Anglo-American Policy Research Articles

Rankings and their limits: the role of global university rankings in university mergers in Finland

ABSTRACT Studies of global university rankings often assume that rankings as Anglo-American policy scripts have an increasing influence resulting in a convergence of policies and practices, or that the ideas of rankings continue to diverge into national types. In this article, we take a middle ground by arguing that when an idea of ranking is grounded in a particular place, it takes on hybrid forms because of individual agency and of national and local contingencies that are found at that place. A key concept is “a frictional translation”, by which we refer to more than one way in which capable actors can interpret and translate the idea of ranking within a given geographical and organizational context. We use university mergers in Finland as an example of the translation process, in which global university rankings are interpreted through nationally and locally specific assemblages of institutional forms that support, resist or hybridize them.

COVID Keynesianism: locating inequality in the Anglo-American crisis response

AbstractCOVID Keynesianism evaluates the USA and UK’s economic response to the COVID-19 pandemic and compares it to the previous iterations of the Anglo-American policy response template. The analysis details the morbid character of neoliberal state intervention by tracing the distributional routes of monetary and fiscal measures into global corporations and across the domestic economy. The comparative findings show the degree to which emergency economic relief measures, despite their size and early success, have amplified the fault lines of inequality. The argument is that monetary flows generated windfall wealth gains for the already wealthy, while fiscal flows provided temporary gains and provisions for those on low-incomes and in deprived regions. Neoliberal efforts to protect wealth-holdings are discussed with reference to the structural conditions that generate permanent crises.

Kemalist Turkey and the Palestinian question, 1945–1948

This article analyses Turkey’s policy vis-à-vis the Palestinian Question from the end of the Second World War to the final months of 1948. During this interval, the main foreign policy issue on the agenda of the Turkish policy makers was the Soviet menace, against which the Turks sought the assistance of the British and the Americans. However, they did not align their Palestine policy with that of the Anglo-Americans, which supported the Zionist project. The Turks, who portrayed the Arabs in their school textbooks as traitors due to the revolt of Sharif Hussein during the First World War, endorsed the Arab cause in Palestine. The Kemalists were convinced that Palestine was historically Arab. Besides, they were co-religionists with the Arabs. Therefore, according to Ankara, the Arabs should have their own independent state in Palestine. In fact, far from following the Anglo-American policy in Palestine blindly, the Turkish government tried to persuade the Anglo-Americans to the Arab cause.

Datafication of schooling in Japan: an epistemic critique through the ‘problem of Japanese education’

ABSTRACTJuxtaposed with the emerging body of literature about datafication in schooling, this paper examines the increasing encroachment of data into the Japanese education system, in particular, the use of data associated with standardised academic assessments for governance purposes. In so doing, we use the Japanese ‘case’ to expose the possible limits of the existing English-language scholarship on this phenomenon. By providing a contextualised, descriptive account of how data is incorporated into the three layers of Japanese education bureaucracy (municipal, prefectural, national), we call into question the assumed universality of datafication in schooling and its effect as proffered by Anglo-American education policy scholars. Using the Japanese case, the study elucidates the ways in which the particular policy context of the Anglo-American countries, where datafication has been extensively studied, sets certain limits on the existing discussion and leaves underexplored certain questions that might be more relevant to countries and regions beyond Anglo-American education policy contexts.

Corporate governance and postcolonialism: the experience of Sri Lanka

This paper explores the perceived adequacy of Anglo-American corporate governance reforms in an emerging market. Using a perception survey of Sri Lanka's corporate governance stakeholders, 277 questionnaire survey responses from five stakeholder groups in Sri Lanka are used in factor and regression analyses. This empirical study finds that adoption of best practice Anglo-American policies and regulations do not result in the perception of good corporate governance by stakeholders. The application of postcolonial theory offers an insight into this discrepancy. Current technical modes of investigation only replicate the modernity narrative. Policy setters and regulators should consider corporate governance as a cultural practice as well as a technical practice, to better serve stakeholder perceptions. This study introduces postcolonial theory as a means of cultural evaluation of corporate governance practices.

On the Chatham House project: interwar actors, networks, knowledge

It was the consensus of the Anglo-American policy intellectuals gathered in Paris in 1919 that new actors, new institutions, and new networks were required to deal with the disruption caused by the Great War. The post-1919 re/construction of international society was thus an attempt to identify and frame interests, rules and institutions that would provide the foundations for an ordered world of states. This emerging policy elite argued the case for new institutions to manage international affairs, and advocated educating the citizenry of the more advanced nations to accept the responsibilities implicit in the idea of an ‘international mind’. A cautious institutional liberalism was to replace the unaccountable rulers and foreign policy elites of the previous era; ‘international relations’ as an academic discipline was required to provide the technical knowledge needed for policy conceptualisation and formation. The Chatham House network flourished between the wars, transforming the way foreign policy was formulated, understood and practiced.

From Bridge to Divide: East–West Relations and Christianity during the Second World War and Early Cold War

This article explores the use made of Christianity during the Second World War and the dilemmas created for the Allies by Stalin's religious record. It is particularly concerned with the way in which Christianity appeared for a while to become a bridge between East and West, with the explicit promise of continued post-war co-operation. However, in the immediate aftermath of the war, Anglo-American policies in particular switched from using Christianity to rehabilitate the adverse image of the Soviet regime to what had been the inter-war policy of using religion to demonise it. Inter-war demonisation held up the Soviet Union as a model not to be emulated. Post-war demonisation pointed to the Soviet Union as an expansionist threat bent on world domination. The article examines Stalin's responses, and Allied perceptions of those responses, to the changes in Western religious policy and propaganda from the Second World War to the emergence of the cold war. The article seeks to show how both sides used religion for political purposes, but that in the final analysis Western reluctance to relinquish what was perhaps its most emotive means of indicting and containing Communism meant that Christianity, instead of becoming a bridge, became a divisive factor that contributed to both the onset of the cold war and public acceptance of it.

Jerusalem in Anglo-American policy in the immediate wake of the June 1967 war

Jerusalem's status has remained indeterminate since the approval of the UN General Assembly Resolution 181 in November 1947. Following the 1948 war, the US acknowledged de facto Israeli and Jordanian control in their respective sectors of Jerusalem, but refused to recognize Western Jerusalem as Israel's capital. After Israel captured the Old City during the 1967 Six Day War, the question of the city's status became a focus of US and British concern. The two states formulated a variety of proposals regarding the future of the city and the holy places. In the end, however, they realized that no agreed formula could be found, and therefore they refrained from taking a clear stand on the issue and did not offer the UN and the belligerents a comprehensive plan.

Humanitarian intervention: confronting the contradictions

If a state carries out or sanctions atrocities on a mass scale within its borders, is there an international right, or even duty, to intervene in support of the victims? Or does this notion undermine state sovereignty at the expense of weaker states? These are key questions in the debate on humanitarian intervention, which has become increasingly polarised in the twenty-first century. Many now view this as little more than a rationale for Western neo-imperialism, while others uphold it as a crusade for liberal democracy and individual rights.This book seeks to establish an alternative position. It critiques current international policies by examining their impact on developing and transitional countries, and it also argues that military interventions have had limited success in building sustainable peace. But it endorses the notion of a 'responsibility to protect', suggesting that a more progressive future would be possible if this were interpreted radically and combined with an enlarged conception of 'humanitarianism' that addressed issues of global inequality and poverty.This work will have particular resonance for those who have opposed recent Anglo-American policy, but have simultaneously believed that 'something must be done' to save those threatened with genocide or other atrocities. Drawing on a range of disciplines and offering a distinct approach, it is aimed at all those who wish to understand a complex issue of contemporary importance. It will be particularly useful for students of international relations, contemporary history, peace and conflict studies, international law, politics, and development studies, and those working in NGOs.

Preventing the ‘Smiling Buddha’: British-Indian nuclear relations and the Commonwealth Nuclear force, 1964–68

This article examines two related issues: the policy objectives pursued by the British government to prevent India from developing nuclear weapons and the challenges presented to the Indian government in balancing Gandhian idealism with the reality of nuclear diplomacy. Building on recent research, the following issues are explored: the implementation of Anglo-American non-proliferation policy in Asia, the provision of security guarantees for India and Pakistan and the UK proposal to establish a Commonwealth Nuclear force as a means of maintaining British influence in the region. The analysis is placed within the context of Britain's overall defence policy during the 1960s focusing particularly on the British withdrawal from East of Suez and the development of nuclear-sharing arrangements within NATO. The article argues that the Wilson government regarded security guarantees for India as an obstacle towards the successful conclusion of a non-proliferation agreement. Britain's primary objective in advancing the concept of a Commonwealth Nuclear Force was not to increase Indian security in the face of Chinese nuclear threats but to explore possible options to internationalise Britain's nuclear forces after initial plans for a NATO nuclear force had failed.

Anglo-American Policy towards the Free French.

Anglo-American Policy towards the Free French.

G. E. Maguire. <italic>Anglo-American Policy towards the Free French</italic>. (St. Antony's Series.) New York: St. Martin's, in association with St. Antony's College, Oxford. 1995. Pp. x, 210. $59.95

G. E. Maguire. <italic>Anglo-American Policy towards the Free French</italic>. (St. Antony's Series.) New York: St. Martin's, in association with St. Antony's College, Oxford. 1995. Pp. x, 210. $59.95

Anglo-American Policy on German Reparations from Yalta To Potsdam

Anglo-American Policy on German Reparations from Yalta To Potsdam

Anglo-American policy towards the free French

Anglo-American policy towards the free French

The Dragon, the Lion, and the Eagle: Chinese-British-American Relations, 1949-1958 (review)

Reviews 289 Qiang Zhai. The Dragon, the Lion, and the Eagle: Chinese-British-American Rektions, 1949-1958. Kent (Ohio) and London: The Kent State University Press, 1994. xi, 284 pp. Hardcover $32.00. This is the only available one-volume survey ofrelations among the United States, Great Britain, and the People's Republic of China (PRC). Zhai sets out to examine "Anglo-American policy toward die PRC between 1949 and 1958 and the reaction ofthe Chinese Communist Party" (p. 1), and "to describe in detail the role ofindividual policy makers" of the PRC in order to "enrich understanding the CCP's foreign policy" (p. 3). While Zhai has generally done a good job in reconstructing the debates among American and British policy makers on issues like Soviet-PRC relations, Tibet, the Korean War, the partition ofVietnam, and die two Taiwan Straits crises, one cannot say the same in the case of the PRC. Despite Zhai's claim to the contrary, this work does not explain the policy process in the PRC. Here and there Zhai refers to decisions made or instructions issued by individual Chinese leaders, notably Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. However, there is no interpretative framework for understanding die PRCs foreign policy. Nor is tiiere an exposition ofhow policies on external relations were made in die PRC in this period. As to the U.S. and Britain's respective policies toward China, Zhai's account is also somewhat patchy and sometimes superficial. There are indeed glaring omissions , too. For example, one is bewildered that Hong Kong appears only in passing , even though one would have expected it to be potentially the most explosive issue between Britain and the PRC. After all, on the only occasion when Western forces and die PLA engaged in combat during the Chinese Civil War (viz. the Amethyst Incident of 1949), die foreign forces were British units based in Hong Kong, and Britain subsequently massively expanded its small garrison in Hong Kong, made up mainly ofinfantry, to a force of30,000 supported by tanks, heavy artillery, fighters, bombers, and a powerful fleet including an aircraft carrier, as the PLA swept across southern China. Why was such an apparently hostile military buildup by die British, which surpassed anything the Americans did before the Korean War, ignored in this work? Zhai's neglect ofHong Kong either leads to or reflects a failure to put into perspective not only Britain's China policy, but also the PRC's policy toward die British and an important element in Anglo-American cooperation. Since the© 1995 by University pRC's foreign policy was focused upon national reunification, why did Beijing igofHawai 'iPressnQre ^ Hong Kong quesuon? JnJ5 [s particularlyodd since Britain had made a wartime commitment to discuss the future of Hong Kong after the defeat ofJapan with die government of China, which under British law was the PRC govern- 290 China Review International: Vol. 2, No. 1, Spring 1995 ment by January 1950. Likewise, this omission means Zhai has overlooked die fact that Britain's policy toward die U.S. in the Far East was also, to an extent, dictated by die British need and policy to enlist U.S. support in the defense of Hong Kong, particularly should die PRC invade widi Soviet backing. In short, Zhai is reasonably good at reconstructing the policy debates on his chosen topics as represented in the archives and personal memoirs that he has consulted. He is weak in working out the frameworks upon which were based die policies of die diree powers concerned, and has failed to identify the unifying theme in their triangular relations. This work also suffers from another serious omission: it completely ignores Taiwan or the Republic of China as an actor even though the two Taiwan Straits crises constitute about a quarter of the book. This is a pity, as important questions such as Taipei's input into the making of the United States' China policy— for example, over the level ofU.S. military involvements during the two Straits crises—has not been taken properly into account. Zhai's analysis ofU.S. policy toward die Straits crises is hollow because he ignores the actual military situation there, particularly...

Blowing Smoke: Anglo-American Policy and Drugs in East Asia

Blowing Smoke: Anglo-American Policy and Drugs in East Asia

Rose, Edgar A. (ed.), "New Roles for Old Cities: Anglo-American Policy Perspectives on Declining Urban Regions" (Book Review)

Rose, Edgar A. (ed.), "New Roles for Old Cities: Anglo-American Policy Perspectives on Declining Urban Regions" (Book Review)

The Asian Revolution

I SHALL be talking primarily about India, but what I say applies to India's immediate neighbours-hence the title 'The Asian Revolution'-and indeed applies also to many countries outside Asia: for instance to the Middle East (which Indians call, with some justice, West Asia) and to Africa, where I spent two and a half months at the very beginning of last year. I think that the historians of the future will not regard this as primarily the space-age; they will regard it as primarily the age of the Asian Revolution. This is a far more important thing than hurling hardware; it is, in fact, something that concerns very many more people than are concerned in any way whatsoever with the Sputnik and the Explorer. What is meant by the term 'Asian Revolution' is that all over Asia an attempt is being made to catch up with the West by having an industrial revolution in the twentieth century. In this way underdeveloped countries all over the world hope to improve their standard of living, to cease being dependent primarily on agriculture and primary products, and to become industrialized countries with their own steel plants and their own ability to produce their own goods for their own people. I call it the Asian Revolution because in Asia it involves the two most populous countries in the world-India and China, which between them have about a thousand million souls-and what is happening there is the core of what is happening in the world today. For these two countries are not only both involved in the same revolution; they are in competition with each other over the methods to be used. In this particular competition, India is our standardbearer, the standard-bearer of the free world, and China is the standardbearer of the Communist world. It is easy to say that India is not necessarily the best standard-bearer of the free world. What is certain is that it is so, and that peoples far outside Asia recognize this. I have found many people who would question whether India is, in fact, part of the free world and who would, in particular, point to India's actions in Kashmir, her vote over Hungary, her opposition to most Anglo-American policies, the way that she behaved at the time of Suez, and so on, as examples of India's faithlessness to the West. This is a key question: how do you judge whether a country is part of the free world or not? Partly, of course, by its foreign policy, but only partly, and India's foreign policy is too much discussedbecause while it is extremely difficult to write about India's internal 273

The Search for Anglo-American Policy

The Search for Anglo-American Policy

Anglo-American Policy In Greece

Anglo-American Policy In Greece