Arab Revolt Research Articles

Saudi Arabia’s Efforts to Revive the Hijaz Railway from 1925 to 1982

Abstract This study addresses the attempts by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to restore the Hijaz Railway that extended from Damascus to Madinah. The Hijaz Railway was destroyed during the events of the Arab Revolt in 1915; King Abdulaziz attempted to restore it, and so did his sons after him. This study sheds light on the official efforts by the Saudi kings and the discussions held with relevant countries concerning the railway, including the British and French authorities. Moreover, the study reveals the most important meetings and conferences that were held to restore the railway and their outcomes.

Gender, Human Rights Networks, and the State of Emergency During the Arab Revolt (1936–1939)

Abstract Contrary to the current literature on the British state of emergency during the 1936–1939 Arab revolt, that sees women as victims of counterinsurgency policies or the differential objects within national-military cultures, this article argues that Palestinian women played an active role in fostering the rise of early human rights networks, and highlights how the politics of race and gender-based violence marked an embedded dimension of the imperial and colonial political authority and practice. By focusing on the emotional and divisive question of Palestine during the Arab Revolt, and using gender as a polyhedric tool of analysis, the article aims to show the centrality of gender and women’s activism in forging and grasping technologies of colonial emergency governance as tools of resistance to colonial violence. It enriches current histories of international law and adopts a critical feminist intersectional approach.

The power of space opera: energetic melodrama and the ecologies of Dune

ABSTRACT This essay examines the history of space opera and melodrama through the lens of science fiction and especially Frank Herbert’s 1965 novel Dune, with recent film adaptations by Denis Villeneuve (2021, 2024). Drawing on scholarship that explores the imperial and energy imaginary of science fiction, it argues that space opera is a subgenre of science fiction which amplifies melodrama’s ideological and structural critique of domestic and colonial power and the energetic regimes that produce them. As an energodrama, Dune deploys contemporary ecosystem science, with its tracing of energetic flows and circuits of resource interdependence, to detail the impact of resource extraction on ecologies and colonial territories, reading this pattern across a range of contested histories, from the guano wars of Peru, to the first Arab Revolt of WWI, to the nuclear brinksmanship of the cold war. Recent film adaptations of Dune restore the visual and sonic texture of this critique, amplifying the melodramatic texture of the novel and providing new sonic and visual ecologies that bring the viewer and auditor into visceral contact with those histories and the territories they remade.

Nationalism and the Ottoman-Arab Dynamic: From Cultural Renaissance to Political Revolt

This paper delves into the intricate relationship between the Ottoman Empire and its Arab Muslim subjects amidst the backdrop of rising nationalist sentiments during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It traces the historical evolution of Arab nationalism, examining its cultural origins and political dimensions, while also dissecting the Ottoman administration's response to nationalist aspirations. Through an analysis of historical documents, scholarly works, and contemporary accounts, the study illuminates how nationalist movements reshaped the political, social, and cultural dynamics within the empire, leading to increased tensions between the central government and Arab nationalists. The paper highlights key events such as the Tanzimat reforms and the Young Turk Revolution, which exacerbated these tensions, culminating in the Arab Revolt of 1916 supported by the British. It also explores the impact of World War I on Ottoman-Arab relations and the subsequent dissolution of the empire, as reflected in treaties like the Treaty of Sèvres and the Treaty of Lausanne, which paved the way for the establishment of modern Arab states under European mandates. Through a comprehensive examination of historical sources and scholarly literature, the paper elucidates the multifaceted nature of nationalism's influence on the Ottoman Empire's relationship with its Arab Muslim subjects, underscoring its profound and enduring significance in shaping the modern Middle East.

Analysis of Bedouin Tribal Elements in the Jordanian Film ‘Theeb’

The film ‘Theeb’ is set against the backdrop of the World War I and the Arab Revolt, with a grand historical narrative background. It reflects the local characteristics of Jordan and Bedouin tribal elements, including but not limited to the Arab virtues of generosity and hospitality, courage and fortitude, brotherhood and family honour, the authoritative image of the father, the elder brother and the ‘Sheikh’ in a patriarchal social system. Additionally, it also reflects the confrontation between the tribes and the modern colonial state, such as the contrast between the starry sky and the well, symbolising the tenderness and dreams of the Arabs, and the habit of annihilating the enemy in the early hours of the morning, as well as the spirit of martial arts and plundering based on the principle of ‘balanced rivalry’, and the habit of emphasising tribal loyalty and blood revenge.

Томас Едвард Лоуренс (Лоуренс Аравійський) у боротьбі Великої Британії та Османської імперії за Близький Схід

The purpose of the study is to determine the role and place of T. E. Lawrence in the British-Turkish struggle and relations between Great Britain and the Arab peoples during the First World War, based on scientific works and sources. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, comprehensiveness, integrity and systematicity. Among the applied general scientific methods are the methods of analysis and synthesis, and among the special-historical ones - the problem-chronological method. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the fact that this problem is highlighted in domestic historiography for the first time. Conclusions. Thomas Edward Lawrence, one of the best British orientalists of the early 20th century, played an important role in London's struggle against the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East and in building British-Arab relations. At the beginning of the First World War, as a result of repeated and long expeditions and travels in the Middle East and Egypt, he knew well the behavior and mentality of the Arabs, the Arabic language, had rich experience of communicating with the local population, which made him a valuable specialist for the British intelligence in the Middle East. During the war, Lawrence's work with the Arabs produced important results for British success both on the battlefield and in the preparation and support of the Arab Revolt. Thus, Lawrence found an effective tactic of using Arab units to disrupt the logistics and supply of the Ottoman Empire's troops. Lawrence managed to avoid direct clashes between Turkish and Arab units and at the same time inflict serious losses on the enemy, most of all – losses of material resources. The results of T. E. Lawrence's activities were reflected both on the map of the fronts and, finally, on the borders of the states that emerged after the fall of the Ottoman Empire.

Journalism as a means of term-conceptual fixation: the case of El País during the coverage of the Arab revolts of 2011

Ante un acontecimiento de resonancia internacional, el periodismo se erige en catalizador e, incluso, acuñador de conceptos y percepciones. Las revueltas árabes de 2011 presentan el paradigma de fijaciones términoconceptuales en la prensa. La expresión Primavera Árabe es, por antonomasia, el ejemplo más evidente de tal acuñación conceptual, amén de otras cuestiones de mayor sensibilidad para los lectores como la subida al poder del «islam político» o la ensalzada figura de Mohamed Bouazizi, el vendedor ambulante quemado a lo bonzo el 17 de diciembre de 2010 por su situación socioeconómica. Sin embargo, investigadores varios desmitifican la imagen de Bouazizi y rebautizan las revueltas como otoño o invierno árabe. Esta investigación indaga las terminologías y las locuciones prevalecientes en los géneros informativos de la sección internacional de El País durante el tratamiento de las revueltas árabes de 2011 para lo que se realiza un análisis sobre 1200 textos. De la mano de un método mixto –cuantitativo y cualitativo– se examinan los conceptos que este diario utiliza con frecuencia para condicionar la agenda pública sobre este acontecimiento internacional. Los resultados indican que El País se ha hecho eco, aunque tardíamente, del neologismo: Primavera Árabe. Esta demora en incluirlo dentro de la nomenclatura definitoria de tales sucesos se atribuye a que la cabecera madrileña opte por aguardar un atisbo de la consolidación de los logros obtenidos en Túnez y Egipto, así como su contagio a otras naciones para poder catalogar estos hechos como una Primavera Árabe.

The Iraqi Deputies’ Stance on the Privilege of the Hejaz Railway in the Discussions of the Ottoman Council of Deputies 1908-1914 CE

The Hejaz Railway, one of the most significant projects undertaken by the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid II, stands as a remarkable accomplishment. It was a collaborative effort involving Arabs and Muslims from various Ottoman provinces, including Iraq. Their contributions were vital due to the railway's religious, political, economic, and military significance. Consequently, the Hejaz Railway garnered attention during the discussions of the Ottoman Council of Deputies from 1908 to 1914, where Iraqi deputies actively participated with their proposals and opinions.
 The research delves into the Hejaz Railway project, which received foreign privileges granted to its German ally by the Ottoman Empire. Despite differing perspectives among Arab and Turkish writers regarding the concept and motivations behind these privileges, the railway sparked numerous debates within the Ottoman Council of Deputies. These discussions highlighted the divergence of views between Arabs and Ottomans concerning the railway project.
 As the Ottoman Empire shifted its policies toward European nations, it sought to strengthen relations through alliances and agreements known as "privileges." These privileges encompassed economic, military, political, and religious aspects, granting European powers freedom of movement and trade within the Ottoman territories. However, this approach had unintended consequences, as these privileges became tools for European intervention in the empire's internal affairs and control over its economy. Notably, the Hejaz Railway privilege was bestowed during Sultan Abdul Hamid II's rule.
 The Hejaz region held immense importance within the Ottoman Empire due to its status as the starting point of the Islamic world. Geographically and religiously, the Hejaz was unique, maintaining a special position for the Ottomans. This situation persisted for centuries until the Hejaz separated from Ottoman rule after the Great Arab Revolt. Consequently, the Hejaz Railway project garnered widespread Islamic interest.

Abdullah HAMIDADDIN (Editor), The Huthi Movement in Yemen: Ideology, Ambition, and Security in the Arab Gulf (London, Bloomsbury Publishing, 2023)

Abdullah Hamidaddin edited a comprehensive study published by Bloomsbury in cooperation with King Faisal Research and Islamic Studies. The book provides outstanding research on the Huthi movement including sections on its ideology, belief system; and role in reconfiguring one of the oldest and strongest culture and history in the region. The current state of the Yemeni government, that is the divided and insecure rule of country since the Arab revolts in 2011 poses military and political threats to the Arab Gulf States and the Horn of Africa. Yemen hosts paramilitary groups like the Huthis and Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula along with unorganized groups belonging to Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) as well as military groups with links to the Southern secessionists. Yemen is a failed state that poses serious insecurities for its citizens and for other states in the region. The underlining socio-economic problems of Yemen in terms of lack of economic activities, food insecurity, and the security of civilians are closely related with the ongoing proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran; the military intervention led by Saudi Arabia since 2015; the internal conflict among three major groups including Huthis, the Central government and the Southern secessionists. Amid all these overlapping elements of the conflict, the nature of the Huthi movement and how it has evolved to be major actor in Yemen require further attention.

Semantics of the title of the book by Lawrence of Arabia “The Seven Pillars of Wisdom”

The article “Semantics of the title of the book by Lawrence of Arabia ‘The Seven Pillars of Wisdom’” is dedicated to different meanings of the title of the book, written by an English writer, soldier and archeologist Thomas Edward Lawrence (a.k.a. Lawrence of Arabia). The author of the article establishes the connection between the title and the previous unpublished work of Lawrence, also dedicated to Middle East, and the reasons for this succession. Also, the author discovers the other basics for the usage of the title. Among them are biblical symbolism, personal author’s attention to people of Middle East, which he was complimentary to and considered them as full of wisdom. The article shows Lawrence’s intellectualism and the reasons for the appearance of his nickname “Arabian”. This nickname was based on his actions as a participant of The Arab Revolt and the world of the East described in his book, that was the literary evidence of those events.

‘Quietist’ Salafis after the ‘Arab revolts’ in Algeria and Libya (2011–2019): Between insecurity and political subordination

ABSTRACT Revolutionary movements, like Salafi-jihadis, often capture public attention. However, as scholars of Salafism have long argued, quietist Salafis are the largest sub-group within, and in many ways the true heart of, Salafism in the southern Mediterranean and beyond. This article has two aims. First, it provides scholarship on Salafi groups in Libya and Algeria not tied to jihadi milieus. Second, it contributes new understandings of Salafi developments in two less-studied countries, namely Algeria and Libya. Via a comparative study of one prominent type of quietist Salafism, known as Madkhalism, in the post-2011 contexts of political transition and civil war (Libya) and limited political liberalization (Algeria), we show that whilst some Libyan Madkhalis partially constrained their rejection of taking up arms or of alliances with ideological competitors, their Algerian counterparts did not. We build on existing scholarship by explaining this divergence at the level of discrete political opportunity structures, both since and prior to the events of 2011, together with intra-Salafi framing competition and core quietist ideological convictions. Overall, we argue that Madkhalism has partially seen a bottom-up-driven shift over the last years that is likely to continue, further reshape the movement, and impact the countries in which its acolytes are embedded.

WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF GEOPOLITICAL CONDITIONS OF WORLD WAR I. IMPORTANCE OF THE CALIPHATE MOVEMENT FOR TURKEY AND INDIA

India shares excellent historical, cultural, and diplomatic contacts with the Ottomans. India’s connections with Ottoman Empire could be traced at least from the Ottoman capture of Istanbul in 1453. The Ottoman Sultans functioned as Caliph for nearly 80 million Mohammedans in India during the 19th century, revered for their control over holy places such as Jerusalem, Mecca, and Medina. The Mohammedan society within India heavily sympathized with Turkiye’s cause, including support from all religious and political classes. India was the only foreign country in the world that sent a medical mission to Turkiye during the Balkan Wars (1912-13). While Indian freedom fighters significantly understood the imperial and colonial policies of the West, to which Turkiye also found itself strangled from all sides during the late and initial phases of the 19th and 20th centuries.
 Sharif Hussein’s family played a crucial role in igniting the Arab revolt against the Ottoman Empire. But he could not evoke Caliphate to attain support from Mohammedan society in the post-war era due to the fear among the Islamic community of being the puppet of the West. Moreover, the Young Turk Movement and German Kaiser (protectorate) could not supersede the supra-national identity of Islam. Still, the rise of Nationalism under the Western protectorates heavily impacted the Ottoman control of Gulf/West Asia. The First World War and subsequent agreements dismantled the Ottomans’ regional authority. The Subsequent treatment of Ottomans under the Treaty of Sevres ignited the Indian response supporting the Turkish cause. This paper seeks to outline India- Turkiye relations during the Khilafat movement 1919-1924 and possible reasons for the help of the Khilafat movement.

The role of protestant missionaries during the Great Arab Revolt in Jerusalem and South Palestine (1936-1939) – towards humanity?

ABSTRACT During the Arab Revolt against the British authorities in Palestine from 1936 to 1939, missionaries responded by organizing aid to relieve Arab local suffering, transforming their educational and medical mission to provide immediate relief. This article questions the image of missionaries as producers of expertise, both from a welfare and political activity point of view, in a place—the ‘Holy Land’- where missionary activity was particularly intense and widespread. Two Protestant missions stand out for their immediate and systematic reaction to local suffering as agents situated at the margins. A close, comparative study of S. Ekblad (Swedish Jerusalem Society; Jerusalem), and E.D. Forster (Jerusalem and the East Mission, Hebron and the south of Palestine) uncover the complex relations between relief, religion and diplomacy during the anti-colonial Arab uprising. Colonial agents themselves, both actors addressed people within and beyond what their own organizations defined as target groups, proposing their own definitions of ‘humanity’ and ‘humanitarian worker’. A closer look at their actions, at a micro (in a neighbourhood), meso (on a regional scale) and macro level reveals the political implications, the moral issues and challenges these two Protestant agents could pose to political governance during a period of turmoil.

The British Stance on the Arab Emirates in the North of the Arabian Peninsula during the First World War 1914-1918

This study deals with a significant historical subject, focusing on the British stance towards the Arab Emirates in the north of the Arabian Peninsula during the First World War, particularly in relation to the British Conflict with the Ottoman Empire. The primary goal for Britain was to end the Ottoman presence in the region and counter the influence of local forces in the north of the Arabian Peninsula. To achieve this objective, Britain employed a combination of both cooperative and coercive methods. Furthermore, the study explores the support from the people of the north of the Arabian Peninsula for the Great Arab Revolt, a movement aimed at liberating and elevating the status of the Arabs. The revolution had the potential to succeed in its aims if not for Britain's failure to honor its promises to the Arabs. This study aims to understand the nature of the British position on the Arab Emirates in the north of the Arabian Peninsula during the First World War and assess the consequences of this stance on the region and the Arabian Peninsula as a whole. Additionally, the study aims to elucidate the British plan to assert control over the entire Arab East and understand the circumstances and conditions surrounding the north of the Arabian Peninsula during the First World War. It also examines the reaction of the local forces towards the British intervention. The significance of this research lies in its examination of British policies towards the local forces in the north of the Arabian Peninsula during the First World War and the responses of these forces. It fills a gap in the existing literature, as most writings have primarily focused on the Najd and Makkah regions, paying little attention to the northern Arabian Peninsula. Keywords: ottoman Empire, Colonial Britain, Emirate of hail.

Sharif Husayn, Ja’far al-‘Askari and the cipher of the Arab revolt

ABSTRACT In June 1916, Sharif Husayn of Mecca opened the Arab revolt against the Ottoman Turks. A year later, Ja’far al-‘Askari, an Iraqi officer and a future prime minister of Iraq, was appointed commander-in-chief of the Northern Army of the Arab revolt. In August 1918, on the eve of General Allenby’s final offensive against the Turks, Husayn publicly insulted ‘Askari, following which ‘Askari resigned from his post. Most of the officers of the Northern Army followed their commander, which brought the Northern Army to the brink of disintegration. The British, who deciphered and regularly read all the communications of their Arab allies, decided to intervene, secretly reworded one of Husayn’s telegrams to his officers in the Northern Army and thus tricked both parties into peace.

“We are all ready to fall”: creation of the norm of acceptance and restrained mourning in Davar during the Great Arab Revolt (1936-1939)

ABSTRACT The period of the Arab Revolt in Palestine (1936–1939) marked a turning point in the Yishuv’s attitude toward the fatalities of its struggle with the Palestinians. This article examines this change as reflected in the newspapers of the Yishuv. If in the 1920s casualties were viewed as a disappointment of the dream of a safe haven, during the Arab Revolt the emphasis was placed on the notion that a reality of fatalities was a fate with which it was necessary to completely come to terms. The press coverage ceased emphasizing the atrocities and instead highlighted the honor and respect paid to the dead. The result was a new culture of mass funerals, which became one of the most prominent Zionist displays of the period. The rituals that emerged around violent death during this period emerged as a major attribute of Israeli bereavement.

The Great Arab Revolt, Palestine and a Phoenicianist Civilizing

After a brief overview of the development of the Mexican Mahjar press during the first three decades of the 20th century, this paper addresses two crucial debates of the migrant transregional public sphere in the 1930’s and 40’s. The first documented diasporic mobilization around the Great Arab Revolt in British Palestine (1936-1938). The political and social crisis that the Revolt articulated in the Mashriq triggered a storm of press coverage in the Mexican Mahjar which effected a qualitative shift in representation. Palestine was radically transformed. Initially cast as a geography of recreation characterized by natural beauty and Christian pilgrimage to the Holy Land, it became the axis of a heated debate around ‘the Palestine question’ and its moral geography. In this process, ways of representing Jewish populations also changed. They ceased to be understood through an Ottoman history of coexistence of religious traditions in the Mashriq, resignified as a homogeneous people, vector of the imperialist project of European Zionism. Coverage of the Revolt elicited no echo from the mainstream Mexican press or interlocution from the Phoenicianist Maronite migrant notability. The debate failed to engage the Mexican Mahjar with Palestinian ‘Arab futures’, except perhaps in the modality of spectacle. In contrast, in the economically difficult and politically impoverished climate in the wake of the Great Depression, the second key debate was a decade-long conversation across the migrant community and Mexican ideologues of mestizaje about the desirability, or not, of Mashriqis as permanent residents of Mexico and the limits to their integration into the mestizo nation. Notables mobilized modernist Nahda narratives to appropriate ancient Phoenician colonization of the Mediterranean, situating Arab migrants in Mexico as partners to local Spanish descent (criollo) elites in a common civilizing effort over mestizos and Amerindian populations.

Army embeddedness, political opportunities and threats, and the dynamics of contention: Understanding the varying role of the armed forces in the Egyptian, Syrian, and Libyan 2011 revolts

In many Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries, the army has traditionally been a central pillar of the authoritarian regimes, responsible for the security and integrity of the state and a symbol of national sovereignty and social unity. Nevertheless, the 2011 Arab revolts witnessed stark differences in the response of the armies. This article argues that a relational reading of the Structure of Political Opportunities and Threats, particularly when its dimension of the state’s capacity and propensity for repression is informed by a MENA-salient regime feature—army embeddedness—offers a compelling solution to the puzzle. An analysis of the Egyptian, Syrian, and Libyan episodes of contention, based on a comparative method that combines mechanism-based process tracing and typological theorizing, demonstrates the theoretical payoffs of this sensitized dimension. Cross-case similarities underscore the value of thinking about the army as a full-fledge agent embedded within a web of relations with social and political forces. Specifically, findings reveal how army embeddedness shapes the respective operation and effect of the mechanisms “political opportunities” and “political threats,” and highlight the importance of differentiating between the state’s capacity and the state’s propensity for repression. Within-case variations highlight the historically specific development of such embeddedness and how it plays out distinctively in each case, forming different scenarios of high and low capacity and propensity for repression.

Hasan Kayal?, Imperial Resistance, Ottoman Longevity, and Incidental Nations

Reviewed by: Imperial Resilience: The Great War's End, Ottoman Longevity, and Incidental Nations by Hasan Kayalı Mostafa Minawi Hasan Kayalı. Imperial Resilience: The Great War's End, Ottoman Longevity, and Incidental Nations. Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2021. Xix + 271 pp. Hardback, $85.00. ISBN: 9780520343696 This is an important book that reflects Hasan Kayalı's decades in the field and the exceptional breadth and depth of his engagement in the historiographical debates concerning the late Ottoman and early post-Ottoman era in the Arabmajority former provinces. Imperial Resilience can be thought of as a much awaited follow up to Kayalı's first book, Arabs and Young-Turks, taking his argument against the nationalist telling of the history of the first decade of the 1900s, through the First World War, and the post-war period up to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. He argues that the potential for post-war Arabo-Turkish political unity endured, reflecting an "Ottoman longevity" lasting even past the end of World War I. He highlights what he believes to be indications of a commitment on both sides of the Syria-Anatolia-Mesopotamia "incidental" border to a "resilient" Ottoman imperialism and an imagined potential of a future federative empire. He posits that neither CUP policies before the war; the horrors of WWI; the Arab Revolt in the Hijaz; the rule of the military commander and governor general of the Levant, Cemal Pasha; the Ottoman defeat in the Levant; or the multitude of post-war treaties and Western-imposed visions meant an inevitable divorce between Arabs and Turks. It is masterfully written, using published sources as well as Ottoman, Turkish, and European military archival records to support its argument. Since it is a revisionist take of popular political history, Kayalı necessarily highlights documentary and circumstantial evidence that shows the alternatives to well-known historical arguments. Throughout the book, Kayalı remains laser-focused on debunking commonly held ideas about the rise of Turkish ethnic nationalism and the end of Arab-Turkish [End Page 331] "Muslim" synthesis under Ottoman imperial rule during and immediately after WWI. Through a detailed analysis of post-war historical events and a masterful multilingual (re)interpretation of several treaties and foundational texts of Turkish nationalism, Kayalı argues that a collective anti-Western colonial struggle of Muslims (Turks and Arabs), whether in "Greater Syria," Mesopotamia, or Anatolia held more political purchase than Turkish or Arab ethnic, racial, or cultural identification. His argument focuses on nine years between 1914 and 1923, with an emphasis on the understudied interaction between Turkish and Arab political and military leadership from 1918 to 1923. This is a bold revisionist argument that stands against the notion that ethnic or racial identification played a determinative role in Turkish nationalism before 1923 and suggests that effective Arab-Turk disengagement on the popular, cultural, or political levels did not exist before the second half of the 1920s. The book is organized chronologically. The first chapter recasts the actions of CUP members—particularly the maligned figure of Cemal Pasha—as "integrationist." He argues that nationalist telling of the draconian measures followed by Ottoman rulers in Greater Syria during the war were not indications of anti-Arab sentiments but a reflection of the CUP's "commitment to the defense, retention, integration and even recovery of the relinquished Arab provinces … to secure the empire's survival and longevity …" (53). The second chapter takes on the post-War victors' vision of the Ottoman Empire, in particular the 1918 British Lloyd George manifesto and Wilson's Fourteen Points statement. While the Lloyd George manifesto erroneously envisioned the "separation of Arabs and Turks as the principal criterion in the partitioning of Ottoman imperial territories," Article 12 of Wilson's proclamation did not necessarily assume the breakup of the empire. Instead, it insisted on the "autonomous development" of the empire's peoples and nationalities, including Arabs and Turks (59–64). Kayalı suggests that many figures that are assumed to have been Turkish nationalists had, in fact, a similar vision to Wilson of a post-war Arab-Turkish federated state. The Armistice of Mudros, for example, did not take the "quest to secure ethnic and linguistic...

National thought of King Faisal Bin Al- Hussein (1909-1933 AD)

The study dealt with the experience of King Faisal Bin Al-Hussein in governing Great Arab Revolt launched by his father, Al- Sharif Hussein Bin Ali. The study also examined the approaches that King Faisal adopted towards achieving Arab unity addressing his positions on the developments in both Syria and Palestine. The study adopted the descriptive and analytical approach, and concluded a number of conclusions. The most important of these conclusions is that Faisal's external objectives of achieving Arab unity at the level of the Fertile Crescent were to build an Arab state with a population mass and a larger area that achieves geopolitical and geo-economic balance and parity with similar neighboring countries, especially Iran and Turkey. The study also concludes that the nature of King Faisal's positions and policies has been characterized by appeasement, caution, rationality, distancing from adopting any radical and extremist position, and constant caution and avoidance of clashing with the British or French. King Faisal seeks to obtain his demands through negotiation and to conclude understandings, away from the option of revolution, force and violence.