Anti-corruption Practitioners Research Articles

Breaking the cycle of failure in combating corruption in Asian countries

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to identify the five mistakes made by political leaders in Asian countries in combating corruption. These mistakes constitute the cycle of failure which must be broken for Asian countries to succeed in fighting corruption.Design/methodology/approachThis paper is based on the comparative evaluation of the effectiveness of the anti-corruption measures adopted by various Asian countries.FindingsThe cycle of failure in combating corruption in Asian countries arises from their governments’ reliance on corrupt political leaders and the police, and multiple anti-corruption agencies as attack dogs or paper tigers.Originality/valueThis paper would be of interest to those policymakers, anti-corruption practitioners, and scholars, who are concerned with enhancing the effectiveness of anti-corruption strategies in their countries by breaking the cycle of failure.

Combating corruption in Singapore: a comparative analysis of two scandals

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to compare two corruption scandals in Singapore to illustrate how its government has dealt with these scandals and to discuss the implications for its anti-corruption strategy.Design/methodology/approachThis paper analyses the Teh Cheang Wan and Edwin Yeo scandals by relying on published official and press reports.FindingsBoth scandals resulted in adverse consequences for the offenders. Teh committed suicide on 14 December 1986 before he could be prosecuted for his bribery offences. Yeo was found guilty of criminal breach of trust and forgery and sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment. The Commission of Inquiry found that the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) was thorough in its investigations which confirmed that only Teh and no other minister or public official were implicated in the bribery offences. The Independent Review Panel appointed by the Prime Minister's Office to review the CPIB's internal controls following Yeo's offences recommended improvements to strengthen the CPIB's financial procedures and audit system. Singapore has succeeded in minimising corruption because its government did not cover-up the scandals but punished the guilty offenders and introduced measures to prevent their recurrence.Originality/valueThis paper will be useful for scholars, policymakers and anti-corruption practitioners interested in Singapore's anti-corruption strategy and how its government handles corruption scandals.

Corruption scandals in six Asian countries: a comparative analysis

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to compare and evaluate how the governments in six Asian countries have dealt with selected grand corruption scandals.Design/methodology/approachThis paper is based on the comparative analysis of 11 corruption scandals examined in the six articles on India, Japan, Macau, Malaysia, Philippines and Singapore included in this special issue ofPublic Administration and Policy.FindingsThe responses of the governments in the six countries depend on the strength of their political will in combating corruption. The responses of the governments in Malaysia, Philippines, India and Japan reflect their weak political will in combating corruption and lack of accountability of the corrupt offenders. By contrast, the strong political will of the governments in Singapore and Macau is reflected in the investigation and punishment of the corrupt offenders without any cover-up of the scandals.Originality/valueThe findings would be of interest to scholars, policymakers and anti-corruption practitioners and activists.

Combating police corruption in Japan: new challenges ahead?

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to analyze Japanese police corruption and assess the effectiveness of the police reforms to minimize it.Design/methodology/approachThis paper focusses on police corruption in Japan by analyzing its causes and evaluating the effectiveness of measures to prevent it. The paper concludes with some recommendations for minimizing police corruption in Japan.FindingsEven though recent preventive measures in Japan initiated through police reforms have reduced opportunities for police corruption, it is still necessary to improve public trust in the police. The Japanese police do not initiate anti-corruption measures, but focus instead on prevention through ethics training and reliance on stringent regulations. Fostering a civil society coalition for monitoring police corruption, conducting public perceptions surveys of corruption and bringing police corruption studies into academic discussions are tools for tackling police corruption.Originality/valueThis paper will be useful for scholars, policy-makers and anti-corruption practitioners interested in learning how the Japanese police prevent corruption.

Combating police corruption in Indonesia: cleansing the buaya (crocodile)

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explain why police corruption is rampant in Indonesia by analysing its perceived extent, causes and anti-corruption measures.Design/methodology/approachThe paper relies on primary and secondary sources and survey data to analyse the perceived extent and causes of police corruption in Indonesia.FindingsPolice corruption is widespread in Indonesia because of the inadequate budget allocated to the police, police officers are paid low salaries and recruited and promoted on their ability to pay bribes instead of merit, corrupt police officers are not detected or punished and corrupt behaviour is tolerated by many Indonesians. Consequently, policy makers in Indonesia can only minimise police corruption if they have the political will and capacity to introduce appropriate reforms to address its five causes.Originality/valueThis paper will be useful to those scholars, policy makers and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in learning about the extent and causes of police corruption in Indonesia and why efforts to curb it are ineffective.

Battling corruption in Malaysia: What can be learned?

Purpose Corruption is a serious problem in Southeast Asian countries. Based on the average ranking of Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, Malaysia is ranked as the second least corrupt country among Southeast Asian countries. However, this country is still facing problems in its fight against corruption, in which efforts undertaken to prevent corruption have been said to be “unsatisfactory.” The purpose of this paper is hence to examine previous literature for the possible factors affecting the success of anti-corruption efforts in Malaysia. Design/methodology/approach This study analyzes previous studies conducted on Malaysia’s experiences in its fight against corruption. Findings The findings of this paper indicate four attributes that lead to the failure of anti-corruption efforts in Malaysia. Originality/value This paper will be useful for scholars, policymakers and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in Malaysia’s experiences in fighting corruption.

When civil engagement is part of the problem: Flawed anti-corruptionism in Russia and Ukraine

In developing countries, the fight against corruption entails purges of political and business elites and the restructuring of electoral, financial, and social provision systems, all of which are costly for the incumbents and, therefore, unlikely without sustained pressure from civil society. In the absence of empirical analyses, scholars and practitioners have, therefore, assumes that civil society plays an unequivocally positive role in anti-corruptionism. In this article, we challenge this dominant assumption. Instead, we show that, under certain conditions, an engaged non-governmental community may, in fact, undermine the fight against corruption. Using the data from forty interviews with anti-corruption practitioners in Ukraine and Russia, as well as primary documentary sources, we present two models of anti-corruptionism whereby active civil engagement produces suboptimal outcomes. One is faux collaboration, defined as a façade of cooperation between the state and civil society, which hides the reality of one-sided reforms. The other model is that of non-collaborative co-presence, whereby the governance role is shared by the government and non-governmental activists without compromise-based solutions. In both cases, civil engagement helps perpetuate abuses of power and subvert such long-term goals of anti-corruption reforms as democratization and effective governance.

Singapore’s success in combating corruption: lessons for policy makers

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explain Singapore’s success in combating corruption and to identify the lessons for policy makers concerned with enhancing the anti-corruption measures in their countries.Design/methodology/approachThe paper provides a brief literature review and analysis of Singapore’s policy context before explaining Singapore’s success in combating corruption and identifying the lessons for policy makers to enhance the effectiveness of the anti-corruption measures in their countries.FindingsSingapore’s success in combating corruption can be attributed to the political will of the People’s Action Party government and the effectiveness of the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau in investigating all corruption cases and enforcing the anti-corruption laws impartially, without fear or favour. Extrapolating from Singapore’s success, policy makers in other countries can learn these lessons: the critical importance of political will; addressing the causes of corruption and learning from past mistakes; establishing and supporting an independent anti-corruption agency with adequate resources; enforcing the anti-corruption laws impartially but not selectively against the government’s political opponents; and combating corruption is a marathon requiring perseverance and sustained effort.Originality/valueScholars, policy makers and anti-corruption practitioners will be interested in learning how Singapore has succeeded in combating corruption as well as the relevant lessons for policy makers.

Combating corruption in Pakistan

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to analyze the current state of corruption in Pakistan and evaluate attempts by the government to combat its entrenched corruption culture.Design/methodology/approach– The paper shows that Pakistan’s legacy of British colonial rule, its ethno-linguistic conflict and alternating civilian governments and military coups have weakened institutional capabilities, hindered capacity building and allowed systemic corruption to flourish there. Pakistan’s many anti-corruption efforts failed because they were used to attack political foes instead of strengthening institutional capabilities.Findings– Pakistan has maintained its highly authoritarian form of governance inherited from the British in 1947. The ruling elite view the state as a milch cow for their personal enrichment and this attitude is also reflected in the performance of its bureaucracy. Existing rules of conduct and administration are not enforced as citizens encounter corruption in their dealings with officials. At the policy level, key decisions are often made to benefit the decision makers. The paper concludes that without political will no significant improvement in the state of corruption in Pakistan is likely to occur.Originality/value– This paper will be useful for scholars, policy-makers and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in corruption in Pakistan and whether the apparent institutionalization of parliamentary democracy has reduced corruption there.

Minimising corruption in Myanmar: an impossible dream?

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to explain why corruption is a serious problem in Myanmar and why the anti-corruption measures initiated by its military government are ineffective.Design/methodology/approach– The paper describes Myanmar’s unfavourable policy context and analyses the perceived extent and causes of corruption in Myanmar before evaluating the effectiveness of its anti-corruption measures.Findings– Myanmar’s location in a bad neighbourhood surrounded by corrupt countries, its vulnerability to the natural resource curse and ethnic conflict, as well as more than five decades of ineffective military rule have hindered its anti-corruption efforts. Corruption remains a serious problem in Myanmar because of the military regime’s lack of political will and failure to address these causes: low salaries; red tape; weak rule of law; and cultural factors. The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC)’s performance during its first two years cannot be assessed because of the lack of information on its budget, personnel and activities. As the ACC is led by two former military generals, it is not perceived to be independent, and has been criticised for focusing on investigating corruption cases and corruption prevention at the expense of corruption education.Originality/value– This paper will be of interest to those policy-makers, scholars and anti-corruption practitioners, who are interested in learning about the causes of rampant corruption in Myanmar and why the anti-corruption measures initiated have failed to curb it.

Combating corruption in six Asian countries: a comparative analysis

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to compare the experiences of the six Asian countries covered in this special issue and explain their different levels of effectiveness in combating corruption. Design/methodology/approach – This paper analyses the policy contexts in these countries, their perceived extent and causes of corruption, and evaluates the effectiveness of their anti-corruption agencies (ACAs). Findings – Brunei Darussalam is less corrupt because it is the smallest, least populated and richest country, without being embroiled in conflict compared to the other five larger countries, which are more populous but poorer and adversely affected by conflict. The Sultan’s political will in combating corruption is reflected in the better staffed and funded Anti-Corruption Bureau, which has prosecuted and convicted more corrupt offenders. By contrast, the lack of political will of the governments in the other five countries is manifested in their ineffective ACAs, which are not independent, lack capacity and resources, and are used against political opponents. Originality/value – This paper will be useful for those scholars, policy-makers and anti-corruption practitioners interested in how effective these six Asian countries are in combating corruption and the reasons for their different levels of effectiveness.

Singapore’s Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to make recommendations to address the four limitations of Singapore’s Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB). Design/methodology/approach – The paper begins by attributing Singapore’s reputation as the least corrupt Asian country to the CPIB’s four strengths: its independence from the police; its adequate staffing and funding; its adoption of the total approach to enforcement; and its impartial enforcement of the anti-corruption laws. It then proceeds to identify the CPIB’s limitations and provides four suggestions to address these limitations. Findings – The sentencing of Edwin Yeo, a senior CPIB officer, to ten years’ imprisonment on 20 February 2014 for misappropriating US$1.76 million for nearly four years reveals that there were weaknesses in the CPIB’s internal controls and procurement procedures in spite of its effectiveness in curbing corruption. This paper recommends that the CPIB addresses its four limitations by strengthening its internal controls and procurement procedures; enhancing public trust and confidence by further improving its outreach to the population; improving the external oversight of its activities; and developing its in-house research capabilities. Originality/value – This paper will be useful for those scholars, policy-makers, and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in how the CPIB can further enhance its effectiveness even though Singapore is perceived as the least corrupt Asian country.

Anti-corruption measures in China: suggestions for reforms

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze several measures which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has adopted to curb corruption and to make recommendations to curb the spread of corruption. Design/methodology/approach – The study is based on the analysis of government policy documents and reports, and statistical data on anti-corruption measures in China. Findings – During the past ten years, the government of the PRC has adopted these anti-corruption measures: first, increasing the ability to handle cases for deterring corrupt officials; second, improving the work style of officials and prohibiting them from enjoying special privileges, and promoting moral behavior among them; third, reforming the economic and political system to reduce corruption opportunities; and fourth, reforming the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) to more effectively handle corruption cases. Nevertheless, in despite of these anti-corruption measures, there remain serious challenges for reducing corruption stemming from an irrational system of administrative reform and balancing the relationship between the CCDI and the judiciary departments to enhance the professionalism and efficiency of the anti-corruption agencies, which continue to constrain China’s current anti-corruption efforts. Therefore, the Chinese government should take a top-down approach, analyze the characteristics and trends of corruption in the new era, strengthen the institutional structures, and strive to suppress the spread of corruption. Originality/value – This paper will be useful for those scholars, policy-makers and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in China’s anti-corruption measures.

Evaluating the effectiveness of anti-corruption agencies in five Asian countries

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is threefold: first, to ascertain the levels of effectiveness of the anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) in China, Japan, Philippines, Singapore and Taiwan; second, to explain why some of these ACAs are more effective than others; and third, to suggest some policy recommendations for addressing their limitations. Design/methodology/approach – This paper relies on three well-known international indicators to assess the perceived extent of corruption in the five countries. Similarly, their quality of governance is assessed by their total percentile rank on the World Bank’s six governance indicators in 2013. Findings – Singapore’s Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau is effective because of its government’s political will and favorable policy context. The Philippines and Taiwan rely on ineffective multiple ACAs, which are inadequately staffed and funded, and compete with each other for limited resources. China’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection is ineffective because corrupt party members are disciplined and not prosecuted, and the political leaders use corruption as a weapon against their opponents. Japan’s weak political will is reflected in its reluctance to address its structural corruption. This paper concludes with policy recommendations for enhancing the effectiveness of the ACAs in the five countries. Originality/value – The comparative analysis of the effectiveness of the ACAs in the five Asian countries and the policy recommendations for addressing their limitations will be of interest to policy makers, scholars and anti-corruption practitioners.

Treading the straight and righteous path: curbing corruption in the Philippines

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the anti-corruption performance of the Philippine government, particularly under the leadership of President Benigno Aquino III. Design/methodology/approach – The paper evaluates the anti-corruption measures as represented by pertinent laws as well as anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) under the Aquino administration. Findings – The Aquino government has exercised remarkable political will in acting on high-profile cases involving former government officials, including former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. However, the government’s overall anti-corruption performance is hampered by outdated and conflicting laws, lack of compliance with anti-corruption laws and regulations by public officials and employees, poor ACA operational capacities, judicial inefficiency, deficient organizational systems and change-resistant government agencies, and selective and partial enforcement of anti-corruption laws. These problems are characteristic of Philippine political administrations and are arguably rooted in a system long characterized by fragile state institutions, strong oligarchic control, and weak citizenship. Originality/value – The paper is intended to update scholars, policy makers, and anti-corruption practitioners interested in corruption, ACA performance, and political reform in the Philippines. It discusses corruption-related problems of public administration within the purview of political economy. Based on this perspective, it argues that the key to effective control of corruption is a change in the political system’s configuration rather than the mere change in leadership.

Anti-corruption measures the Japanese way: prevention matters

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze recent Japanese corruption prevention mechanisms and assess the efforts of the Japanese government in winning public trust. Design/methodology/approach – This paper discusses public sector corruption in Japan at an institutional level through a study of its features and current status. It then analyzes and evaluates the effectiveness of corruption prevention measures and the public perceptions of these measures. The paper concludes with a discussion on whether such measures can be adopted by other countries. Findings – Recent preventive measures in Japan are effective in decreasing corruption opportunities, but not in enhancing the public trust of the government. Major findings are: first, Japan is the only Asian country without a dedicated anti-corruption agency (ACA); second, there is more emphasis on corruption prevention in the anti-corruption measures; third, the government is concerned with initiating measures to prevent the further erosion of public trust when corruption occurs; fourth, while preventive measures such as public disclosure and whistle-blower protection acts are in place, public awareness of their existence is still lacking and the usage of these systems is limited; fifth, more efforts are placed on prevention through the promotion of government transparency and accountability and public sector ethics education rather than penalizing the corrupt offenders; and sixth, though efforts to minimize amakudari practices are made, lack of political will and its sustainability prevents further reform. Originality/value – This paper will be useful for scholars, policy-makers, and anti-corruption practitioners interested in learning how Japanese government practices prevent corruption.

Curbing police corruption in Singapore: lessons for other Asian countries

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to explain why Singapore has succeeded in curbing the problem of police corruption and to identify the six lessons which other Asian countries can learn from Singapore's experience.Design/methodology/approach– The paper analyzes the causes of police corruption in Singapore during the British colonial period and describes the measures adopted by the People's Action Party government after assuming office in June 1959 to curb police corruption. The effectiveness of these measures is assessed by referring to Singapore's perceived extent of corruption according to three international indicators and the reported cases of police corruption from 1965 to 2011.Findings– The Singapore Police Force has succeeded in minimizing police corruption by improving salaries and working conditions, cooperating with the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau, enhancing its recruitment and selection procedures, providing training and values education for its members, and adopting administrative measures to reduce the opportunities for corruption. Other Asian countries afflicted with rampant police corruption can learn six lessons from Singapore's success.Originality/value– This paper will be of interest to those policy makers, scholars, and anti-corruption practitioners, who are interested in learning how Singapore has succeeded in curbing police corruption.

Cities of Integrity: An Overlooked Challenge for Both Urbanists and Anti-Corruption Practitioners - And a Great Opportunity for Fresh Ideas and Alliances

The future of the fight against corruption critically depends on cities and the future of cities critically depends on the fight against corruption. Despite a great potential for mutual learning, innovation and joint impact there is still a surprising and very unfortunate disconnect between urbanists and anti-corruption practitioners in research, practice and advocacy.These are the central arguments of this article that targets two very different audiences: firstly, urban scholars, practitioners, and advocates to present them with reasons why they should put a stronger focus on corruption issues; secondly, the anti-corruption community, to make the point that they should much more consider the role of cities and urbanisation in their work. This two-track approach means that some of the “why cities matter for fighting corruption” arguments may yield more novel insights for the anti-corruption community, whereas the same applies the other way around regarding some of the facts and learning about corruption that urban scholars and practitioners might find particularly insightful. The article is organised as follows: The opening section (2.) discusses some common, yet empirically untenable misperceptions of corruption as they are often invoked by commentators outside the anti-corruption community. Section 3 addresses the urban scholar and practitioner communities to discuss why and how corruption holds back cities. It explores the scale and impact of corruption across different segments of urban governance and different objectives for urban development. Drawing on a vast and diverse body of empirical evidence, the emerging picture is one that confirms that corruption is a key obstacle to almost all major urban aspirations. It should be a central concern to urban practitioners of any provenance and all the objectives and ambitions they attach to their work on urban issues. Corruption matters in and for cities. Tremendously.Section 4 switches perspective and considers urban corruption from the vantage point of the anti-corruption community. It argues that cities are pivotal venues for fighting corruption and present a very distinctive, strategically important, yet rather underappreciated dimension of the fight against corruption. The section explores whether it makes sense at all to talk about a distinctively urban corruption challenge, rather than just about issues of local governance more generally. It identifies a number of drivers and characteristics of the urban corruption challenge that clearly underscore that corruption in cities exhibits a particular risk profile and also distinguishes itself in terms of sheer scale and impact from corruption in rural or general local governance settings. Urban corruption thus merits its own treatment in terms of analysis and remedial action. This section then moves on to review the state of corruption analysis and anti-corruption advocacy and action in relation to cities. This scan indicates that, a) cities so far have not received due attention in the thinking and doing of the anti-corruption community, b) this is very unfortunate since for a variety of reasons cities play a very pivotal role in the overall fight against corruption and the chances for its success. Cities have so far not been recognised as the important sites of analysis and action that they actually are. To put it a bit provocatively, the urban condition is a bit of a blind-spot for the anti-corruption community. But the analysis also shows that this is gradually changing, and cities are beginning to assume a more prominent role in the accountability and integrity arena. Against this backdrop that cities matter for fighting corruption and fighting corruption matters for cities section 5 concludes with a positive outlook on the promise of integrating these two topics more closely. It discusses the potential of forge new collaborations around urban governance issues. Focussing on the example of urban planners and architects it presents a number of ideas of how these professionals could be productively involved in tackling urban corruption issues. In a nutshell, there is double blind-spot: anti-corruption analysts and advocates do not pay sufficient attention to cities, and urban practitioners do not pay enough attention to corruption. Stepping up the conversation between these two communities has a great potential to develop new ideas for urban governance, energise the anti-corruption movement and remove a tremendous obstacle to any kind of ambition for cities that their communities and urban practitioners are setting for themselves.

What Does Kosovo Teach Us about Using Human Rights Law to Prosecute Corruption Offences?

If a patient must pay a bribe to obtain life-saving surgery, does the doctor’s solicitation of a bribe represent a violation of the victim’s human rights? This paper explores the ways in which anti-corruption practitioners can look to various provisions in human rights law in order to prevent or prosecute corruption-related offences. We use Kosovo as a case study because its constitution gives direct effect to the major international human rights conventions. We find - using Kosovo as a case study - that some types of corruption lead to separately prosecutable human rights offences. We also find that pre-existing violations of human rights law create strong incentives for individuals to engage in corruption. We offer concrete suggestions to lawyers and prosecutors for using human rights provisions to encourage the prosecution corruption offences in highly corrupt countries like Kosovo. We also present a method of prosecuting human rights offences leading to - or resulting from - corruption as administrative offences and offer pricing models for assessing the optimal fine for the human rights offences occurring concomitant with cases of corruption.

Fighting Corruption on the Transdnistrian Border: Lessons from Failed and New Successful Anti-Corruption Programmes

In 2007, both Moldovan and Ukrainian authorities took firm steps to reduce corruption along the Transdnistrian border. This paper—aimed mainly at anti-corruption practitioners and scholars in public administration—discusses the background and underlying principles guiding the anti-corruption work being adopted by both governments in order to facilitate discussion about optimal anti-corruption programme design. This paper presents a set of tools used during the planning phase of the anti-corruption programme—outlining the methodology used to assess the extent of corruption on the Transdnistrian border, the problems of legislative transplants, a “contract test” for defining corruption offenses, a method of risk analysis, and a model of optimal anti-corruption programme organizational design.