anti-Chinese Sentiment Research Articles

US Bipartisan Consensus on China: The Making and the Implementation

According to the most experts, there is a bipartisan consensus in the United States regarding China: both parties recognize that China poses an existential threat to the United States, its economy, socio-political structure and the role as a global leader. This core conceptual consent represents a clear contrast with the endless battles between Democrats and Republicans in the domestic political arena, blocking any legislative initiatives and the development of a unified sociopolitical agenda for the country. This rare unity has made many observers to claim the emergence of a new external enemy, in the face of which America will be able to overcome its identical crisis and to come back to national unity. The political elite also actively uses the image of the enemy, calling on the Nation for unity. This article is aimed to understand what lies behind political slogans and the bipartisan concept of confronting China. The study is based on the analysis of several sources that make it possible to judge the attitude towards China in the United States along party lines, specific to each level of the party-political system party platforms at the federal level, legislative initiatives at the state and city levels, public opinion polls at the level of the society. The research hypothesis is that Democrats and Republicans, who agree on the conceptual vision of the Chinese threat, offer different ways to counter it. The difference in methods of struggle stems from different ideological and value models that manifest themselves in the implementation of both the socioeconomic agenda within the country and foreign policy strategies in the international arena. The unity of the parties ends exactly by the developing of a conceptual framework for confrontation with the opponent. The implementation of specific steps of the anti-Chinese agenda at the state and city levels is taking place in accordance with the ideological and political guidelines of each party, and the public attitude towards the Chinese threat demonstrates a clear split along party lines. The conceptual positioning of a new external enemy instead of unification brought to the United States anti-Chinese hysteria among conservative politicians at the state level, which was realized in the adoption of discriminatory laws in Republican states against Chinese citizens and a new wave of anti-Chinese sentiment in society, manifested in outbreaks of violence against Asian minorities.

Coronaphobia or sinophobia: How journalistic practices in early COVID-19 coverage and online commentary affect anti-Chinese sentiment in the U.S.

Historically, pandemics have spurred an influx of disorganized information and escalated intergroup animosity, and COVID-19 is no exception. Pandemic reporting often features cues and testimonials to mark the distinction between “us” versus “them”; however, the influence of such journalistic practices on intergroup animosity remains largely unexplored during public health crises, let alone their potential interplay with ubiquitous user-generated comments that often accompany pandemic news stories in the digital era. We conducted an online survey experiment with a sample of U.S. participants ( N = 1428) during the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, systematically varying the presence of stigmatizing outgroup cues, testimonials from in-versus outgroups, and social media comments either predominantly endorsing or condemning xenophobia. Our findings reveal that stigmatizing outgroup cues amplified the effects of testimonials detailing ingroup suffering, thus heightening anti-Chinese sentiment. These results underscore the importance of evaluating the implications of journalistic practices in public health reporting on intergroup dynamics and social solidarity. Additionally, we found that online comments predominantly condemning xenophobia moderated the effects of ingroup testimonials in the direction of inducing more positive sentiments, highlighting the vital role of an engaged audience in moderating the influences of public health news coverage.

COVID-19, Perceived Foreign Interference, and Anti-Chinese Sentiment: Evidence from Concurrent Survey Experiments in Australia and the United States

ABSTRACT Amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, a surge in anti-Chinese sentiment emerged as a pressing issue, with debates on how the pandemic exacerbated such sentiments. To explore this intricate relationship, we conducted two survey experiments, incorporating COVID-specific contextual inquiries in Australia and the United States during two phases (8–21 June 2021 and 28 July-12 August 2022). Our findings reveal that individuals’ perceptions of the Chinese diaspora remained unaltered when presented with information regarding the Chinese government’s initial management of COVID-19. However, when exposed to a message suggesting the Chinese government’s influence over overseas Chinese communities, people’s attitudes towards the Chinese diaspora significantly deteriorated. In addition, Australian respondents demonstrated heightened sensitivity to perceived foreign interference from China compared to their American counterparts. Our study underscores the role of suspicions and apprehensions surrounding China-related foreign interference in shaping anti-Chinese sentiment in the Western context.

Teaching Chinese Politics in the “New Cold War”: A Survey of Faculty

The past decade has been a difficult time to be a scholar of Chinese politics. After Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, opportunities for international collaboration began disappearing, and local interlocutors became increasingly nervous about speaking with foreign researchers. Since 2016, these problems have been compounded by the increasingly tense US–China relationship. Changing attitudes and policies in both countries have hindered those who conduct research on China, work with Chinese collaborators, and recruit Chinese students. The Fulbright Program in China and Hong Kong was closed; National Institutes of Health investigations into foreign influence in US science have caused US-based scientists’ research productivity to decline; and visa restrictions have hindered efforts to recruit Chinese graduate students (Jia et al. 2023). Legal changes in China, including the 2021 Personal Information Protection Law and the 2023 revised Counter-Espionage Law, could be used to target foreign scholars who conduct research in China (Lewis 2023; McCarthy and Gan 2023). The COVID-19 pandemic compounded these challenges in several ways: it caused a rise in anti-Chinese sentiment in the United States and created severe pedagogical challenges for those teaching Chinese politics and other courses containing “sensitive” material that could put students—some now physically located in China—at risk (Gueorguiev et al. 2020).

The Development of an Incommensurable Whiteness

Mexican philosopher José Vasconcelos’s The Cosmic Race (first published in 1925) has enjoyed both considerable prestige and criticism in academic circles concerned with Chicano/a/x studies, among others. Despite frequent debates concerning Vasconcelean mestizaje, few have considered how the relationship between eugenics, public hygiene, and antichinismo (anti-Chinese sentiment) in Mexico influenced mestizaje’s development in his work. Investigating this relationship in the first place solidifies claims concerning the exclusionary function of Vasconcelean mestizaje. The influence of eugenic discourses and hygienic practices is demonstrated by the explicit racial preferences that are manifested in Vasconcelos’s public art commissions as well as his writings. Yet, I contest Vasconcelean mestizaje’s proximity to whiteness, a term frequently construed broadly and often in relation to Anglo Europe, by tracing mestizaje’s historical development in relation to Chinese immigration and labor policies in Mexico. The status of whiteness in Vasconcelos’s work has implications for Chicana/o/x studies since keystone texts and theorists, such as Gloria Anzaldúa, are criticized for their appropriation of Vasconcelos due to his alleged privileging of whiteness. Fostering a deeper understanding of the relationship between racial categories and state development, I shed light on the how material relations augment the determinable content of racial categories such as whiteness.

반중(反中) 정서의 확산 속 중국, 중국어, 중국어학습에 대한 대학생 인식 분석

This study analyzed the perceptions of students who studied beginner-level Chinese for one semester in college Chinese courses. The recent deterioration in relations between South Korea and China has led to a rise in anti-Chinese sentiment, and this could lead to a decline in Chinese language education. The purpose of this study is to find out whether they actually have a low opinion of China or the Chinese language, and whether they have negative thoughts about learning Chinese. This paper analyzed perceptions of China, Chinese language, and Chinese language learning, changes in perceptions through college Chinese class, and learners' perceptions and intentions to continue learning Chinese. The results of the analysis showed that learners themselves recognize the importance of Chinese language, and more importantly, their positive perception of Chinese language affects their willingness to continue learning Chinese in the future. It can be seen that we should focus on developing relevant teaching methods and educational contents in the future.

COVID-19, Anti-Chinese Sentiment, and Foreign Policy Attitudes in South Korea

COVID-19 generated significant anti-Chinese sentiment in South Korea. Domestic elite-level narratives regarding China at the pandemic’s onset were highly polarized: conservative parties advocated border shutdowns, emphasizing China as originating the virus, while progressive parties warned that this would incite xenophobia. Did these narratives shape anti-Chinese sentiment, and what are their foreign policy effects? Using social media data, I show that despite the polarized narratives at the elite level, attitudes of both conservative and progressive voters became unfavorable toward China following COVID-19’s onset. Furthermore, statistical analyses of survey data show that this blame is strongly associated with negative perceptions of China. Although substantively not directly linked to foreign policy, blame of China is strongly associated with rejection of foreign policy alignment with China and a shift toward supporting alignment with the US. These results have implications for understanding public support of South Korea’s foreign policy amid US–China bifurcation.

Orta Asya’da Çin’in Ekonomik Varlığı: Kazakistan Örneği

Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, China has significantly increased its economic presence in Central Asia thanks to leading Chinese institutions such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the Belt & Road Initiative (BRI), and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank AIIB. Now on the course, China is one of the most significant partners for Central Asian states. China has opened up to private business and foreign investment. State-owned banks turned saving into financing infrastructure facilities such as roads and rail links. Foreign firms were asked to set up alongside a local partner, encouraging to transfer of technology. For decades, as a result, China's economy has grown. This paper will focus on Kazakhstan as a case country in Central Asia. Diplomatic ties between Astana and Beijing developed shortly after the collapse of the former Soviet Union, with both countries moving on to co-found the Shanghai five, which later turned into the SCO. From Kazakhstan's point of view, the country's geopolitical situation leaves it no choice but to cooperate with Russia and China, Kazakhstan's two most potent and closest neighbors. Currently, Kazakhstan's strategy provides the path to China's economic outreach, while Beijing's growing investments provide Kazakhstan's path to modernization. Kazakhstan and China have extended their diplomatic ties since 1991, and since the launch of the BRI in 2013, they even furthered their economic relations are thriving. Financial integration is vital to supporting the BRI; therefore, the AIIB was established. Along with the significant growing economic influence, two main challenges require feasible solutions one is the Russian reaction to China's growing economic presence, and the other is the anti-Chinese sentiment that causes demonstrations in Kazakhstan.

The Chinese Ethnic Political Participation In Indonesian Political Development In Soe Hok Gie Film (Semiotics Study by Charles Sanders Pierce)

The post-reform era became public and government awareness of ethnic Chinese. This is evidenced by President Abdurrahman Wahid's decree to relax ethnic Chinese activities. Because in the Old Order, there was a government policy that was anti-Chinese sentiment. There is even a ban on foreigners to trade in Indonesia, as well as ethnic Chinese who become looting and mob rage, victims of sexual violence and so on. Through this Soe Hok Gie film, it depicts the participation of ethnic Chinese in solving the problem of government authoritarianism and saving Indonesia from the economic crisis. In this studyThis type of research uses library research, with a communication approach that uses media text analysis. The data collection technique in this study uses the semiotic analysis research method of Charles Sanders Peirce. The method uses Sign, Object and Interpretant to explain the content of a film.From the film Soe Hok Gie, this research has found themeaning of Sign, Object and Interpretant of ethnic Chinese political participation in the film Soe Hok Gie based on Charles Sander Peirce's semiotic theory. Finding an analysis of Sign, Object and Interpretant of ethnic Chinese political participation in political developments in Indonesia in the film Soe Hok Gie

SEXY CHINKIES IN INDIAN CITIES: CAN WE EMBRACE A SLANT-EYED MARY?

This article investigates the escalation of anti-northeastern racism during the COVID-19 pandemic in India, by analysing the existing and underlying forms of domination faced by north-eastern Indian populations living in the metropolitan cities of India. It particularly investigates the intersectionalities of caste and race, gender, LGBT, and the older form of anti-Chinese sentiment called the yellowperil myth. It explores Mary Magdalene’s life and reflects on the public and cultural narrative, while simultaneously highlighting the lived experiences of north-eastern women in Indian cities. The article compares the experience of Mary Magdalene with that of the indigenous northeastern women. It asks how Mary, if she were slant-eyed, negotiated the humiliation and discrimination of race and gender, and how the figure of Mary can help challenge the public myth and offer a site of resistance for north-eastern women, many of whom are Christian.

SHAPING APP DATA PUBLICS AS A NATIONAL SECURITY ISSUE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE CFIUS-GRINDR AND CFIUS-TIKTOK RULINGS

In March 2019, the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) labelled Grindr as a risk for national security and forced the Chinese conglomerate Kunlun Tech to divest from the queer dating app by June 2020. Later that year, the Committee launched an investigation into the Chinese company ByteDance, owner of the popular app TikTok, after it acquired the app Musical.ly in 2017. The objective of this paper is to compare how the CFIUS-TikTok and CFIUS-Grindr rulings were shaped as national security controversies, as well as to highlight how app data publics are increasingly the subject of discursive struggles to determine whether or how they constitute risk, especially amid the ongoing US-China trade conflict. Drawing from a political economy approach to communication, we collected and analyzed newspaper articles pertaining to the CFIUS-TikTok (n=294) and the CFIUS-Grindr (n=107) rulings. Our analysis highlights how both rulings were framed by construing the Chinese ownership of popular social media apps as a potential threat to US national security by conjuring anti-Chinese sentiment. However, a closer examination revealed that TikTok’s and Grindr’s data publics were made to matter differently. If the CFIUS-TikTok ruling was predominantly framed as a human rights issue, the CFIUS-Grindr investigation was made to matter by depicting LGBTQ+ citizens as higher security risks for the US because of their sexual and gender identities. This paper concludes by raising the implications that datafication poses for the LGBTQ+ communities who have little control over the regulatory frames that oversee their activities online.

Air Pollution Coverage, Anti-Chinese Sentiment, and Attitudes Towards Foreign Policy in South Korea.

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11366-023-09849-z.

Coexistence of the ethnic Chinese and Sundanese in the city of Bandung, West Java: a case study on Kampung Toleransi

ABSTRACT There has been much discussion of Indonesia’s changing policies toward ethnic Chinese and the phenomenon of anti-Chinese sentiment. However, cases where Chinese Indonesians and native Indonesians live peacefully side by side are worth investigating. This paper explores the notable tolerance and maintenance of a relatively peaceful coexistence between the Sundanese and Chinese in areas with peaceful relations of long standing between their communities. In particular, we investigate the area called Kampung Toleransi (Kampong of Tolerance), an officially designated name of the City Government of Bandung in 2018. The results show that Kampung Toleransi is a symbol of a religious and ethnic harmony. We argue that it is self-evident that the two ethnicities are living harmoniously due to general tolerance of religious and ethnic differences. By maintaining peaceful coexistence, the two communities obtain mutual benefit.

The cost of anti-Asian racism during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Anti-Chinese sentiment increased during the COVID-19 pandemic, presenting as a considerable spike in overt violence and hatred directed at Asian American individuals. However, it is less clear how subtle patterns of consumer discrimination, which are difficult to directly observe yet greatly impact Asian American livelihoods, changed through the pandemic. Here we examine this in the context of restaurants-ubiquitous small businesses that sell goods that are closely entwined with ethnicity. Using a series of surveys, online search trends and consumer traffic data, we find that Asian restaurants experienced an 18.4% decrease in traffic (estimated US$7.42 billion lost revenue in 2020) relative to comparable non-Asian restaurants, with greater decreases in areas with higher levels of support for Donald Trump. Our findings are consistent with the roles of collective blame, out-group homogeneity and ethnic misidentification in explaining how anti-China rhetoric can harm the Asian American community, underlining the importance of avoiding racism and stigmatization in political and public health communications.

American Progressivism and the U.S. Supreme Court Jurisprudence: Chinese Exclusion Cases – the Origins of the Doctrine of Consular Non-Reviewability

At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the American reform movements tried to match American ideals with the challenges of the times. Progressive attitudes highlighted the necessity of reforms. The Chinese issue, often risen in the public dialogue, was the subject of deliberation of the Supreme Court, the Congress, and the federal executive branch of government. Chae Chan Ping v. United States and subsequent cases established the doctrine of consular noneviewability referring to immigration law and delineating the scope of judicial review for decisions concerning the admission of immigrants to the United States. They also strengthened the plenary power doctrine. We may ask if the Supreme Court judgments were in conformity with the ideas of American Progressivism. Unfortunately, the Chinese Exclusion Cases were not compatible with the visions of progressive reformers and reflected anti-Chinese sentiment rather than an aspiration for reforms.

Not Your Fetish: Broaching Racialized Sexual Harassment Against Asian Women

Asian women’s paradoxical position of hypervisbility and invisibility is a result of society caricaturing and fetishizing their sexuality and bodies while simultaneously denying their humanity and personhood. Despite the long history of objectification and fetishization of Asian women in the United States, extant mental health counseling training programs and literature offer limited guidance to counselors on this concern, perpetuating an epistemic lapse in mental health counselors’ competency. With rising anti-Asian hate, the racialized COVID-19 pandemic, and anti-Chinese sentiment in the United States, there exist increased threats to Asian women’s mental health. Responding to a paucity of counseling literature, this article offers strategies grounded in the multidimensional model of broaching behavior to broach racialized sexual harassment experienced by Asian women. Implications for counselor training and future research are also offered.

Animal Welfare in China

Animal Welfare in China

National identity and anti-immigrant sentiment: Experimental evidence from Mexico

Abstract In this article, we explore how historical patterns of identity construction shape today’s attitudes towards immigrants in Mexico. Immigrants in Mexico constitute a very small percentage of the country’s population. Yet some immigrants, in particular those of Asian origin, face a strong anti-immigrant sentiment as measured in terms of opinions and opposition to their social and political incorporation. We trace contemporary anti-Chinese sentiment back to historical processes of Mexican colonisation, which resulted in a particular politics of Chinese incorporation at the turn of the 19th century. This incorporation was violently contested during and after the revolution, leading to a construction of a national identity based on openly excluding the Chinese community. Using experimental evidence, we show that anti-Asian prejudice today is well explained by looking at ethnic traits and civic norms that are endorsed by natives as being constitutive of Mexican national identity.

On Xing Tian and the Perseverance of Anti-China Sentiment Online

Sinophobia, anti-Chinese sentiment, has existed on the Web for a long time. The outbreak of COVID-19 and the extended quarantine has further amplified it. However, we lack a quantitative understanding of the cause of Sinophobia as well as how it evolves over time. In this paper, we conduct a largescale longitudinal measurement of Sinophobia, between 2016 and 2021, on two mainstream and fringe Web communities. By analyzing 8B posts from Reddit and 206M posts from 4chan’s /pol/, we investigate the origins, evolution, and content of Sinophobia. We find that, anti-Chinese content may be evoked by political events not directly related to China, e.g., the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement. And during the COVID-19 pandemic, daily usage of Sinophobic slurs has significantly increased even with the hate-speech ban policy. We also show that the semantic meaning of the words “China” and “Chinese” are shifting towards Sinophobic slurs with the rise of COVID-19 and remain the same in the pandemic period. We further use topic modeling to show the topics of Sinophobic discussion are pretty diverse and broad. We find that both Web communities share some common Sinophobic topics like ethnics, economics and commerce, weapons and military, foreign relations, etc. However, compared to 4chan’s /pol/, more daily life-related topics including food, game, and stock are found in Reddit. Our finding also reveals that the topics related to COVID-19 and blaming the Chinese government are more prevalent in the pandemic period. To the best of our knowledge, this paper is the longest quantitative measurement of Sinophobia.

"I am--I am a Chinese": The Death of Plural Identities in Mrs. Spring Fragrance

Amidst the ubiquitous racist discourse of the 19th century, Sui Sin Far emerged as a pioneering Asian American writer, dedicating her life to writing fiction, essays, and journalistic articles that combatted anti-Chinese sentiment. Situated at the complex nexus of racial, religious, and socio-economic tensions, her short story collection Mrs. Spring Fragrance (1912) illustrate the collision between Chinese efforts to preserve their cultural traditions and Western assimilatory forces. While few scholars have commented on the role of children in Mrs. Spring Fragrance, this essay draws attention to that neglected subject, arguing that Sui Sin Far represents children as malleable, organic sites for anti-Chinese authorities to reinforce constructions of singular identity. Within a nation that holds no place for the existence of the “un-American,” how do the malleable bodies of children fall victim to singularity? Coupled with Amartya Sen’s identity theory, this essay features the deconstruction of three short stories—“In the Land of the Free,” “Pat and Pan,” and “The Wavering Image”—and its characters’ complex grappling with divergent versus singular affiliations.