Arab Politics Research Articles

Securitization of the 2017 Kurdistan independence referendum

The Kurdish right to self-determination within Iraq has consistently been framed as a security issue by successive Iraqi governments. This paper applies securitization theory to analyze the Iraqi Government’s response to the Kurdistan Region’s unilateral independence referendum held on September 25, 2017. The referendum, which resulted in a strong vote in favor of independence, was viewed as a serious threat to Iraq’s unity by Iraqi Arab political and military forces, as well as Turkmen groups. In response, the Iraqi Government chose to take military action. On October 16, 2017, the Iraqi military, along with Popular Mobilization Forces (PM), launched an attack on Kurdish Peshmerga forces in the disputed territories, taking control of them. While many studies have explored various aspects of the Kurdistan referendum, including its timing, motivations, and consequences, there has been limited focus on how the Iraqi federal government’s securitization of the referendum facilitated military interventions in the contested territories. This article explores how Iraqi leaders’ rhetoric and securitizing language framed the referendum as an existential threat.

THE ARAB POLITICS OF IRAQ DURING THE BAATH PARTY RULE: BETWEEN THEORY AND PRACTICE

The paper analyzes one of the priority aspects of Iraq's foreign policy during the reign of the Ba’ath Party (1968-2003), relations with Arab countries. This policy was elevated to the rank of the most important state strategy and was given a special role in the scale of foreign policy priorities. It was allocated to an exceptional part of state politics, called “Arab politics”, “al-siyasa al-arabiyya”. The research examines the basic ideological and theoretical principles of Ba’athism, which formed the basis of “Arab politics” and on the basis of which the ruling Baath of Iraq built its relations with Arab countries. In this vein, it considers the fundamental principle of Ba'athism, the idea of "Arab unity", which constituted the first element of the party's slogan "Unity, freedom, socialism" and within the framework of which, at certain stages, Ba'ath sought to closely interact with Arab countries. Analyzing official documents, the author concludes that on the issue of Arab unity, Iraq could only unite with those countries that had political systems identical to it. Based on this logic, it becomes clear that among the Arab countries with which Iraq shared common ideological and political principles, Syria, as well as one of the centers of Arab nationalism, Egypt could be natural partners of Iraq within the framework of integration processes in the Arab world. In addition, these countries were among the countries that Iraq considered as opposing Israel and with which it primarily sought to establish close cooperation, including in the military sphere, to resolve the Palestinian problem. It was noted, however, that the radicalism of official Baghdad on this issue not only placed Iraq in isolation in the Arab world, but also sometimes created obstacles to inter-Arab integration and cooperation. Often in his policies there was a deep gap between the declared principles and their practical implementation. Within the framework of “Arab politics”, the article examines in detail Iraqi-Syrian and Iraqi-Egyptian bilateral relations throughout the entire period of the Baath Party’s rule in Iraq, revealing their most characteristic features and peculiarities.

The Islamic Cultural Heritage as a “Problem”: Is Arab Political Science Culturalist?

The study of political culture in the Arab world presents us with a paradox: albeit cultural explanations of Arab politics by Western scholars (e.g., Huntington 1993) have been widely criticized from within the region as latter-day Orientalist views, the cultural approach remains one of the leading analytical approaches employed in Arab social sciences. Central to this tradition is the idea that Arab societies have specific cultural characteristics that contribute to, or are the cause of, the region’s general “backwardness,” especially politically. Collectively known as critics of al-turāth (cultural heritage), this school of thought sparked important scholarly debates in Arab academic circles. This paper reflects on these debates, mainly focusing on how Arab political science, broadly defined, has considered the role of culture as a potential explanatory variable for the endurance of authoritarianism in the Arab world and the failure of democratic transitions. Several influential Arab intellectuals adopt the cultural approach, but they do not necessarily define culture in static, primordial, or fixed terms. If Arab political culture is deemed problematic, it can still be changed. For this academic tradition, the “critical intellectual” is a central agent for any sociocultural and political change.

State Building in Ancient and Contemporary Arab Political Thought

The study aimed to identify state-building in ancient and contemporary Arab political thought. The study dealt with the concept of the state and its elements, the statement of the state in ancient Arab political thought, and the state in contemporary Arab political thought. The study showed that the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 formed the nucleus of building the modern national state. In Europe, the idea of the Arab state emerged after the end of the Islamic caliphate and Arab colonialism, and the Qatari Arab state appears within the framework of the concept of the modern state with all its elements. The study adopted the descriptive analytical method as it is one of the most widely used methods in studying human social phenomena, as the descriptive method is a tool and method for analyzing and describing state building in ancient and contemporary Arab political thought.
 The study reached a set of recommendations and results. The study confirmed that the concept of the state was not born in the modern era, but rather appeared in ancient times. The development of the state passed through various stages, and the basis of the state was based on the existence of an authority that regulates the relationship between individuals and state institutions. The study recommended that modern Arab regimes should strengthen The values of democracy in building the state through the political participation of its people to participate in decision-making.

The Transformation of Arab Politics and Arab Voter Behavior in Israeli Elections (1999-2009)

This article delves into the transformative decade between 1999 and 2009, exploring the intricate web of Jewish-Arab relations in Israel and the consequential impact of Jewish-Arab tensions on Arab politics and Arab voter behavior in Israeli elections. During this decade, internal factors, such as generational shift, leadership changes, and political pluralism, played a pivotal role in reshaping the societal landscape in the Arab sector. On the other hand, external factors, including the collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation process and the eruption of the Second Intifada, intensified the predicament of Israeli citizens of Arab origin, amplifying their national identity dilemma. The primary objective of this study is to analyze voting patterns within the Arab sector during the elections of 1999, 2001, 2003, 2006, and 2009, thereby highlighting the profound political implications of the Jewish-Arab tensions on Arab political engagement and voting behaviors. By doing so, this research provides insights into the changing patterns of Arab votes and their impact on the broader political landscape of Israel. The findings reveal that the growing social marginalization and disconnection from the Jewish sector significantly influenced the Arab sector's electoral participation. This period witnessed a decline in Arab voter turnout and a shift in support from left-wing Jewish-Zionist parties to Arab parties, paradoxically contributing to the electoral performances of both Arab parties and right-wing Jewish-Zionist parties.

Reflections on Teaching Quantitative Methods in Arabic to Graduate Students from the mena Region

Abstract Despite a growing reliance on quantitative methods in the study of mena politics globally, political scientists from the region have broadly resisted such trends. While mena scholars should not be beholden to methodological trends in other regions, there is a need to provide students with an interest in quantitative methods opportunities to receive such training in Arabic. The Summer School for Quantitative Methods was a virtual five-day program offered by the Arab Political Science Network (apsn) and the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies from May 29 to June 2, 2022. The primary aim of ssqm was to address the gap noted above and introduce political science graduate students from the Arabic-speaking world to quantitative empirical analysis. The program accomplished its immediate goals, and the application process showed a significant demand for training in quantitative methods in the region, yet future projects should take into consideration the considerable challenges we faced.

Ibn Khaldun's concepts in the mirror of Arab political and economic identity.

The modern Arab countries endure problems like the instability of their political systems, the crisis of theirstate institutions, and the weakness and asymmetry of their integration, globalization, and localization processes. To gain perspective on these problems, this article analyses the history and dynamics of the spiritual, cultural, economic, and political spheres of Arab life. The main research methods were the historical-logicaland the comparative, which allowed the authors to trace the development of the political, economic, andphilosophical-religious thought of the Arab countries and determine the origins of these concepts. As a research hypothesis it is stated that the key subjective factor influencing the political decision-making markets are the interests of the elite and political leaders in the context of resolving conflicts in the tradition of Muslim diplomacy. The article examines the concepts of the medieval scientist and diplomat Al Khaldun to establish the origins and logic of the modern international economic and political life of the countries of the Arab League. The authors conclude by a comparative analysis that Egyptian leaders have supremepower in making foreign policy decisions due to a tradition of strong centralized power, while the personal traits and characteristics of the country’s leaders often determine its foreign policy

Changing Dynamics of Arab Politics with Special Reference to Israel

The recent developments in Cooperation between Israel and multiple Arab countries have shaped the dynamics of politics within the Arab region. The centuries-old areas of disagreement have now transformed into different deals of Cooperation. The relationships between Arabs within themselves and the rest of the world have now broken into multiple strands. They are leaving the footprints of their past upon the upcoming areas for Cooperation. This research attempts to understand the various dynamics of these relations among the Arabs in the particular context of Israel, who are the main actors in this region. The research then goes on to critically scrutinize the conflictual historical background of the Arabs and Israelis and then leads towards the recent deals made between the parties. It's a matter of fact that Israel has become a regional power, and Arabs are forced to cooperate with it as both shares a common ground of interests. In this regard, the most important is security and economic Cooperation. The research shall conclude by proving how these developments are beneficial and how they have shaped the dynamics of politics within the Arab region. A mixed approach is used to disentangle the relationship between Changing Dynamics of Arab Politics with the state of Israel.

“On the Coattails” of Supremacy: Neo-Orientalism in Fouad Ajami’s The Dream Palace of the Arabs: A Generation’s Odyssey

This paper focuses on Fouad Ajami’s The Dream Palace of the Arabs: A Generation’s Odyssey and touches on his The Arab Predicament: Arab Political Thought and Practice since 1967. In both books, one can find many examples of Orientalist thinking, but in a new form. Using Ali Behdad and Juliet A. Williams’s discussion of neo-Orientalism and Hamid Dabashi’s post-Orientalism, we argue that the former book is a neo-Orientalist literary history that not only exemplifies neo-Orientalism but also anticipates its proliferation in the aftermath of 9/11. We further claim that it builds on the legacy of colonialism in our neoliberalized world. In it, Ajami divides the writers and the writings that he mentions into two parties: the protagonists—those who embody Western thinking—and the foils or villains—the ones who reject such thinking. We see this paper as a small gesture towards exposing Orientalist thinking in its new form and resisting it and its colonial manifestations. Keywords: Fouad Ajami, Neo-Orientalism, Literary History, Post-Orientalism, Neoliberalism.

Hasan Kayal?, Imperial Resistance, Ottoman Longevity, and Incidental Nations

Reviewed by: Imperial Resilience: The Great War's End, Ottoman Longevity, and Incidental Nations by Hasan Kayalı Mostafa Minawi Hasan Kayalı. Imperial Resilience: The Great War's End, Ottoman Longevity, and Incidental Nations. Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2021. Xix + 271 pp. Hardback, $85.00. ISBN: 9780520343696 This is an important book that reflects Hasan Kayalı's decades in the field and the exceptional breadth and depth of his engagement in the historiographical debates concerning the late Ottoman and early post-Ottoman era in the Arabmajority former provinces. Imperial Resilience can be thought of as a much awaited follow up to Kayalı's first book, Arabs and Young-Turks, taking his argument against the nationalist telling of the history of the first decade of the 1900s, through the First World War, and the post-war period up to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. He argues that the potential for post-war Arabo-Turkish political unity endured, reflecting an "Ottoman longevity" lasting even past the end of World War I. He highlights what he believes to be indications of a commitment on both sides of the Syria-Anatolia-Mesopotamia "incidental" border to a "resilient" Ottoman imperialism and an imagined potential of a future federative empire. He posits that neither CUP policies before the war; the horrors of WWI; the Arab Revolt in the Hijaz; the rule of the military commander and governor general of the Levant, Cemal Pasha; the Ottoman defeat in the Levant; or the multitude of post-war treaties and Western-imposed visions meant an inevitable divorce between Arabs and Turks. It is masterfully written, using published sources as well as Ottoman, Turkish, and European military archival records to support its argument. Since it is a revisionist take of popular political history, Kayalı necessarily highlights documentary and circumstantial evidence that shows the alternatives to well-known historical arguments. Throughout the book, Kayalı remains laser-focused on debunking commonly held ideas about the rise of Turkish ethnic nationalism and the end of Arab-Turkish [End Page 331] "Muslim" synthesis under Ottoman imperial rule during and immediately after WWI. Through a detailed analysis of post-war historical events and a masterful multilingual (re)interpretation of several treaties and foundational texts of Turkish nationalism, Kayalı argues that a collective anti-Western colonial struggle of Muslims (Turks and Arabs), whether in "Greater Syria," Mesopotamia, or Anatolia held more political purchase than Turkish or Arab ethnic, racial, or cultural identification. His argument focuses on nine years between 1914 and 1923, with an emphasis on the understudied interaction between Turkish and Arab political and military leadership from 1918 to 1923. This is a bold revisionist argument that stands against the notion that ethnic or racial identification played a determinative role in Turkish nationalism before 1923 and suggests that effective Arab-Turk disengagement on the popular, cultural, or political levels did not exist before the second half of the 1920s. The book is organized chronologically. The first chapter recasts the actions of CUP members—particularly the maligned figure of Cemal Pasha—as "integrationist." He argues that nationalist telling of the draconian measures followed by Ottoman rulers in Greater Syria during the war were not indications of anti-Arab sentiments but a reflection of the CUP's "commitment to the defense, retention, integration and even recovery of the relinquished Arab provinces … to secure the empire's survival and longevity …" (53). The second chapter takes on the post-War victors' vision of the Ottoman Empire, in particular the 1918 British Lloyd George manifesto and Wilson's Fourteen Points statement. While the Lloyd George manifesto erroneously envisioned the "separation of Arabs and Turks as the principal criterion in the partitioning of Ottoman imperial territories," Article 12 of Wilson's proclamation did not necessarily assume the breakup of the empire. Instead, it insisted on the "autonomous development" of the empire's peoples and nationalities, including Arabs and Turks (59–64). Kayalı suggests that many figures that are assumed to have been Turkish nationalists had, in fact, a similar vision to Wilson of a post-war Arab-Turkish federated state. The Armistice of Mudros, for example, did not take the "quest to secure ethnic and linguistic...

Searching for political efficacy: the Israeli Arab vote in the 2019-21 Knesset elections

ABSTRACT Arab politics experienced dramatic upheavals in the four Knesset elections between April 2019 and March 2021. First was the jump from a significant low turnout among Arab voters in April 2019 (49.2%) to the highest turnout in two decades in March 2020 (64.8%), only to be followed by a historic slump to 44.6% in March 2021. The Arab parties went through a shaky period – from a divided political system that secured only 10 Knesset seats in April 2019 to a historic achievement in the March 2020 elections, when the Joint List won 15 seats, followed by yet another schism resulting in a total of 10 seats in the March 2021 elections. As such, the Joint List’s achievements did not herald the strengthening of the Arab parties’ influence in the Arab street but rather the increasing influence of the public on the political configuration of the parties wishing to represent it. The interrelation between the public and the parties is the outcome of profound processes of political change that Arab society in Israel has undergone over the past two decades. The article discusses these processes and their impact on the political behaviour of the Arab public.

CAA Enters its Fifteenth Year of Publication

Since the publication of its first issue in January 2008, Contemporary Arab Affairs (CAA) has travelled a long way. At the very beginning, the board of directors of the Centre for Arab Unity Studies (CAUS), a well-known think tank and a publisher in Arabic, decided to issue an international quarterly journal in English. The objective was to publish and circulate authentic research and studies originally produced in Arabic, thus making them available to an international audience in order to promote constructive dialogue on Arab political, socio-economic, and cultural affairs.The editorial of the first issue of CAA identified its goal as establishing “a bridge linking the Arab world to the international community.” Putting it differently, the goal was to communicate research from the region and about the region to non-Arabic-speaking scholars, researchers, and policymakers. The first few years of the journal dedicated most of its content to translations of Arabic papers that originally appeared in journals published by CAUS.As CAA reached Western scholarship and academic circles, it established itself among area studies journals and encouraged an increasing number of scholars, Arab and non-Arab, from all over the world to submit papers written originally in English. Today, around only twenty-five percent of the journal’s content is translated from Arabic: the rest is submitted in English for CAA’s consideration.Over the last fifteen years, CAA has proved itself as a multidisciplinary peer-reviewed journal that publishes high-quality, original research from and about the Arab region. Its articles have been diverse in terms of subject matter, theoretical frameworks, and research methodology.The journal’s articles deal with the factors and forces that have shaped the contemporary Arab world. It has analyzed the Arab uprisings and the hybrid or proxy wars in Syria, Libya, and Yemen. It has discussed different theoretical aspects and case studies on terrorism, democratization, civil–military relations, the changing role of women, and oil economics and industry. Articles have also covered controversial issues such as “the triangle of autocracy, oil, and foreign powers,” “The Arab regional system: question of survival,” “internalized Arab diasporic identity,” “beyond rentierism,” and “the political economy of democratic transition.” Content has been limited not only to Arab countries, but also there have been various articles on Israel, Turkey, and Iran, as well as international actors such as the United States, Russia, China, and the European Union.Thus, the journal focuses on changes in Arab states and societies, and their relations with the regional and global environment. It centers on contemporary political, economic, and social affairs in the Arab world, including cultural and historical aspects that impact the present.CAA’s ranking has continued to improve year on year, and it is now considered an influential journal in its realm.According to data released by Scopus in January 2022, CAA has a CiteScore 2020 of 0.5. This measures average citations received per document published in the serial.CAA gained an SJR 2020 score of 0.112. This refers to the SCImago Journal Rank, which measures weighted citations received by the serial. Citation weighting depends on the subject field and prestige (SJR) of the citing serial.As for the SNP 2020, CAA has earned a score of 0.334. This refers to source normalized impact per paper. It measures actual citations received, relative to citations expected, for the serial’s subject field.CAA holds the 400th rank amongst 1037 journals in the field of cultural studies and thus occupies the 61st percentile in this field.In the field of political science and international relations, CAA is placed in 373rd rank amongst 556 journals and occupies the 33rd percentile.CAA’s main mission is to be a platform for voices from the region and to provide the opportunity for them to be part of global academic and policy debates. Another component of its mission is to offer indigenous narratives of events and developments taking place in the Arab world and the Middle East. In doing so, CAA joins other journals published in the Global South in encouraging different traditions in social science research that break away from Western ethnocentrism.CAA will continue to publish relevant and in-depth articles on internal, regional, and international issues related to the Arab world with an emphasis on the theoretical and empirical contributions to the literature. It will also keep encouraging comparative research of political, economic, and social institutions and behaviors. The journal’s editorial policy is to encourage the publication of articles written by young scholars experimenting with new ideas and methodologies.We hope that Contemporary Arab Affairs will continue to communicate new ideas and research findings to social scientists, graduate students, and policymakers.

Semantic analysis of Arab leaders on social media

ABSTRACT Social media has led to the creation of complex networks of political and social leaders, and has allowed for instantaneous interaction with broad audiences. Semantic analysis of these interactions is essential for policy-makers and various experts, such as in the anti-terrorism community. However, comprehensive quantitative analysis of the attitudes of Arab political and religious leaders is currently limited. To handle this problem, we first create a novel dataset consisting of 1,145,525 tweets posted in 2009–2018 from 449 political, social, and religious leaders from 12 Arab countries. Next, to semantically process various Arabic dialects in their informal expressions on social media, we develop a Latent Semantic Analysis algorithm that is then used to identify the individuals with the highest semantic matches to our pre-specified categories of interest. Finally, we construct an original Temporal Semantic Similarity (TSS) measure that allows the tracking of those expressions over time. Experimental results demonstrate that the proposed semantic approach can effectively and efficiently process documents in each category. We have made all the data, code and results publicly available on the project homepage: https://github.com/ArabLeader.

Taming the People: Comparing Protests and Populism in Arab and American Politics

The rise of populism has been an uncontested global reality in recent years. However, it is unclear exactly how culturally distinct populist movements imitate or mirror each other, especially given the different rhetorical, political, ideological, and cultural contexts within which they operate. This article addresses this issue by comparing recent manifestations of populism across contemporary Arab and American contexts, with a special focus on former United States President Donald Trump’s response to the George Floyd protests and Egyptian President Abdel Fatah el-Sisi’s handling of demonstrations in his country. We argue that each leader deployed common rhetorical tactics as a populist strategy to undermine the protestors’ attempts to articulate the people’s will. At the same time, our analysis shows how the different contexts in which Trump and Sisi operate also impact their ability to successfully translate their populism into political effectiveness. By conducting this analysis, our article shows how similar populist tactics across different cultural contexts may lead to divergent outcomes, revealing the importance of institutional as well as popular bases of support for would-be populist politicians.

Arab Political Cartoon as a Response to the Foreign and Domestic Policies of the State

An analysis of the phenomenon of Arabic cartoons could provide rich material not only for orientalists, but also for specialists in different fields. Today, Arab cartoons are experiencing a revival. The Internet greatly affects the form and quality of information material. The study of Arabic cartoons assumes a versatile approach: we are interested not only in the content of the cartoon, but also in its additional characteristics. In a cartoon the reader receives information as quickly and concisely as possible. The most indicative and interesting for the researcher is the analysis of the material in a certain time frame. Through cartoon, we can observe how the initial image of a particular politician or party forms and how public perception of them changes over time. Political cartoons are interesting to observe in dynamics. An analysis of cartoons as a response to a political situation should be conducted in accordance with the scheme: a political situation - the pro-government and/or oppositional reaction of society - the appearance of cartoons covering this topic. To fully understand political cartoons, the reader must possess an understanding of the general political situation in the world and be aware of the details of the foreign and domestic policies of individual countries

The "Motherland": An Archetypal and Postcolonial Reading of Ghassan Kanafani's Umm Saad

Working at the intersection of postcolonial and archetypal criticism, this article investigates the role of women in resistance literature by looking at a piece of postcolonial Arabic fiction, Ghassan Kanafani's Umm Saad (1969). Rooted in Arab politics concerning land rights and anti-Zionist struggle, the text offers a related archetypal approach to the depiction of women in politicized literature. Umm Saad allegorizes the struggles of Palestinians to reclaim their land. A poor peasant woman, the titular heroine embodies the intimate connection between Palestinians and their land, acting as a helper to combative men and a primal symbol for attachment to the enduring land. Umm Saad is a personal mother and a trope for a feminized colonized territory, metaphorically representing the Palestinian nation and assuming mythological features enabling her to identify with the Earth Mother to send a message against dispossession. Since she embodies positive mother archetype symbolism (the personal mother and the Earth Mother), she acts as a source of fertility and protection. Expressing a political statement via the mother archetype, Kanafani appeals to a basic human need, i.e. the need to settle down in one’s land, which makes woman an indispensible part of the collective unconscious of any nation. Keywords: Archetypal Criticism; Kanafani; Mother(land); Postcolonial Arabic Fiction; Umm Saad.

حـرکــة الإصـــلاح العثمانــــی وانعکاساتها على المیدان الثقافی فی المشرق العربی

حرکة الإصلاح العثماني وانعکاساتها على الميدان الثقافي في المشرق العربي موحدة أحمد قسم الحضارات ،کلية الدراسات والبحوث الآسيوية، جامعة الزقازيق ،جمهورية مصر العربية. البريد الالکتروني :Sewary2016@gmail.com الملخص: لقد شملت النهضة العربية التي بدأت منذ منتصف القرن التاسع عشر مختلف جوانب الحياة العربية السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية، ولما کانت لکل حرکة قومية تضمن لنفسها واقعا تعمل من خلاله فقد أثمرت تلک النهضة الفکرية وأخذ صداها يترک آثاره على الأوضاع السياسية. حيث کانت للتنظيمات العثمانية وما أحدثته من تغيرات في الواقع الاقتصادي والاجتماعي وخاصة فيما يتعلق بحدوث انقلاب في طبيعة العلاقات الاجتماعية داخل القبيلة، وتعاون رؤساء العشائر وأثرياء المدن في الاستحواذ على کثير من الأراضي الزراعية والقرى وظهور طبقة الملاک. لقد ازداد الطلب على المنتجات الزراعية والحيوانية نتيجة التغلغل الاستعماري في الوطن العربي وتدفق رؤوس الأموال الأجنبية نحو الولايات العربية واتجاه التجار الأوربيين إلى جعل تلک الولايات کلها منتجة للمواد الأولية والغذائية، وسوقا لتصريف بضائعهم المصنوعة ومجالا لاستثمار أموالهم، في إقامة المشروعات أو تقديم القروض محاولين ربط اقتصادها بالسوق العالمية. الکلمات المفتاحية: الاصلاح، النهضة، المطابع، الصحافة، البعثات. The Ottoman reform movement and its repercussions on the cultural field in the Arab Mashreq Muahada Ahmad Department of Civilizations , College of Asian Studies and Research , Zagazig University, Egypt. E-mail: Sewary2016@gmail.com Abstract I've included the Arab renaissance that began since the mid-nineteenth century has included various aspects of Arab political, economic, social and cultural life and what was for each national movement to ensure for themselves a reality working through it that intellectual renaissance yielded and took resonate leaves its effects on the political situation and we are going first to the motives of the intellectual movement . The regulations of the Ottoman and caused changes in the economic and social reality, especially with regard to happen coup in the nature of social relations within the tribe, and the cooperation of tribal leaders and wealthy cities in the acquisition of a lot of agricultural land and villages and the emergence of landlords layer. Demand for agricultural and animal products has increased as a result of penetration of the colonial in the Arab world and the flow of foreign capital towards the Arab States and the direction of traders Europeans to make those States are all productive and raw food materials and a market for the disposal of their goods manufactured and scope to invest their money, to establish projects or provide loans, trying to link its economy market Global. Keywords: Reformation, Renaissance, Presses, Journalism, Missions

Educating Palestine: Teaching and Learning History under the Mandate

Educating Palestine: Teaching and Learning History under the Mandate

The Fourth Phase of Palestinian Arab Politics in Israel: The Centripetal Turn

The article argues that the politics of the Arab minority in Israel has entered a new phase since the mid-2010s: centripetalism. Whereas the preceding two decades or so (the third phase) were characterized by claims in the name of Palestinian nationalism and organizational fragmentation, the centripetal phase is characterized by (1) a decline in the political salience of minority nationalism and a shift in focus to social and civic issues; (2) an aspiration to move from the fringes of politics; and (3) greater organizational convergence, eclipsing intra-communal ideological divisions in the service of shared objectives. The advent of this phase is attributed to unintended consequences of changes in the electoral rules (specifically the 2015 rise in the election threshold) combined with pressure from the electorate, empowered by the raised electoral threshold.

Ibn Khaldun's concepts in the mirror of Arab political and economic identity

The topic of the asymmetry of the processes of globalization, regionalization, localization of international life, for all its fame, does not negate the relevance of deep analysis, especially in the case of traditional societies. Therefore, we set ourselves the task of exploring the ethnohistorical, spiritual, cultural, economic and political spheres of the life of the peoples of the Arab region in retrospection and dynamics using historical-logical, comparative methods and a systematic approach. We also put forward hypotheses that: 1) the key subjective factor influencing the political decision-making markets are the interests of the elite, political leaders in the context of resolving conflicts in the tradition of Muslim diplomacy; 2) the economic, political, legal and philosophical-religious thought of the Arab countries developed under the influence of Islam set forth in the Koran - the holy book of Muslims; 3) the origins of these concepts were laid by Al-Ghazali, Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn Khaldun and other thinkers of the XI-XV centuries; 4) by analogy with Western political economists, starting with Thomas Aquinas, one can carry out analysis in the paradigm of the so-called “moral economists”.