Arab Street Research Articles

Arab Countries’ Interest in Integration in Eurasia: Tactics or Strategy?

In the situation of transition from a unipolar to a multipolar world, the tasks of developing a dialogue with the Arab world are set out in the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation for 2023. In contrast to the “senior-junior” concept developed by the West, in which the allegedly “natural” leading role is unfairly assigned to Western powers and which causes growing resistance from the states of the Global South, Russia proposes that its Arab partners form relations based on a fair consideration of each other’s interests. The Arab ruling circles, experts, and the “Arab street” increasingly perceive Russia as a statecivilization that is not only located in Eurasia, but is also a driving force for the integration of the Non-West. Of particular interest is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a platform for generating ideas and coordinating between the emerging centers of power represented by India, China, and Russia, especially after Iran, a regional rival of Saudi Arabia, became a member of the SCO in 2023. Is the Arab interest in the Eurasian NonWest strategic or tactical, being in the second case aimed solely at exerting pressure on the West to obtain maximum concessions? This is a difficult, but key question that requires an answer from experts, which explains the relevance of this article. In his study, the author uses situational analysis tools, including content analysis methods, force field analysis and data visualization. The author concludes that the interest of Arab countries in integration in Eurasia, including cooperation with Russia, is predominantly strategic.

Frameworks for treatment the issue of Arab normalization with (Israel) an analytical study for CNN in Arabic

The study dealt with the issue of Arab normalization with (Israel) .the journalistic frameworks used by news websites in dealing with normalization and the research sought to identify the types of journalistic frameworks used in framing the topic on the websites presented by( CNN Arabic) for the period from (1/8/2020) to (30/12/2020) and the research problem stems from a main question :What kind of frameworks are used to deal with the Arab normalization with (Israel) in the websites of CNN Arabic and? and from this main question a set of sub- question derives from all aspects of the research. the research aims to achieve a set of goals, the most prominent of which are : knowing the types of journalistic frameworks related to the subject of normalization that are included in the news websites in the question and to identify the most significant issue that news websites focused on that is the subject of normalization and knowing the types of journalistic frameworks provided by the news websites ,revealing the methods of journalistic treatment and the most important and prominent characters who had a role in the process of normalization that on which the news websites focused as well as identifying the most important journalistic sources adapted by the news websites and identifying the journalistic forms and the elements of highlighting and the interactive media that were allocated by the research websites in their treatment of the issue of normalization . the research is descriptive research, as it required the use of the analytical survey method. The researcher reached some conclusions, the most important of which is, the CNN Arabic website relied on the bias trend, and this is consistent with the website's policy editorial, as it took sides with the US and the UAE especially the UAE side, because the UAE faced a tantrum and boycott campaigns after signing the peace agreement with (Israel), Therefore, the site tried to calm the anger of the Arab street and prove the UAE'S peaceful intentions under the pretext of achieving stability in the Middle East and focusing on the positives and improving the image of the UAE before the Arab public. Keywords: Arab normalization, framework theory, press processing

Searching for political efficacy: the Israeli Arab vote in the 2019-21 Knesset elections

ABSTRACT Arab politics experienced dramatic upheavals in the four Knesset elections between April 2019 and March 2021. First was the jump from a significant low turnout among Arab voters in April 2019 (49.2%) to the highest turnout in two decades in March 2020 (64.8%), only to be followed by a historic slump to 44.6% in March 2021. The Arab parties went through a shaky period – from a divided political system that secured only 10 Knesset seats in April 2019 to a historic achievement in the March 2020 elections, when the Joint List won 15 seats, followed by yet another schism resulting in a total of 10 seats in the March 2021 elections. As such, the Joint List’s achievements did not herald the strengthening of the Arab parties’ influence in the Arab street but rather the increasing influence of the public on the political configuration of the parties wishing to represent it. The interrelation between the public and the parties is the outcome of profound processes of political change that Arab society in Israel has undergone over the past two decades. The article discusses these processes and their impact on the political behaviour of the Arab public.

Tomorrow and tomorrow and tomorrow: social justice and the rise of dystopian art and literature post-Arab Uprisings

ABSTRACT The Arab uprisings ushered an unrealistic level of euphoria across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA); however, ten years on, most of the same dictatorships continue to rule and reactionary forces have only become more powerful. For many, the Arab street has become a more dangerous, even dystopic, place. With democracy curtailed and economic prosperity an unlikely possibility in the near future, some writers and artists in the MENA region are turning away from the nightmares of the present towards the futuristic lands of science fiction and fantasy, imaginary places where they have the freedom to openly reflect upon their predicament. Indeed, it is reported that dystopian literature in Arabic fiction has proliferated in recent years. The same trend can be seen in art: a 2016 exhibition in London billed itself as ‘a dazzling journey into the future of Palestine—through both utopian and dystopian visions of what lies ahead’. In this article, I first briefly detail the recent oppression in Egypt and Palestine—what I call the dystopian present—including against artists and writers. I then look at the contemporary role of art and literature as social critique.

„Multi-culti“ vs. ”another cell phone store“ – Changing ethnic, social, and commercial diversities in Berlin-Neukölln.

Based on an extensive ethnography of the economic and social life in Berlin-Neukölln, the paper asks how a changing demographic and social structure affects the social life but also the urban renewal on two iconic but contested streets - “the Arab street” Sonnenallee and adjacent Karl-Marx-Straße. The effects of migration - and particularly of the more recent refugee migration - to Berlin are explored through the reshaping and diversification processes of the physical and social spaces of the two streets and their businesses.
 In detail, the paper illuminates the changing ordinary everyday interactions and social and spatial practices in and around local shops and gastronomic facilities and argues that it is the interactions in and around certain shops and businesses that contribute to the everyday practice of urban diversity. The paper further reveals that regardless of the place-and community-making of the local store owners and staff therein, the local urban renewal and regeneration actors have a very different understanding of these spaces and their operators and also aim for a different kind of new “diversity”. The paper thus concludes by also showing how these actors frame and depict the increasingly ethnically diverse businesses on the two streets in the course of urban renewal, including a critical discussion of their perceptions and concrete practices as in contrast to the ethnically diverse business peoples’ perceptions and placemaking practices that often also represent homemaking practices.

Two Days of the “Six Day War”

The article is based on the information of the author, who as officer of the 10th Main Directorate of the Soviet General Staff spent two days in Egypt during the Six Day War between Israel and the Arab states. It briefly analyzes the history of Moscow’s relations with Cairo after the 1952 revolution, particularly in the military field, and notes that the Soviet military leadership overestimated the combat capability of the Armed Forces of the United Arab Republic, as the Arab Republic of Egypt was then called. Although by June 1967 the situation in the Middle East was rather tense, the war was not expected by Moscow on the day Israel attacked Egypt, and its quick success, especially the defeat of the Egyptian Air Force, was a shock to Cairo and Moscow. The article describes the situation in Cairo on June 9 and 10, the Egyptians’ reaction to the resignation of President Gamal Abdel Nasser; speaks of the negative attitude of the “Arab street” to the Russians, which arose in those days, primarily because of the false information of the Egyptian authorities, who argued that unlike the USSR, the United States and Great Britain took part in the war by bombing objects in Egypt.

Altered Landscapes and Filmic Environments

It’s just past 10:00 am on a humid Monday in Singapore, and the streets seemed to have settled after a workday rush. My walk from Arab Street to McNally Street was rather placid, punctuated by moments at intersections, and surrounded by people heading somewhere. Minutes later, I was looking up at the postmodern buildings of LASALLE College of the Arts—a panorama of reinforced concrete, glass, tiles, and steel gleaming under the morning sun. In cinema, spaces and landscapes are primary features. At times, the setting goes beyond the overarching narrative, as it conveys its own story. Given their impact, Stephen Heath (2016) infers that a process occurs in identifying spatial connections to the characters, since “organizing, guiding, sustaining and reestablishing the space are the factors that reveal this process.” The audience absorbs the familiar images or experiences onscreen. However, embodied objects of varying iterations contribute to how environments in films are concretized. On this note, one can ask: in what ways do filmic environments thus project narratives and discourses?

Civil Society and the Rise of Unconventional Modes of Youth Participation in the MENA

Why are there variances in young people’s civic and political participation in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings, and what are the implications of these types of participatory modes on authoritarian rule in the region? Based on quantitative and qualitative fieldwork from five countries in the Middle East – Egypt, Palestine, Morocco, Tunisia and Lebanon – this paper demonstrates that young people in the region are increasingly drawn to independent and unconventional forms of participation to varying degrees, depending on each country’s authoritarian structure and institutional arrangements. Though the rise of unconventional participation is a manifestation of the presence of a vibrant Arab street, these participatory modes lead to civil society’s weakness and fragmentation. This adds to the volatility of new civic and political actors and provides the regimes with more authoritarian strategies for resilience.

Hizbullah's Moral Justification of Its Military Intervention in the Syrian Civil War

Intervening in the Syrian Civil War was a significant decision by Hizbullah's leadership, carrying as it did the risk of losing public support in the Arab street. This article argues that Hizbullah used highly moralized rhetoric to justify its involvement in the Syrian conflict, emphasizing ethical necessity rather than selfinterest. The article offers a descriptive analysis of Hizbullah's justifications and compares them with major intellectual traditions on the ethics of war. The findings suggest that Hizbullah has been adept at developing a strategy for legitimizing its armed engagement outside Lebanese territory.

Al Jazeera and Qatari Foreign Policy: A Critical Approach

Our paper explores the Al-Jazeera network and its relationship to the state which set it up and continues to fund it. We suggest that, while the network may provide perspectives for Western viewers that other large, but Western-owned networks do not, it is far from immune from the problems of state influence. Behind a cultivated veneer of providing perspectives from 'the Arab street', the network reflects foreign policy perspectives of the Qatari state and the small elite which controls it. This paper surveys Al-Jazeera Arabic news coverage (August 2014-August 2015) of conflict in Iraq and three AJA current affairs programmes coverage (January 2014-August 2015) of conflict in Iraq, Syria and Egypt. The results indicate that, on foreign policy issues which the Qatari elite regards as particularly important, the network promotes the perspectives of the state. The relationship between the Qatari state and Al-Jazeera also constrains the network's independence and objectivity.

The Arab Street: Effects of the Six‐Day War

The Arab Street: Effects of the Six‐Day War

The Arab Street and the Middle East Peace Process: Do Non-Democratic Institutions Constrain or Inform?

The Arab Street and the Middle East Peace Process: Do Non-Democratic Institutions Constrain or Inform?

Mish mabsoota: on teaching with a camera in revolutionary Cairo

Made in the wake of the 2011 Egyptian Revolution, Inti Mabsoota? is an experimental pedagogical video project that draws upon the emerging mobile esthetics of cell phone filmmaking and public encounters with revolutionary spontaneity. Inspired by the landmark cinéma-vérité film, Chronique d'un été (1960), in which participants ask people on the streets of Paris if they are happy, several of my students at the American University in Cairo became mobile film units, asking people the same innocuous question, “Inta mabsoot?/Inti mabsoota?”—Are you happy? Are you content? This seemingly benign exercise belies a variety of conceptual and methodological frictions, which offered productive pedagogical possibilities. Drawing upon the emergent revolutionary visual culture, this student project complicated both the reductive assessments of the “Arab Spring” as a manifestation of digital democracy and the heavy-handed way that western journalism has tended to address the “Arab Street” as a volatile mob. Using an embodied visual approach allowed students to apprehend modes of lived experience that might not register as political in more normative models, but which nonetheless form the basis of how people live and experience political life. Highlighting the non-representational aspects of the encounter also foregrounds the corporeal and visceral dimensions of the students’ experience. Accordingly, the critical video methods employed elucidate the kinds of affective knowledge produced for those on screen, behind the camera, and viewing from a distance.

‘Taming’ Arab social movements: Exporting neoliberal governmentality

In the wake of the recent Arab revolutions, the European Union (EU) has sought to provide genuine and substantial support to a range of Arab social movements in the region’s emerging polities. Yet the EU’s recent democracy-promotion efforts represent a puzzle for earlier critical approaches to the relationship between Europe and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), which argue for the existence of hegemonic patronage linkages. We argue, however, that the EU’s attempts at democracy promotion in the MENA region may be understood through a governmentality framework, despite the limitations of such an approach. Specifically, the EU is actively promoting neoliberal policies in the aftermath of the Arab Spring in order to foster a mode of subjectivity that is conducive to the EU’s own norms and interests. What we observe are not just innocent attempts at democracy promotion, but a form of politics and economics that seeks to subject the agency on the ‘Arab street’ to EU standards. We conclude by going over the radical plurality of the Arab street, and show how it was in fact earlier neoliberal reforms by their former regimes that created the conditions of possibility for the recent revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt.

From Arab Street to Social Movements: Re-theorizing Collective Action and the Role of Social Media in the Arab Spring

On 10 February 2010, Wael Ghonim, a prominent figure of Egypt’s 25 January movement, tweeted ‘mission accomplished. Thanks to all the brave young Egyptians.’ The message became viral, not only on the micro-blogging and other social media platforms, but throughout mainstream media outlets. Western media reports were all keen on highlighting Ghonim’s job as Google executive, and the pivotal role of digital media, from the Google search engine to social media, in bringing about this ‘happy ending’ to the first ‘Twitter’ and ‘Facebook’ revolutions. Of course the mission was far from accomplished; nearly one year after Mubarak was forced to step down, Egyptian militants are still trying to keep the flame of the revolution alive and burning by reoccupying Tahrir Square in Cairo in their pitched battles against the military junta running the country. Criticizing the overzealous praise of the role of social media in the Arab spring, Harvard professor Tarak Barkawi (2011) pointed out that these grotesque claims smack of eurocentricism because they credit the revolutions to ‘western’ technology rather than to the peoples of Egypt and Tunisia:

Gulf War 4.0: Iran, Saudi Arabia and the complexification of the Persian Gulf equation

As the effects of the Arab Spring continue to reverberate across the Middle East, the world now looks for new ways to assess the implications of this momentous event, in the process often forgetting many of the cataclysmic forces still underlying tensions in the region. Drawing upon historical precedent, theory and current events, this article argues that the events of the Arab Spring have served to obscure, and distract attention away from, the increasing likelihood of a conventional war arising between Iran and an Arab coalition in the Persian Gulf. The article highlights a range of factors contributing to this latent potential: the ever-expanding arms race between these two power blocs, the ambiguity of Iran's nuclear goals and the unprecedented level of uncertainty in the region associated with the roiling unrest on the Arab street. All have added to an increasingly uncertain atmosphere that is now punctuated with interventionism, opportunism and growing military might. In such a volatile regional environment, where force appears to be becoming the tool of choice, the probability for a broader crisis and a new Gulf War is at levels unseen in over two decades.

The Arab Spring: challenges to the US Middle East policy

This study argues that the Arab World and the larger Middle East region are politically, strategically, and economically significant in the US foreign policy formulation. However, the 2011 Arab Spring poses serious challenges to Washington’s interests and policy in the region. The Arab Spring entails political elite transformation in the Arab countries of the Middle East region. The Arab Spring could sweep into power the Arab nationalists and the Islamists. In the democratic Middle East, the effectiveness of the State of Israel card as the only democratic state will diminish. The study concludes that unless Washington in search of new allies adopts the approach of constructive engagement and inclusive democracy in the larger Middle East region, Iran will exploit the Arab street protests and thwart USA’s interests and stability in the region.

Libya After Qadhafi: Reshaping the Political and Security Systems

IntroductionThe fall of Muammar al-Qadhafi in October 2011 marked the end of the Libyan uprising, led to the close of NATO's intervention Operation Unified Protector (OUP), and ushered in a delicate political transformation which failed to come to a quick and decisive end with the first round of elections held in early July 2012. To assess some major pitfalls of the current transitional process, this article will propose an analysis of two main challenges the new Libyan authorities will face, the proper handling of which will determine the nature and stability of the future state. The first challenge is the political transition from an autocratic regime via revolutionary credentials to democratic legitimacy. The second involves the construction and governance of an entirely reshaped security sector, both in the military and civilian realms, transcending their previous roles in the Jamahiriyya either as Praetorian Guard or as state-sponsored bullies.1Libyan politics are not immune to the major novelty introduced by the Spring. Political representation transformed into a reflection of forces on the ground: what used to be called in derogatory terms the Arab Street - as opposed to the will of the dictator, or alleged Western interests - morphed into public opinion, which was now suddenly relevant in elections. Yet the first free national elections in Libya produced a mixed picture without clear majorities, partially due to the complicated electoral system, which was split into party lists and individual candidates. Furthermore, as could also be witnessed in local elections that took place in Misrata and Benghazi, political Islam as such seems not to be favored by the Libyan people. This means the search for charismatic, authoritative political leadership during the transition phase will most likely continue. However, achieving stability cannot be attained by a successful political transition alone. Rivalries between numerous and relatively autonomous kata 'ib (militias) could degenerate into open confrontation.2 If those rebel commanders, who have suddenly transformed into politicians, lose in the elections where they sought to acquire democratic credentials (and in the process to transcend their previous revolutionary achievements as militia leaders), such a scenario becomes more likely.The National Transitional Council (NTC) and its interim government have prioritized security sector and judicial reform from the very beginning in order to provide for a smooth transition in post-conflict Libya. However, in the current climate justice seems mainly to be understood to consist in indicting former regime officials (such as Qadhafi's son Saif al-Islam or the former Prime Minister Baghdadi al-Mahmoudi), rather than in terms of conducting reforms of the justice system. Simultaneously, assassinations are not uncommon. Jumma al-Jawzi, the judge who ordered the arrest of Abdelfattah Younes (commander of the National Liberation Army since his early defection, assassinated in July 2011) was killed in June this year.3 Several candidates running in the recent elections or former Qadhafl-era office bearers have been victims of politically motivated murder or assassination attempts as well.Despite the NTC s rhetoric about national reconciliation, security sector reform (SSR) is making slow progress in an environment that is prone to the settling of old intertribal disputes. These tribal rivalries, which had been used by Qadhafi as a reliable mechanism to consolidate his power, are now free-floating in the absence of a central authority. Practically, mediation efforts for the implementation of fragile cease-fires tend to be undertaken by shuyukh (tribal leaders), elders and notables from influential families. The army claimed on several occasions to have dispatched contingents to intervene in tribal clashes, such as confrontations in southwestern Sebha or southeastern Kufra. The reality looks quite different. …

The political crowd: Theorizing popular revolt in North Africa

This paper uses an interdisciplinary approach to show why Western social scientific explanations of political crowds in North Africa and the Arab Middle East have failed to provide an understanding of the causes and effects of popular revolt. I trace these misunderstandings to an inherited body of European writings on crowd theory and on Islamic and Muslim political power. Some scholars who have also criticized mainstream analysis of the so-called “Arab Street” are shown as relevant to a new understanding of political crowds.

Views from the Arab Gulf on the ‘Arab Spring’ and its repercussions

This opinion piece of different Arab views and perspectives on the ‘Arab Spring’ and its significance and repercussions in the Arab Gulf region comprises three papers: ‘Repercussions of the Arab movements for democracy on the Saudi street’, by Mohammed Iben Sunitan; ‘Arab Spring … fleeting or perpetual?’, by Jasem Khaled Al-Sadoun; and ‘Repercussions of the Arab movements for democracy in Bahrain’, by Ali Mohammed Fakhro. Iben Sunitan posits a framework for a reading of the repercussions of the current movements on the Arab street in Saudi Arabia in a brief but highly informative account of the various Saudi opposition groups since the inception of the state under King ‘Abd al-’Aziz bin Sa9ud. The author details the various strategies that have been employed by Saudi monarchs for dealing with or assimilating various opposition groups that have appeared and he examines the new dynamics of a situation in which the youth figure prominently and the house of Al Sa9ud is at a crossroads where it must successfully adapt to the new objective conditions and atmosphere engendered by the climactic and momentous events of 2011. Al-Sadoun deals with numerous issues that pertain to the Gulf region in general such as age demographics, unemployment, economic issues, and the question of what he terms the dichotomy of ‘projects of rule’ as opposed to modern ‘projects of state’, where the former have tended to characterize the Arab world at the expense of both efforts to modernize and democratize. In the global context al-Sadoun sees hope for democratic transition provided that various Gulf rulerships and governments arrive at the conclusion that voluntary democratic reform is considerably less costly than suppression of the popular will. With regard to Tunisia and Egypt – despite serious socio-economic challenges in the latter – he sees promise in the models of Malaysia and Turkey. Fakhro deals with the particular situation in Bahrain characterized by ‘missed opportunities’ as well as regional military intervention, where peaceful demonstrations with initial moderate, legitimate demands pertaining to parliamentary representation and housing concerns that started in public areas such as the Pearl Roundabout were handled ineptly by the government, which chose to deal with them by force from the outset. Both sides crossed ‘red lines’ as demands escalated and demonstrators were gunned down not far from the royal palace. The King has called for an unconditional national dialogue; and while the situation has apparently calmed down for the moment, there remains grave concern over the future course of events. All three articles provide useful information and insight into the socio-political and economic dynamics of opposition movements in the Arab Gulf and the nature of their interaction with different types of political authority where it remains to be seen whether or not the prevailing climate of the ‘Arab Spring’ will persist in bringing about structural and genuine democratic reforms or whether protests will ultimately dissipate or assimilated through traditional means.