Anti-globalization Research Articles

The Myth of Deglobalization: Multinational Corporations in an Era of Growing Geopolitical Rivalries

Globalization is past its peak, we are told. The rise of populist anti-globalization movements and the return of geopolitical rivalries among great powers in the 2010s has put an end to free-wheeling corporate global capitalism. Or has it? This article summons available data on cross-border corporate investments at the level of countries (balance of payments), firms (subsidiaries and affiliates), and corporate managers (industry surveys). It pays special attention to the period between 2015 and 2021, which spans the election of President Trump and the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic that have unsettled global politics. We analyze global patterns in foreign direct investment positions and in particular the evolution of investments by US corporations in China, arguably a “most likely case” for deglobalization. Our analyses find no evidence that economic cross-border integration is in decline. The global allocation of corporate investments across the world’s major economic regions has remained stable. US corporations have not notably reduced their global activities. If anything, their aggregate investment position in China has increased during the Trump administration’s trade war. Overall, the results cast empirical doubts on prominent narratives about the state of the global economy. Geoeconomic transformations in world economic infrastructures may well be underway, but they are better understood as new and adapted forms of internationalization rather than the end of globalization.

The making of the Philippines as a Neoliberal Nation-State: Dissecting the global-local nexus and their implications for social change

AbstractThe neoliberal globalization project of expanding and maintaining capitalism globally requires the shaping of neoliberal nation-states that will entrench its ideology, political structures, and practices. In that sense, the neoliberal nation-state provides an appropriate conceptual site for investigating the local-global nexus in the dynamics of global capitalism. Using the Philippines as an example, this paper investigates the various factors or dimensions in the making of the Philippines as a neoliberal nation-state from the colonial era to the supranational structures that exert external control on the Philippine political economy: the global power of transnational corporations, the IMF, American and Chinese imperialism, including the American military aid that supports militarization and counter-insurgency against movements that challenge the neoliberal agenda of the past and current regimes. In addition, this paper offers implications for policy changes and strategies for global resistance that anti-globalization movements can consider.

A Keynesian–Minskian perspective on the transformation of industrial into financial capitalism

During the past decades, industrial capitalism has been transformed into something which has been dubbed ‘Casino Capitalism’, ‘Turbo Capitalism’ or ‘Money Manager Capitalism’ by different authors: financial accumulation has outpaced real accumulation. This process of ‘financialisation’ has been discussed quite intensively in the literature with respect to its historical determinants and its macroeconomic effects, yet it has not been studied thoroughly whether the shift from the production and allocation of commodities and services towards the origination and distribution of loans and assets as the main activity of non-financial companies challenges our theoretical principles and, therefore, demands a new macroeconomic approach. The objective of this paper is to argue in a preliminary way that financialisation is not merely to be understood as the relative growth of the financial sector based on a deepening of financial intermediation but as a structural transformation of the core business of non-financial firms. This is based on an extended post-Keynesian theory of monetary production and an application of Minskian short- and long-term instability cycles.

From Street Parties to Hardbass: Dance and Protest in Czech Postsocialist Urban Space

In this study, I aim to discuss the nature of protest dances taking place in urban spaces of postsocialist Czech Republic. My point of departure consist in the hardbass masked dances that were produced and propagated by activists with links to far-right social movements mainly in Eastern Europe in the early 2010s. Hardbass thus mimicked the earlier anti-globalization social movement Reclaim the Streets (RTS). The anti-globalization movement of the late 1990s and early 2000s can be considered a truly global social movement, active not only in the core capitalist countries but also in locations that are more peripheral.

At Work in the Ruins: Finding Our Place in the Time of Science, Climate Change, Pandemics and All the Other Emergencies by Dougald Hine

Reviewed by: At Work in the Ruins: Finding Our Place in the Time of Science, Climate Change, Pandemics and All the Other Emergencies by Dougald Hine John Zerzan DOUGALD HINE At Work in the Ruins: Finding Our Place in the Time of Science, Climate Change, Pandemics and All the Other Emergencies White River Junction, Vermont. Chelsea Green. 2023. 224 pages. WITH AN UNWIELDY subtitle for a somewhat unwieldy book, At Work in the Ruins is largely a continuation or an updating of an essay Dougald Hine co-authored with Paul Kingsnorth in 2009, "Uncivilisation: The Dark Mountain Manifesto." At Work in the Ruins is wide-ranging, drawing from a myriad of conversations, talks, books, and observations. It is not a hopeful book, and an overarching challenge seems to be responding to the charge that he and Kingsnorth have surrendered, have given up any hope of ultimately coming out on top in this time of great crisis. The context for the book: Hine's better-known colleague, Kingsnorth, set the stage more than a decade ago. Turning away from his Dark Mountain activism, Kingsnorth decided that environmental collapse was inevitable. He became quite sympathetic to Brexit, and later to the anti-vaxxers; he converted to the Romanian Orthodox Church. Kingsnorth's change of orientation was rewarded by New York Times Magazine with a long, favorable piece titled "It's the End of the World as We Know It . . . and He Feels Fine" (2014). Hine has not gone as far off the rails as his close colleague, but it is clear that he is no longer a battler against the deepening Dead Zone that is today's reality. One giveaway is his constant use of the term "climate change," on pretty much every page of At Work in the Ruins. Climate change is a weak euphemism for the unfolding overall catastrophe, a telling usage. There are, however, worthy explorations undertaken in the book. Hine repeatedly returns to science as a problematic project rather than as some kind of saving grace. [End Page 80] He not only claims that we ask too much of it but that the culture of science is itself limiting. Hine suggests that the Covid pandemic presented us with a fork in the road, the possible emergence of a new politics of science. He points out that science has not proven to be an effective safeguard against misinformation but does not provide much as to what a new way of approaching science would look like. At Work in the Ruins acknowledges that science "is behind the project of making this living planet into an object of technological management and control" but doesn't linger with that insight or develop it. Hine also notices, in passing, the costs of industrial modernity and asks, "Is this the way to inhabit a planet?" Hine surveys some of the shallow and false paths to comprehending or challenging our predicament—and then follows suit, in my opinion, with a major failure of his own. Fifty pages in, he sees 2018 as "a great opening," with the appearance of Jem Bendell's Deep Adaptation thesis and the emergence of the Extinction Rebellion protest movement. But the two phenomena seem contradictory or opposed. Bendell sees collapse as inevitable, while Extinction Rebellion counsels nonadaptation: "In the face of extinction, we say Rebellion!" In January 2023 E.R. abandoned disruptive protests as a tactic and hasn't offered much by way of radical analysis. Hine lauds Greta Thunberg and Joe Biden in his chapter "Here Come the Grown-Ups." Odd choices for a liberatory future. Thunberg represents moral protest minus action, and Biden is a more than obvious case of status quo as matters get graver ever faster. Hine hops around throughout the book with scores of passing references to recent years. In search of a contrasting energy, he might have considered going back a bit further: to the antiglobalization movement of 1999-2001, for example, that raged in such places as Eugene, Seattle, Quebec City, Prague, and Genoa. That last location saw three hundred thousand in the streets and all-out fighting. No mention of this phenomenon by Hine. In the chapter "Shades of Denial," Hine debunks...

Assessing the Anti-Globalization Movement: Protest Against the WTO, IMF, and World Bank in Cross-National Perspective

ABSTRACT This study examines protests targeting Multilateral Economic Institutions (MEIs), namely the WTO, IMF, and World Bank from 1995 to 2018 across a large sample of countries using data drawn from media reports. We consider conventional social movement arguments regarding domestic and international resources and political opportunities, as well as economic threats, integration into the global economy, and the effects of international lending. Hypotheses are evaluated using negative binomial panel regression models of annual country protest counts. Results are consistent with several arguments. Recessions and high unemployment are associated with the number of anti-MEI protests, and countries that receive large IMF loans also tend to have more protests. Moreover, we observe a globalization of the political landscape itself. International sites, such as the locations of WTO, IMF, and World Bank summits, serve as powerful magnets for protest. Finally, we note a decline in anti-globalization protests in recent years. We suspect that this reflects the weakening of MEIs, which have seen their influence wane amidst diminished enthusiasm for globalization. As the neo-liberal agenda stalls, MEIs lose salience and social movements have shifted their attention elsewhere.

Are Social Forums Withering Away ?

This study focuses on the Social Forums which were created in 2001 aiming to be the voice of anti-globalisation movement in a time of globalisation process against international organisations such as the WEF, the WTO, the IMF, the WB, and G7/G8 which are thought to be as pioneers, advocates and representatives of neo-liberal philosophy and understanding. After the existence of the World Social Forum-WSF, thematic forums, regional forums, and national and local forums were also created accordingly. All of the Social Forums have been developed as global action platforms that mobilize the masses around the world and reveal social principles against the globalisation order. This study aims to analyse and evaluate the effectiveness and transformation of social forums, especially the WSF taking the 21 years into account. This article argues that Social Forums formed a discourse, action and policy in their founding years, and nowadays they have lost their effectiveness and weakened especially in terms of mass participation, creating excitement and offering an alternative suitable to the motto "another world is possible". The method of this research consists of a literature review, conceptual analysis and the author’s observations by participation in some of the Social Forums. This study compiles many non-academic elements such as the documents and statements published as a result of the social forums and the views of the leading activists of the social forums and considers them from the academic perspective.

Elizabeth "Betita" Martínez: A Tribute

Elizabeth "Betita" Martínez:A Tribute Sarah M. Quesada (bio) and Maylei Blackwell (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. Portrait of a young Elizabeth "Betita" Martínez, by Melanie Cervantes, Dignidad Rebelde. [End Page 996] Long before Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez turned red lipstick into a political statement, Elizabeth "Betita" Sutherland Martínez donned it as a badge of audacity. After all, Martínez epitomized the unapologetic scholar-activist for Chicano studies and the world. A legendary advocate and Chicana journalist, she often appeared on the front lines battling on behalf of numerous causes, from access to reproductive health care to racial justice, to equal rights in an early antiglobalization movement. From the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) to supporting African decolonization at the UN, to fighting for Latinx workers' rights during the global shift to neoliberalism, hers was a legacy of multiracial, feminist, and internationalist solidarity. Ninety-five years after her birth, Martínez succumbed to vascular dementia and passed away on June 29, 2021, in San Francisco, California. While her physical presence has vanished, her legacy could not be more enduring. Martínez's lifetime of writing, organizing, teaching, and inclusive militancy creates a framework for American studies that this tribute seeks to highlight. In particular, her additional roles as a social movement knowledge holder and historian, a committed mentor and a bridge to youth activists, a women of color feminist, and a prolific documentarian underscore lessons learned from her lifetime that serve as an antidote to and an inspiration for a troubling present era. Reeling from the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, the twenty-first century has seen the rise of totalitarianism in Russia, China, and the United States, the latter via the growth of Trumpism. The related proliferation of white supremacist movements and a virulent anti-immigrant hatred have fueled an unbridled epidemic of racially motivated gun violence and threats to women's rights. But Martínez's legacy provides a framework for scholar-activists to address these challenges with an inclusive platform modeled after her commitments to social justice and her radical democratic thinking in the face of despair and uncertainty. One of the Chicano Movement's most powerful thinkers and prolific writers, Martínez understood well the legacies of coloniality. In a truly Fanonian fashion, she perceived the legacies of colonial [End Page 997] power as equally affecting both domestic and international communities of color. Likewise, she heeded the urgency of organizing against patriarchal and white-dominated organizations to effect equality for women, especially those of color. Finally, she believed in the need to write resistance into the archive, passionately documenting the plight of others so that we might all follow in the activists' footsteps. This tribute provides insight into Martínez's exemplary written legacy and untiring resistance. After all, those who knew her can still hear her chanting against foreign intervention in "Raza Sí, Guerra No!" For those who did not know her, this tribute provides an access point to that legacy. The contributions in this forum feature the intricacies of Martínez's internationalism, her multigenerational activism and multiracial feminism, as well as the foundational role of her memory work for social change. We examine these three pillars of her life's work mainly chronologically and thus start from the beginning years of Martínez's life. Racial and Internationalist Solidarities Elizabeth "Betita" Sutherland Martínez was born in 1925 in Washington, DC, to a Mexican immigrant father who was a diplomat and later a Georgetown literature professor, and an Anglo mother who was a high school Spanish teacher. Raised bicultural and bilingual, her dual identity is reflective of a painful in-betweenness that marked her identity. The forms of exclusion and relative privileges of being biracial while growing up in a segregated, whites-only Maryland suburb can be seen in her nom de plume. She first used her mother's maiden name, "Liz Sutherland," as she came of age as a writer and journalist in the Jim Crow era, later adopting "Betita Martínez," as part of the Civil Rights Movement and her lifelong commitment to racial, economic, and gender justice.1 While her life journey...

세계화 시대 자본주의 질서와 국가의 변화

This article examines the transformation of the state in the second globalization period since the 1970s. In the market-centered post-Bretton Woods monetary order, one could expect a reinforcement of the capital compared to the state, but the role of the American state has paradoxically been strengthened. Furthermore, the birth of euro has also demonstrated a renewed transnational state function. The global financial order has been dramatically transformed with the financialization of capitalism and the capitalist orientation of the state. The state has been active in the public debt increase, and the growth of institutional investors and sovereign funds, symbolizing a certain functional fusion between state and capital. The state has been instrumental in transforming the citizens into active participants to the global capitalist order. The rise of the Chinese model of state capitalism as well as the anti-globalization movements in the developed world have been serious challenges to these trends. They nevertheless are different from the Communist challenge of the past in the sense that they no longer propose a replacement of global capitalism but rather a limited correction.(Soongsil University)

From the Ashes of the Old: Anarchism Reborn in a Counterrevolutionary Age (1970s-1990s)

After almost a century of Marxist predominance, how did anarchism develop from a marginal phenomenon into a force at the centre of the anti-globalisation movement? This article explores how anarchism was reborn in a counterrevolutionary age. Part one investigates how the New Right's post-1960s counterrevolution defeated the New Left and remade US society, including by recuperating potentially liberatory elements of social movements. Part two examines how a new generation of radicals critiqued the failures of MarxismLeninism and popularised the anarchist analysis and principles that provided the foundation for the anti-globalisation movement. The article discusses five examples of the development of anarchist theory and practice: Black/New Afrikan Anarchism, anarcha-feminism, eco-anarchism, punk anarchism, and revolutionary social anarchism. Ultimately, the article argues that anarchism was revitalised in the late twentieth century because it provided compelling answers to the new problems posed by the neoliberal counterrevolution and the crisis of state socialism.

Globalization and Nationalism: Contending Forces in World Politics

Abstract Globalization is facing widespread condemnation at a time when worldwide crises ranging from climate change to pandemic policy increasingly demand a coordinated response. Rising nationalist, populist, and anti-globalization movements in many of the world's richest nations are placing great pressure on the international system pioneered by Western democracies following World War II. This special issue showcases new research on the sources and types of backlash. It also considers the consequences of this backlash for democracy, for international institutions and foreign policy. We aim to broaden the debate on the causes and consequences of rising populism and nationalism and offer unique perspectives on how and why the current international order is struggling to address the many global challenges in need of large-scale cooperative solutions.

Sosyal Hareketler Bağlamında Küreselleşme Karşıtı Hareket: Sebepleri, Gelişimi ve Sonu

Toplumsal yaşamda zaman zaman kaynaklara erişimde ve kaynakları kullanmada birey ve grupların çıkarlarının çatıştığı görülmektedir. Kaynakların dağılımında avantajlı olanlar ve bu durumdan çıkar sağlayanlar var olan düzenin devam etmesini isterken, kaynaklara ulaşamayanlar ve daha az fayda sağlayan bireylerin ise hoşnutsuzlukları artmaktadır. Çıkar çatışmalarından ve bundan kaynaklı eşitsizliklerden muzdarip olan bireyler zaman zaman bir araya gelerek hoşnutsuzluklara karşı örgütlü bir şekilde harekete geçebilmektedir. Sosyal hareketler olarak da adlandırılan bu örgütlü hareketler hoşnutsuzluğa sebep olan şeylerin giderilmesi amacını taşımaktadır. Tarihte çeşitli dönemlerde ve çeşitli toplumlarda hoşnutsuzluklardan kaynaklı çeşitli hareketlere rastlansa da bir olgu olarak sosyal hareketler modern dönemin ürünüdür. Modern dönemde ekonomik eşitsizliklerden kaynaklı ve sınıf temelli ortaya çıkan sosyal hareketler de zamanla değişime uğramış, yeni sosyal hareketler adı ile anılan hareketler ortaya çıkmıştır. 20.yy’ın son çeyreğinde başlayan büyük bir değişim ve dönüşüm sürecini anlatan küreselleşme de yaratmış olduğu geniş hoşnutsuzluklar ile bir sosyal harekete yol açmıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı küreselleşme karşıtı harekete neden olan etkenler, hareketin özellikleri ve sonunu getiren nedenlere dair teorik çerçevede bir analiz yapmaktır.

The right to urban public space and aesthetic dissensus for democratic citizenship

In the last three decades, across the world, there have emerged mass movements, uprisings and revolts targeting neo-liberal global capitalism and its radical reorganization of urban hierarchies. As a result, cities have become the central stage for sociopolitical struggles. While the scholarship on new social movements has recognized the aesthetic potential of political organizing since the beginning of the anti-globalization movement in 1999, new approaches are needed to understand the aesthetic dissensus of contemporary activism within the urban space. This article theorizes aesthetics as a potentially radicalizing force in proposing a democratic citizenship in the city. Indebted to the theories of Henri Lefebvre, David Harvey, James Holston, Mark Purcell and Jacques Rancière, it discusses the new synthesis of political and aesthetic forms, action and experience in urban social movement praxis. Taking Gezi Park resistance in Turkey (2013) as a case study, it seeks to understand the relationship of activist aesthetics to changing practices and conceptions of citizenship.

The Root cause of the Anti-globalization Movement in the United States: the Erosion of the Level-standard Economy

This paper uses Qian’s level-standard economy approach to analyze the losses and gains of American globalization in the Neoliberal Era. Analysis found that: level-standard economy’s sectors are the losers during the process of American globalization in the Neoliberal Era; and super level-standard economy’s sectors are the winners during the process of American globalization in the Neoliberal Era. The erosion of the level-standard economy has great harm and impact on related parties, so that the USA emerges the movement of populist backlash against globalization. This paper proposes 4 measures to solve this dilemma, i.e., to impose higher tax rates on the winners of American globalization in the Neoliberal Era, to subsidize more to the losers of American globalization in the Neoliberal Era, to moderately relocate manufacturing and other industries back to the U.S., and to further strengthen transnational cooperation.

New virtual communities for a renewed digital activism in Italy: A case study of the Bida, Cisti and Nebbia Mastodon instances

This article analyses recent developments of digital tech activism within the Italian hacker scene. Being characterized by hacktivism (the combination of hacking and politics), it first boomed in the early 2000s – engaging the anti-globalization movement, protests and counter-summits with projects like Indymedia and Autistici/Inventati. Later, it had a phase of fragmentation and an ‘evolution’, towards what Hassan and Staggenborg define as a ‘social movement community’. In this article, I will analyse what caused this ‘evolution’ and its composition, networks, frames and repertoires of action – to outline political and action perspectives pursued by these virtual ‘communities’. I will focus on those involving users of Mastodon.bida.im, Mastodon.cisti.org and Nebbia.fail independent social media, built by the radical tech collectives Bida (Bologna), Underscore (Turin) and Lab61 (Milan). From a methodological point of view, I will employ a qualitative research method: analysis of specialistic literature, blogs and documents edited by activists, semi-structured qualitative interviews and observant participation.

Consequences of deindustrialisation for globalisation: Insights for international business

Literature suggests many countries across the world are facing a growing political backlash against the consequences of deindustrialisation. Intensifying anti-globalisation sentiment associated with this backlash has important implications for international business. In the absence of empirical evidence, it is however unclear to what extent deindustrialisation has contributed to a recent slowdown in the rate of growth of globalisation. Considering the importance of this knowledge, this paper tests predictions in the literature that this slowdown has to some extent been caused by deindustrialisation (declining country shares of manufacturing’s output in gross domestic product). Granger and generalised method of moments findings suggest some support for these predictions. On the basis of the findings, it is argued that compensation should be prioritised for those that stand to lose due to deindustrialisation. Further research is also called for, to explore other ‘root’ causes of current anti-globalisation movements, and to address them, before consequences spill over into a post COVID-19 era of uncertainty for international business.

Implementation of the Concept of Sustainable Development Based on Subsidiarity in Response to Current Dlobal Challenges

With the current challenges of a globalized world, such as the crown virus pandemic and the growth of anti-globalization and anti-vaccination resistance movements around the world, the concept of sustainable development as a global strategy is under threat. There is a need to use such mechanisms and means of regulating global socio-economic processes that would ensure the effective implementation of sustainable development strategy while eliminating the acute perception of the planet’s population of the negative effects of globalization. The article substantiates the application of the principle of subsidiarity in the implementation of the concept of sustainable development through the prism of an inclusive approach, as well as on the basis of the theory of sustainable development and deductive method of scientific knowledge it is developed a model for implementing the global concept of sustainable development on the basis of subsidiarity, which is to delegate the tasks of implementing the global concept from the global to the local level within the economic, social and environmental components of sustainable development and to specify these tasks at the level of the average citizen and local authorities. The implementation of the proposed model provides the involvement of every inhabitant of the planet in the processes of sustainable development with the ideological and financial support of local authorities in a decentralized environment, which will achieve sustainable development goals and reduce public resistance to global challenges.

Digital Corbynism

Digital Corbynism Katrina Forrester (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution Jeremy Corbyn recorded addressing a Labour Party rally in Bristol in 2019 (Finnbarr Webster/Getty Images) [End Page 128] The first time I saw protesters dancing on the roof of a police van was at a May Day demonstration in London in 2002. Over the dulcet acid techno beats of a bike-powered sound system, a friend explained that we were imitating the Reclaim the Streets movement of the 1990s—free parties on highways doubled as tactics of resistance against infrastructure projects in the name of halting ecological and capitalist crisis. I learned then that I had come too late for anything new. The late British cultural theorist Mark Fisher described this era as one of nostalgia (-algia, the suffix, signifies pain, distress). Thanks to the ideology of what Fisher called "capitalist realism," faith in the future had been canceled. I didn't know it yet, but something did make us different from the leftists that came before us: the internet. (It's a cliché because it's true.) In the scene that took shape in the aftermath of the anti-globalization movement, which in the UK peaked in 1999 with the J18 protests, politics revolved around affinity groups of hippies, punks, ravers, and teenagers preoccupied with squabbles between youth anarchist networks and Trotskyist organizations. Much like their U.S. equivalents, these groups focused on direct action: protests against the arms trade and to free Palestine, confrontations with cops, school walkouts against the Iraq War, squatted camps at G8 summits. Unlike our predecessors, we had Indymedia to learn about protests, and web forums and riseup.net listservs to stay in touch. In 2003, Fisher started writing on his blog K-punk, inspiring a network of radical bloggers. This was not a scene where left theory or history mattered much (libcom.org, which became a kind of anarcho-communist Wikipedia, was set up around this time to address the intellectual vacuum at its core). Political education meant learning to encrypt emails on action training weekends. At demonstrations, the anarchist kids would mock the docile Socialist Workers Party (SWP) members handing out the Socialist Worker paper; if we had wanted what they were selling, we would read the Guardian! The only thing that held the young, fragmented left together was a common enemy: the warmongering Labour Party. [End Page 129] No one had any sense yet that the internet would be so crucial in bringing left politics closer to a mass politics than at any time in recent history. The political movement that formed around Jeremy Corbyn, the MP from Labour's left wing who was elected head of the party in 2015, promised a better future through the restoration of the best of the British welfare state, achieved with new technologies: "socialism with an iPad," as Corbyn's Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer John McDonnell put it. It also promised new forms of organization and participation where British mainstream politics had failed. The four-year tenure of Corbyn's leadership, which ended with Labour's electoral defeat in December 2019, unified the factions of the increasingly networked anti-capitalist left, which gave up its historic opposition to the Labour Party and tried to navigate and reform its unwieldy, hostile structures. They filled the ranks of the grassroots membership (previously small in number and soft left in politics) and, in their support of Corbyn, found new common interest with Labour's affiliated trade unions, whose leadership have often been closer to the parliamentary elite than the members, and whose rank and file have had their power within the party eroded over a period of decades. As such, Corbynism is best understood as the name for a period of left unity, at a time of disunity within the larger Labour Party. The primary cleavage in British politics—over Brexit and the referendum decision to leave the European Union—cut across this temporary unity. Nonetheless, for the duration of Corbyn's leadership, it held. And it was forged and facilitated, at least in part, by the internet. Under Corbynism, the left tried to make Labour work as a socialist party, taking responsibility...

The 2019 Social Protests in Latin America: Global Context and Ecuadorian Case-Study

The paper examines the phenomenon of global social protests that spread in 2019 across more than 20 countries. The author considers the most striking manifestations of this phenomenon that occurred in the Middle East, North Africa, Western Europe, and Asia. The paper provides a periodization of several waves of anti-globalization movement in the 21st century, whereby the current global unrest represents the third wave. The author identifies specific features of each stage and outlines a growing trend towards politicization and exacerbation of violence. Particular emphasis is made on how the protests in Latin America developed in time and space, as they spread to at least eight states of the region: Haiti, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile, and Columbia. In each country, protests were triggered by a peculiar set of internal factors which are not susceptible to easy generalization. In order to come nearer to the understanding of the new global phenomenon the author puts forward several socio-philosophical hypotheses. In particular, the possibility of internationalization of the French ‘yellow vests’ movement, its transfer and adaptation to other countries affected by protests, is noted. In that regard the paper outlines certain ‘channels’ for exporting the French protests to Latin America, including migration and cultural ties. The author stresses that although socio-economic explanations of the global protest phenomenon that focus on such issues as the growth of inequality and social polarization, are correct, they are insufficient for a comprehensive understanding of the new and complex phenomenon. As an alternative, the author suggests using the concept of ‘social singularity’. The paper considers the key features of this concept, including the idea that contemporary global social sphere is functioning in an online mode, allowing for increased speed of social interaction and communication on a global scale. Finally, the paper examines the causes and the development of the social unrest that broke out in Ecuador and served as a starting point for escalating the protest movement in Latin America in 2019.

Mobilizing Against the Antiglobalization Backlash: An Integrated Framework for Corporate Nonmarket Strategy

AbstractIn the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, scepticism on the merits of trade and globalization has increased across several key developed countries. This poses major challenges for multinational enterprises (MNEs) and other trade dependent firms (TDFs). This paper develops a framework to explore corporate nonmarket strategies (NMS) to address this backlash, covering both corporate political activity (CPA) and corporate social responsibility (CSR). We firstly provide an overview of the existing research within international economics, business strategy, and international political economy on the antiglobalization backlash and MNEs/TDFs strategy in the face of protectionism. Building on this scholarship, we formulate propositions for CPA and CSR actions, which are likely to be deployed by TDFs in developed economies to counter protectionism and address the criticisms of the antiglobalization movement. On this basis we propose an interdisciplinary analytical framework that can be used to study corporate strategy in times of growing antitrade sentiments. Finally, we provide initial proposals for testing these propositions and highlight the challenges researchers may face when carrying out such research.