Siberia

This article presents the results of an analysis of mitochondrial DNA extracted from bone samples from Stary Sad – a burial ground representing the eastern variant of the Late Bronze Age Pakhomovskaya culture in the Baraba forest-steppe, Western Siberia. Comparison with mitochondrial DNA data from earlier populations of the region and also with archaeological facts, points to the origins of the Pakhomovskaya people. Certain components of their gene pool were evidently derived from the local pre-Andronovo populations, others from the actual Andronovo (Fedorovka) population and also from later immigrants. In this article an integrative reconstruction based on biological and cultural facts is proposed.

Archaeological Facts, Historical Speculations and the Date of the LMLK Storage Jars: A Rejoinder to David Ussishkin

In two essays published recently (Lipschits, Sergi and Koch 2010, 2011), two of my students and I suggested a new chronological scheme for the lmlk stamped jars in Judah. In this study we challenged a 30-year scholarly consensus that contended that all the lmlk jars were associated with the destruction of Level III at Lachish, and that they were dated to the three years of Hezekiah’s revolt and Judah’s preparations for the 701 B.C.E. Assyrian attack (Ussishkin 1977; Na’aman 1979, 1986; Vaughn 1999; Kletter 2002). We based this new chronological scheme on a careful study of the distribution of the lmlk stamped handles, according to the detailed typology set out by André Lemaire in 1981. We isolated the four- winged Types Ia and Ib and the two-winged Type IIa as those found sealed under the destruction level of Lachish III and con- temporaneous strata. Accordingly, we defined these types as the “early types,” used before the 701 Assyrian attack on Judah (Lip- schits, Sergi and Koch 2010: 11 and Fig. 1). By contrast, three types of two-winged lmlk stamp impressions (Lemaire’s IIb, IIc and XII) appear only in hill-country sites that were not destroyed in 701 B.C.E., or in strata attributed to the 7th century B.C.E., with not even one stamped handle of these types found in a clear 701 B.C.E. destruction level. Therefore, we assumed that these types were produced after the 701 campaign, defined them as “late types,” and dated them to the beginning of the 7th century B.C.E. (ibid.: 11, 13– 2 JOURNAL OF HEBREW SCRIPTURES 17). Furthermore, we suggested that the lmlk stamped jars were not part of a short-term system of preparations for the Assyrian attack, but rather part of an administrative system begun before Hezekiah’s revolt against the Assyrian empire, and followed by the incised concentric circles and the rosette stamp impressions (Lipschits, Sergi and Koch 2010: 8–9; Koch and Lipschits 2010). The continuity of the manufacturing of royal storage jars (Vaughn 1999: 148–150; Shai and Maeir 2003; Gitin 2006) and of the use of royal emblems stamped on their handles (Lipschits, Sergi and Koch 2010: 7–10) indicates that the different stamps are all part of the same administrative system that probably functioned without interruption for about 140 years. Moreover, the same administrative system continued after the 586 B.C.E. destruction for an additional 450 years, during the Babylonian period (the mwṣh and lion stamped handles; see Lipschits 2010), during the Persian and the Early Hellenistic periods (the yhwd stamped handles; see Lipschits and Vanderhooft 2011), and until the Late Hellenistic period (the late yhwd and the yršlm stamped handles; see Ariel and Shoham 2000: 159–163; Vanderhooft and Lipschits 2007; Bocher and Lipschits 2011). Throughout this long period, Judah was under the hegemony of great empires, and the stamped jars were part of the Judahite administrative system that was already established when Judah became an Assyrian vassal kingdom; they continued to be in use as long as Judah was a vassal kingdom and afterwards when it was a province under the rule of the Babylonian, Persian and Ptolemaic empires. Recently, Ussishkin published a rejoinder (2011) defending his 34-year-old view, claiming again that all the lmlk stamped storage jars were manufactured concurrently during a brief period shortly before 701 B.C.E. (ibid.: 223–224, 231). He even went one step fur- ther, claiming that, despite the archaeological fact that not even one handle bearing a concentric circle incision was discovered sealed under a 701 B.C.E. destruction level, all the handles bearing concen- tric circle incisions should also be dated to the same pre-701 B.C.E. period (ibid.: 233–235). He further claimed that all the rosette stamped storage jars should be dated to shortly before the 587/6 B.C.E. destruction (ibid.: 235). If this were indeed the case, then no stamped jars were produced in Judah during the 110 years between Hezekiah’s revolt and the Assyrian military campaign against Judah (704–701 B.C.E.), and Zedekiah’s revolt against Babylon and the Babylonian military campaign against Judah (588–586 B.C.E.); furthermore, the rosette system, just like the lmlk system that preceded it, had to be developed over a very short period of time. Ussishkin did not connect the 6th to 2nd century stamped jar handles to the lmlk, concentric circle and rosette jars, and he ignored the continued use of the same system of stamping handles of the same type of jars for an additional 450 years. In this article, I will focus on the differences in the methods used for dating and for interpreting the stamped jar handles in gen- ARCHAEOLOGICAL FACTS AND HISTORICAL SPECULATIONS 3 eral, and those methods used for the lmlk stamped jars in particular. I will also emphasize the differences in the approach toward archaeological facts and their historical interpretations.

JEJAK – JEJAK RUMAH JAWA DALAM TRADISI INDONESIA LAMA

One of the result of culture which representing Indonesian resident creativity is architecture, in this case is Javanese house. [The] mentioned proved with many archaeological fact. Division of time dimension based to the Hindu Budha period and Islamic period. The data got from pictorial data, verbal data, and architectural data. Classic Javanese house, having marking: Building construction from wood representing pillar stand up above of land, having gallery of mine and without space winnow. Old Majapahit house, having marking : building construction from wood standing above batur and still there is no permanent constrictor. its Roof covered by tiles. Final Majapahit house, having characteristic : it is equal to Old Majapahit house but have had permanent constrictor. The Javanese house have building system called rumah kolong or rumah panggung. The Javanese house at Islamic period that is Yogyakarta Kingdom have started to recognize west technology that is with use of its material even conception Hindu still very obvious. Besides esthetics element start to be applied that is with use of the ornament. Besides knowledge about developing house start to be booked written of manuscript about technique making of Javanese house called kawruh kalang. Keywords: Javanese house, history, Javanese temples, pictorial data, verbal data, architectural data