Ankara Agreement Research Articles

EXPECTING THE SAME RESULTS FROM DISSIMILAR LEGAL TEXTS: AN ASSESSMENT OF ASSOCIATION AGREEMENTS OF TÜRKİYE AND GREECE

In this article, the Association Agreements of Greece, which signed the first association agreement with the European Economic Community (EEC), and then Türkiye, which signed a similar agreement, were compared. It has been argued for a long time that the Athens and Ankara Agreements concluded by the EEC at that time were alike agreements, and that the Ankara Agreement was even “inspired” by the Athens Agreement. This article tries to reveal that although the aims and purposes of these Agreements are similar, they diverge considerably when examined closely both in spirit and wording. It is understood that the protection shown and the political support given to Greece played an important role in the major difference in their functioning and speed. The argument of the article is that the Athens Agreement was prepared from the very beginning by the EEC to bring Greece to full membership as quickly as possible. Indeed, thanks to this agreement, Greece entered the customs union with the EEC in 1968 and became a full member of the Union in 1981. The Ankara Agreement with Türkiye, on the other hand, appears to be a derivative agreement very close to the Athens Agreement at first glance, but it is an agreement with different important clauses and a “deliberately” weakened regulative power. As a result, the Ankara Agreement, which is still in force and forms the legal basis of the relations of Türkiye with the EU, neither at the time it was signed nor today has the proper content to carry Türkiye into full membership. It is not meaningful in this context to expect equal results from legal texts that differ in this way. This paper attempts to prove this assertion.

ANKARA İTİLAFNÂMESİ’NDEN LOZAN ANTLAŞMASI’NA, LOZAN’DAN GÜNÜMÜZE TÜRKİYE-SURİYE SINIRI

Mondros Mütarekesi sonrası Anadolu’da işgallerin başlaması üzerine Millî Mücadele başlamış; bu mücadele, Güney Cephesi’nde Fransız ordusuna karşı verilmiştir. Bu süreçte Ankara Hükûmeti, Fransızlarla yaptığı görüşmelerde Türkiye-Suriye hududunu Misâk-ı Millî çerçevesinde belirlemek istemiş; neticede 20 Ekim 1921 tarihli Ankara İtilâfnâmesi imzalanmıştır. Her ne kadar anlaşmada belirlenen sınır, Türkiye açısından geçici görülse de Lozan Antlaşması’nda aynen kabul edilmiştir. Ancak Lozan sonrası süreçte meydana gelen çeşitli hadiseler bu sınırın; tarihi, demografik ve jeopolitik gerçeklere uygun olmadığını göstermiştir. Nitekim bölgede yaşanan birtakım siyasi ve askerî gelişmeler sonucunda Hatay 1939’da Türkiye’ye katılmıştır. Yine de zaman zaman hudut hattındaki istikrarsızlık durumu devam etmiştir. 
 Zikredilen malumattan hareketle bu makalede, Türkiye-Suriye sınırının bahse konu süreçte Türkiye-Fransa arasında ne şekilde belirlendiği ele alınmış; Lozan sonrası dönemde yeniden belirlenen sınırın günümüzdeki gelişmelere yansıması incelenmiştir. Nitel araştırma metodu ile hazırlanan çalışmada başta Lozan Konferansı tutanakları olmak üzere çeşitli arşiv belgeleri ve döneme ilişkin literatürden istifade edilmiştir.

The League of Nations and Turkish political refugees in Greece in the early 1930s

With the signing of the Ankara Agreement in 1930 between Turkey and Greece, the Greek government withdrew its open support for Turkish political opponents of the Kemalist government and expelled such figures from Western Thrace. Among them were some Yüzellilikler, the 150 people proscribed by the Turkish government under the Protocol of the Lausanne Treaty of 1923. The Yüzellilikler, who had gained the status of refugees under the protection of the League of Nations as a result of the 1928 Arrangement, now turned to the League for support. Focusing on the cases of the ex-şeyhülislam Mustafa Sabri and former Ottoman police officer Namık Hilmi, this article discusses the role of the Athens Office of the Nansen International Office for Refugees of the League of Nations in supporting and strengthening the position of the Turkish political opposition to the Kemalist regime in Turkey in the early 1930s.

BACK TO THE ORIGINS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION - TURKEY RELATIONS: ESTABLISHMENT OF AN INSTITUTIONALIZED PATHWAY AND ITS SHORTCOMINGS

After the Athens Agreement signed with Greece, Turkey became the second associate member of the EEC with ister kin duthe signature of the 1963 Ankara Agreement which established an institutionalized pathway that is open to interpretation and contestation until today. The study offers an analysis based on archival data, secondary sources and a comparison of two association agreements which negotiated and signed at the same time-span but resulted in two different pathways. Based on new institutionalist approaches, the article aims to situate the agreement and the association in a historical and comparative context while tracing the origins and shortcomings of this institutionalized pathway which is still relevant for Turkey-EU relations.

European Regional Integration and its Partnership with Türkiye: An Assessment of the Specific Customs Union

International economic integrations, especially after the end of World War II, result from the long-term goals of establishing political unity based on countries' orientation towards their common economic interests. Customs unions, in which states abolish tariffs among themselves and apply common tariffs to third countries, are the next advanced stage of international integration after free trade zones. While customs unions eliminate tariffs and related taxes in trade within their jurisdiction, they also establish a common external tariff. This entails some asymmetrical disadvantages for the countries within the Union. A new step by Türkiye in its efforts to integrate with the West was its application to join the EEC in 1959. The Customs Union, defined by the Ankara Agreement signed in 1963, came into effect in 1996 as a result of the agreement made at the meeting of the Association Council of 6 March 1995 adopted "Customs Union Decision". The aim of this study is to examine the bilateral trade impact of the Customs Union between Türkiye and the EU. H1: Which fields should be included in the customs union between Türkiye and the EU? H2: How will the inclusion of trade in digital goods and services in the Customs Union affect EU-Türkiye trade? The results from the analysis covering the years of 1996-2021 showed that the Customs Union has had a positive but limited effect for the trade between EU-Türkiye. The customs union needs to be updated taking into account public procurement, agriculture and digital services.

Turkey and Non-Membership of the European Union: Issues, Prospects, and Challenges

This paper on "Turkey and Non-membership of the European Union" explores the issues, prospects, and challenges that seem intractable in Turkey's accession to European Union (EU). The paper adopted secondary sources (books, journal articles, internet materials, dailies, monographs, etc.) for data collection. The findings were analyzed using content analysis while anchoring on the integration theory, which served as its theoretical framework of analysis. It was discovered that religion and cultural identity, weak economy, demographic nature, and other reasons constitute the principal challenges impeding Turkey's membership application into the EU. The paper also revealed that Turkey is a member of NATO and its geographical location and military strength appears to favour NATO's interest in the Middle East. Nevertheless, her illegal occupation of Northern Cyprus has strongly complicated negotiations for her membership in the EU. Findings revealed further that the uncontrollable and controversial issues had negatively impacted Turkey and the European Union in areas like political, security, economic, social, and humanitarian needs of the people. Therefore, this study regrettably observed that the relationship between Turkey and the EU appears to remain a distant prospect in the unknown future. This is why the paper recommends that the EU should adopt the modernisation of Ankara's agreement and a gradual integration model as a mechanism to enhance a better working relationship with Turkey even if both parties later fail to marry together.

Foreign Policy of the Republic of Turkey on the Eve of World War II in the Publications of Modern Turkish Researchers

The article is devoted to the assessment by modern Turkish researchers of the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey on the eve of the Second World War. Therefore, in assessing the interwar period of Soviet-Turkish relations, there is a consensus between the “old” and “new” Turkish historiography, although some researchers note Ankara's desire to preserve a positive image of the USSR in the eyes of Turkish public opinion at all stages of Soviet-Turkish relations in the 1920s and 1940s. Today, Turkish historians turn their attention to the desire of the Turkish Republic to avoid war and to create a collective security system in the Eastern Mediterranean with the help of the European powers. In Turkish studies, the position of the USSR looks provocative, since it is the Soviet Union is considered to be the culprit for the fact that a similar system was not extended to the Black Sea region. Turkish historians prefer not to focus on the fact that wishing to conclude a double agreement with the USSR and the Anglo-French alliance, Turkey itself sought to avoid entering the war, but admit that at the Moscow negotiations in 1939 the USSR defended its interests, and the Molotov Pact –Ribbentrop was the result of European politics. The Ankara agreement of 1939 is interpreted as the result of unsuccessful Moscow negotiations, but the agreement itself is seen as in the interests of Turkey. Such views are associated with the desire of some Turkish researchers to revise a number of existing concepts.

Koronavirüs Pandemisinin Türkiye ve Avrupa Birliği Ülkeleri Arasındaki Dış Ticarete Etkisi

Turkey-European Union (EU) relations started with the Ankara Agreement signed on 12 September 1963 and have come to the present with the customs union agreement that entered into force on 1 January 1996. Turkey is currently a candidate country in the negotiation phase with the EU. After the customs union agreement came into force, Turkey-EU trade gained a significant momentum. However, international trade has been adversely affected during the COVID 19 Pandemic. The aim of this article is to reveal whether the EU trade, which has a share of at least 50% in Turkey's foreign trade, is affected by this process. Our analysis using monthly data for the period January 2020-June 2021 showed that the ratio of deaths to total new cases of COVID-19 has a negative impact on Turkey-EU trade. On the other hand, it has been observed that GDP, population, and exchange rates have a positive effect on foreign trade.

Analysing EU Treaty-Making and Litigation With Network Analysis and Natural Language Processing

We apply network analysis and topic modeling techniques to explore the evolution of the European Union's treaty making activity and the patterns of litigation they have given rise to. Our analysis reveals that, despite the expansion of the bloc's policy remit, its treaty-making activity retains a strong economic focus. Among the many agreements negotiated by EU institutions, the European Economic Agreement, the Ankara Agreement with Turkey and the World Trade Organization Agreement form the largest clusters of litigated cases. EU international agreements are disproportionately litigated in cases pertaining to residence rights and competition law.

Butterfly Effect in Turkey-European Union Relations: Turkey’s Candidacy Process

From the beginning up to now, Turkey – European Union (EU) relations have been quite problematic. With the Ankara Agreement signed in 1963, the relations were set on a legal basis and continued within the framework of this agreement. However, then-Prime Minister Turgut Özal applied for full membership on April 14, 1987 before reaching the final chapter and the EU-Turkey relations entered a new dimension. After the application for full membership, the EU adopted a partnership model in its relations with Turkey rather than full membership, arguing that it would be useful to sustain relations with this model in the fields of Customs Union, technical area, trade and industry. In this process, when the decision was taken at Agenda 2000 and Luxemburg Summits to negotiate with the former Eastern Bloc countries, Turkey could not even obtain candidacy status. However, Turkey suddenly gained the status of candidate country with the Helsinki Summit held in 1999. Although the capture of Abdullah Öcalan in Kenya embassy of Greece, the US pressures and many other factors such as the 1999 earthquake are stated to be effective in obtaining the candidacy status, the main factor was the correspondence between Bülent Ecevit and Gerard Schröder. After obtaining the candidacy status, the relations between the two parties considerably improved and negotiations between the EU and Turkey started on October 3, 2005. In this vein, this study is designed to elaborate on the EU-Turkey relations from the application for full membership to the process of negotiations. The study is tackled by means of the Butterfly Effect theory and it will be revealed that simple correspondence has had a major role in the development of the relations between the two sides.

A Different Perspective on the Discussion Regarding the Update of the Customs Union: Is it an Alternative to Full Membership Process?

Türkiye’nin Avrupa Birliği ile ilişkileri 31 Temmuz 1959’daki ortaklık başvurusuyla başlamış ve 12 Eylül 1963’te imzalanan Ankara Anlaşması ile yasal bir zemine oturmuştur. Ankara Anlaşması’na göre ortaklık ilişkisi hazırlık, geçiş ve son dönem olmak üzere üç döneme ayrılmıştır. Türkiye Avrupa Topluluğu arasında 6 Mart 1995’te kurulan Gümrük Birliği, Türkiye-Topluluk ilişkilerine yeni bir boyut kazandırmıştır. Gümrük Birliği ile Ankara Anlaşması’nda belirtilen son döneme geçilirken diğer yandan da Türkiye ekonomisi canlanmaya başlamıştır. Son dönemlerde Türkiye ile Topluluk arasındaki Gümrük Birliği’nin eksiklerinin olduğu ve güncellenmesi gerektiği üzerinde durulmaya başlanmış ve Dünya Bankası’na Gümrük Birliği’nin değerlendirilmesine ilişkin bir rapor hazırlatılmıştır. Bu rapor çerçevesinde Gümrük Birliği’nde bazı alanların sürece eklemlenmesiyle iki taraf arasındaki ekonomik ilişkilerin daha iyi olacağı öngörülmüştür. Ancak bu durum Topluluğun Türkiye ile tam üyelik dışında farklı bir ilişki kurmak istediğine ilişkin tartışmaları da gündeme getirmiştir. Bu bağlamda bu çalışma Gümrük Birliği’nin güncellenmesinin Türkiye-Topluluk ilişkilerinde tam üyelik dışında bir ilişkiye işaret edip etmediğini realist bir çerçeveden ele alarak analiz edecektir.

A Tale of (almost) 1001 Coefficients: The Deep and Heterogeneous Effects of the EU‐Turkey Customs Union

AbstractIn view of the deferred start of negotiations for the modernization of the customs union between the EU and Turkey (CU‐EUT), we looked back and analysed the ex post trade consequences of the CU‐EUT. Employing up‐to‐date econometric best practices for regional integration agreements, we quantified both the total and the heterogeneous trade effects of the CU‐EUT. In contrast with most previous studies, our results indicate that the CU‐EUT made a significantly positive, large and robust impact, implying there was an additional increase in EU‐Turkey trade in manufacturing by 55–65 per cent compared with that during the previously active Ankara Agreement. We also provide evidence that the CU‐EUT significantly increased Turkey's trade with non‐member countries of the CU‐EUT. Additionally, a substantial heterogeneity in the CU‐EUT effect was found across different industries as well as for each of its member countries and the direction of trade. We linked the heterogeneity of up to 911 coefficient estimates to the differences in initial trade costs and show that it cannot be ascribed to reductions in bilateral tariff rates.

The Reaction of Italy in the Process Annexation of Hatay to Turkey.

Misakımillî sınırları içinde olduğu hâlde, 20 Ekim 1921’de Ankara hükûmeti ile Fransa arasında yapılan anlaşma ve Lozan Barış Antlaşması’nda Türkiye, bazı özerk hükümler içermekle birlikte, Hatay’ın Suriye’de kalmasını kabul etmişti. Hatay’ı “Şahsi meselesi” olarak gören Atatürk, “Kırk asırlık Türk yurdu yaban ellerde kalamaz” diyerek Türkiye’nin niyetini ve kararlılığını göstermiştir. Avrupa’da 1930’ların ikinci yarısında ortaya çıkan tablo, Türkiye’nin İngiltere ve Fransa ile ilişkilerini bir ittifaka götürdü. Bu süreçte Fransa’nın Suriye’de manda idaresine son vermesini, Türkiye, Hatay konusunda bir fırsat olarak gördü. Görüşmeler sonunda Hatay, önce özerk, ardından bağımsız bir yapıya kavuştu ve nihayet Hatay parlamentosu 29 Haziran 1939’da son toplantısını yaparak oybirliğiyle aldığı bir kararla Türkiye’ye ilhak etmiştir.
 
 Suriye ile ilgisi daha önceki yıllara gitmekle birlikte, İtalya’nın bölgeye dönük faaliyetleri 1930’larda arttı. Bütün dış politikasını sömürgecilik üzerine kuran Mussolini İtalya’sı, Fransa’nın çekilmesi durumunda Suriye’ye yerleşmeyi planlıyordu. Bu nedenle 23 Haziran 1939’da Sancak meselesi hakkında Türk-Fransız antlaşmasının imzalanması İtalya Devleti ve basınını ayağa kaldırdı. İtalyan basınında, Türk-İngiliz-Fransız yakınlaşmasını eleştiren yazılar çıkmaya başladı. Asıl tepki İtalya hükûmeti tarafından gösterildi ve İtalya, Fransa’ya 10 Temmuz 1939’da bir nota verdi. Söz konusu notada, 23 Haziran 1939 tarihli Türk-Fransız antlaşmasına atıfta bulunularak, San Remo’da 24 Nisan 1920’de İngiltere, Fransa ve İtalya arasında alınan karar gereğince, İtalya’nın haberi ve rızası olmadan böyle bir antlaşma yapılamayacağını ileri sürdü. Bu nota, zaten derin bir güvensizlik döneminden geçmekte olan Türkiye-İtalya ilişkilerinde olumsuz bir rol oynadı. Aslında mesele sadece Türkiye-İtalya ilişkileriyle sınırlı değildi. İtalya’nın tepkisi Türkiye’ye olduğu kadar Türkiye-İngiltere-Fransa arasında oluşan ittifaka da yöneliktir.

Turkey–EU Agricultural Relations and Its Future

The beginning of Turkey-EU agricultural relations is based on the Ankara Agreement establishing Turkey-EU relations. In the Ankara Agreement, it was decided that the (European) Community would provide economic assistance to Turkey for a period of time for the development of the Turkish economy, a customs union would be established between the parties in order to achieve the objectives of the Partnership Agreement, and a three-step integration process was foreseen in this regard. In the Ankara Agreement, a preferential transition has been provided to Turkey in traditional export products that have a significant place in Turkey's agriculture during the preparation period, which covers the 1963-1973 years. The nature of commercial and economic relations in the transitional period is determined by the Additional Protocol. With the added protocol, the agricultural sector was excluded from the Customs Union and it was decided to continue to implement preferential regime and to take measures towards Common Agricultural Policy until the end of transition period. Association Council Resolutions numbered 1/80, 1/95 and 1/98 includes important agricultural issues. Turkey's candidacy for membership was accepted with the Decisions of the Helsinki Summit on 10-11 December 1999 and negotiations started on 3 October 2005. Three of the 35 chapters determined by the negotiation framework document are related to agriculture (11, 12 and 13th chapters). With the start of negotiations, a two stage screening process has been conducted. On 9 November 2006, the EU decided that the 8 chapters would not open to negotiations and no chapter would be provisionally closed until Turkey confirmed that it had fulfilled its commitments to the Additional Protocol (opening its ports of sea and air from Turkey to the Greek Cypriot administration). Among these chapters are Agriculture and Rural Development (Chapter 11) and Fishing (Chapter 13). Agricultural trade relations continue under the concessional regime. The EU is making frequent changes in the Common Agricultural Policy, and the target to adapt is constantly changing. With Brexit, the future of the EU has begun to be debated. Talks on the TTIP agreement, expected to closely affect Turkey's trade, have been interrupted. It is also discussed that agricultural and services trade to be included in the Customs Union. In this context, this paper aims to discuss Turkey-EU agricultural relations and the possible future of these relations. Keywords : Turkey, EU, agricultural relations, agricultural integration. DOI : 10.7176/JSTR/5-4-25

Social security coordination in Association Agreements

In March 2012, the European Commission adopted a Communication on the external dimension of EU social security coordination. On the one hand, the Commission explained that social security coordination between the EU and rest of the world is dealt with at a national level. On the other hand, the Commission argued that a common EU approach to social security coordination with third countries was under development. This common EU approach to social security coordination consists of a number of elements. One element relates to Association Agreements and Stabilisation and Association Agreements. These Agreements and specific Decisions taken by Association Councils (established by such Agreements) stipulate rules, which govern social security coordination for workers and their families, who move between the EU and the associated country. According to the Commission, once the Association Council Decisions are adopted, the common EU approach to social security coordination will be implemented. Six years after the publication of the 2012 European Commission Communication, questions arise as to whether or not the Association Agreements have been implemented, and the reasons for this.This article seeks to examine and contrast selected Association Agreements and Stabilisation and Association Agreements (SAAs), which provide social security rules for the nationals of the contracting parties. These will include the Ankara Agreement concluded with Turkey, the Euro-Mediterranean Agreements with Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, and the SAAs with the Balkan countries. The aim of this article is to provide an overarching overview of the different legal positions that third-country nationals may rely on, based on their nationality, and to explore whether or not Association Agreements have been implemented in terms of social security coordination rules.

The Case of Flag of Iskenderun From Mondros to Ankara Agreement, the Reaction of Mustafa Kemal Pasha Against the Invasions and Activities of Tayfur (Sökmen) Bey (1918-1921)

Osmanli Devleti topraklari uzerinde menfaatleri olan ve biran once buralara sahip olma istegi duyan I. Dunya Savasi galibi somurgeci devletler, 30 Ekim 1918 tarihli Mondros Ateskes Antlasmasi ile beklentilerine ulastilar. Bu tarih Osmanli’nin parcalanip isgal edilmesinin baslangici, Osmanli Devlet’in ise sonu olacakti. Bu sonu getiren isgaller ise, en cok Ingiltere ve Fransa tarafindan istenen Guney Akdeniz ve Ortadogu’da yogunlasacakti. Bu bolgelerin gerek cografi konumlari gerekse sahip olduklari zenginlikler, buraya sahip olma mucadelesini daha da keskinlestiriyordu. Devletin icine dustugu bu isgal hali karsisinda, ulkenin geleceginden endiseye dusenler, bu durumu en az kayipla atlatabilmek icin mucadeleye coktan baslamislardi. Bu calismada, Mondros sonrasi Mustafa Kemal Pasa’nin isgal girisimlerine karsi ilk tepkileri ortaya koyulmaya calisilirken, Iskenderun Sancagi mucadelesinde de Tayfur Sokmen’in faaliyetleri degerlendirilmistir.

A Neverending Story: The Free Movement of Turkish Workers Within the European Union

The relations between Turkey and the European Union (EU) rest on an association regime in force for more than fifty years, as established by the Ankara Association Agreement. With the Athens Agreement signed with Greece, the Ankara Agreement constitutes one of the two association agreements that the EU has concluded with third countries providing the free movement of workers between the contracting parties under an ambitious framework. However, notwithstanding the explicit affirmations in existing legal texts, the arrangements put in place by the association law have not been realized and the external policies towards Turkish nationals have been tightened up. Indeed, there is a considerable gap, not only between the starting point of the contracting parties and their current state of affairs concerning the conception of social integration, but also between the wording of the provisions adopted and their practice. The present contribution strives to discuss the influence of political and economic momentum in the formation of this gap and especially on the European Court of Justice’s ways of approaching the association regime concerning the freemovement of Turkish workers within the European Commission (EC), as established by the Association Agreement, the Additional Protocol and the decisions of the Association Council.

Euro-Scepticism In Turkey of AKP Period in the Context of Temporary Tensions and Permanent Interests

Turkey’s relationship with the European Union (EU) has a long history that reaches back to its application for associate membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) in July 1959 and the resulting Ankara Agreement in 1963. Turkey made its official membership application in 1987 and was granted official candidate status in 1999. Throughout this long process, Turkish political elites perceived EU membership as an ideal for Turkey and highlighted their commitment to their alization of Turkish accession to the EU. However this ideal, began to change towards the second half of the 2000s. Many commentators take October 2005 the official start of membership negotiations between Turkey and the EU, as the beginning of the end, the turning point where the ‘golden age’ of the EU membership project ended, after which it gradually began to Euroscepticism. There are more than enough reasons for the growing Euroscepticism in Turkey. In this context, the study aims to analyze the reasons of Euroskepticism in Turkey with particular focus on Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi-AKP (Justice and Development Party) and how this suspicion would affect the membership course.

The eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee and Turkey’s eu Accession Process

After the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Turkey started negotiations with the European Communities to define a framework for cooperation. The result was the Ankara Agreement (1965), which established economic cooperation and provided for an eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (jpc), conceived as a discussion forum to encourage the democratic transition of Turkey. This article analyses the main phases and obstacles in Turkey’s accession process, focusing on relations between the European Parliament and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and on the effectiveness of European Parliament and jpc activities. The analysis particularly considers the respect for the Copenhagen political criteria with regard to minorities’ rights, the Cyprus dispute, and the role of religion in Turkey. The concluding remarks discuss the European Parliament’s role in overcoming the current deadlock in the Turkish accession process.

Osmanlı Devleti nden Cumhuriyet Dönemine Geçiş Sürecinde Süleyman Şah Türbesi nin Konumu

A piece of land known as the grave of Suleyman Shah and some land around the grave have transferred from the Seljuks to the Ottoman Empire, and finally to the Republic of Turkey since more than seven hundred years is a significant heritage. The grave attributed to Suleyman Shah situated in the Ja'ber Castle was accepted as a Turkish Grave for centuries. After the First World War when Syria district was occupied by France, Ja'ber region has been also detached from the Ottoman domination. It is understood that the issue that the area, in which Suleyman Shah tomb took place, should belong to Turkey was imposed to France by Ankara government in accordance with perform in line with the objectives of the National Pact. At the National Independence period, especially between May and October 1921 diplomacy was applied by Government of Grand National Assembly of Turkey has reached success and finally, Article 9 of Ankara Agreement the fact that Tomb of Suleyman Shah belongs to territory of Turkey has been accepted by France