Ancillary Organizations Research Articles

Field and Ecology Approaches to Journalism Innovation: The Role of Ancillary Organizations

ABSTRACTThis study assesses the roles played by journalism support organizations or “ancillary” organizations – professional associations, training centers, foundations, labs – in the dynamics of journalism innovation, from the perspectives of field theory and ecology theory. Innovation in data and computational journalism serves as the study’s case example. The roles played by ancillary organizations within a changing, complex journalism space are increasingly important, and understudied. Both field and ecology approaches describe ancillary organizations as agents of innovation, but they explain the dynamics differently. Field approaches assume ancillary organizations “consecrate” innovations, and that innovations result from oppositional stances to established practices. Ecology approaches assume ancillary organizations foster interaction, which leads to shared ideas about innovation. The study is based on interviews with various agents in the data journalism space, including working data journalists and ancillary organization leaders. Findings suggest both field and ecology theories are helpful in explaining the innovation process. Field theory is especially helpful for explaining the structural contexts and strategy of innovation, while ecology approaches take a more organic approach, shedding light on the role of human interaction in the adaptation, change and growth of innovation.

Beyond Essentialist and Functionalist Analyses of the "Politicisation of Religion": The Evolution of Religious Parties in Political Catholicism and Political Islam

The debate about “politics and religion” has already rejected essentialist claims of fundamental differences in the impact of religion on politics in different cultures. This article will argue that political Islam in Turkey and political Catholicism in Italy and Germany adopted remarkably similar patterns of cross-class coalitions and policies for a “reconciliation of capitalism and democracy”. First, religious parties developed as mass integration parties which already encompassed cross-class coalitions. Second, in the aftermath of political and economic crises these parties transformed into catch-all parties with a pronounced neo-liberal agenda which was given a religious justification. Third, at the same time these parties continued to sponsor policies and organizations which cushioned and supplemented an uneven economic development. Fourth, the parties kept traditional family policies which helped attracting a significant female electorate. “Organized religion” provided religious parties with a potential electorate, ancillary organizations and ideological concepts; however, their role in this political evolution changed. The conclusion will discuss whether these findings can be generalized.

Foreign Terrorist Organizations and the Listing Process in a Post-9/11 Context

There are many counterterrorism tools at the disposal of the U.S. government. Yet, as with many of the quivers in the foreign policy arsenal, the proof of policy efficacy lies in follow-through, consistency, or oversight and more basic than connecting dots on assumptions developed on collected and analyzed data. It has to do with policy-makers and executive branch officials implementing and following the legal parameters established through the rigorous legislative and administrative processes that our federal system does so well and that the courts uphold. This paper reviews a policy tool in the counterterrorism effort: the targeting, identification, and listing of individuals and groups involved, or suspected of involvement, in terror-related activities. It advances that the listing process is an important legal and symbolic tool in the war effort that must be enhanced to better deal with post-9/11/01 realities. As a result of the seemingly disheveled process with regards to the MEK and its ancillary organizations, it appears that the matter might once again be headed to our federal courts. The question will probably posed shall be: How can the MEK and ancillary organizations remain on the FTO list if it has been under DoD protection since 2003? While there could be colorable due process arguments raised with regards to U.S. citizens in the camps, and there are a few Americans in those camps, the suit could once again afford an FTO a forum to raise issues against a state sponsor of terror, Iran. This gives a new meaning to the enemy of my enemy is my friend (MEK v. Iran equals good for U.S. interests?). The country has entered a phase of more acute conflict and engagement as the U.S. takes necessary efforts to hold state and non-state actors accountable for acts of terror and prevent and minimize the impact of future attacks. The federal government needs to organize itself and enforce a structure that is responsive to our needs today and beyond. A robust listing process should be part of the regime as it is an important legal and symbolic tool in the war effort that must be enhanced to better deal with post-9/11/01 realities.

Reflections and Visions: 50 Years of Presidential Addresses

Reflections and Visions: 50 Years of Presidential Addresses

Divine Intervention

In the closing decades of the Victorian period (1870-1900), Canadian trades unionists along with few socialists and agrarian rebels launched more than 133 working-class newspapers. These paperssome of which survived well into the twentieth century-were central to labour's efforts to check the unbridled development of big business in Canada. More important, they were the intellectual forum for the merger of Christian humanism and working-class interests that laid the foundation for the reformist politics that exists in most parts of Canada today. This article focuses on some of those labour journalists and how they sought to reform organized Christianity, invoking Christian theology and tradition in upholding the dignity and rights of the working class. Throughout their long struggle, these journalists battled collusion between big business and institutionalized religion, arguing that industrial capitalists actively exploited the Christian church and co-opted its leadership. These journalists and their ideas are important because they helped to give birth to nonconformist, quasi-secular, reformist, puritanical ideology that eventually provided the foundations for Canadian social democracy and relegated materialist, atheistic socialism to the margins of Canadian political life.' It is not the result that concerns us here, but the path that led to it. Religious reform had to occur before any notions of political interventionism could take root. Labour journalists recognized that religion, specifically the non-theological codes of human conduct contained in Christian teachings, played significant role in defining working-class behaviour. Respect and reverence for clerical figures was an attitude prevalent in working-class communities. It was milder version of earlier deferent social relationships which existed when quasi-feudal Church of England-based institutions shaped Canadian political and social life prior to the coming of democratic government in 1848.' Their autocratic rule ensured that religious notions underscored virtually every detail of daily life in Victorian Canada long after their legal authority had ended. As consequence, Christian and quasi-Christian organizations dominated Victorian Canada during the most active period of industrial development following 1870. Both Catholic and Protestant fraternal societies were among the many through which working-class communities sought protection from the insecurities of factory society.^sup 3^ However, for labour journalists, the Church, its ancillary organizations and established authority were one and the same, the very nature of which made them hostile to working-class interests. Industrialization exacerbated societal conflict. Organized religion tended to side with the newly emergent industrial capitalism.^sup 4^ The line of demarcation between church and state was so fragile in the three decades following Canadian union in 1867 that clerical and secular initiatives were often one and the same. Between 1867 and the turn of the century, this alliance produced distinctive Canadian political culture called Toryism.^sup 5^ In Victorian Canada, Toryism, through its political arm, the Conservative Party, used the levers of the state to lay the infrastructure for modem industrial economy while simultaneously working to preserve the vestiges of privilege and power enjoyed by both clerical and secular elites.^sup 6^ In spite of public claims of sympathy for working-class causes, the Church continually provided ample ammunition for its critics. The Methodist weekly, Christian Guardian, called trades unions a depraved monopoly. In the winter of 1891, Toronto preacher Hugh Johnston attributed all labour troubles to pro-union demagogues. Johnston advised working men to stop striking and rely on the good will of industrialists at the conciliation table. Labour journalist Phillips Thompson observed in the editorial columns of his weekly Labor Advocate that Johnston did not understand basic labour relations. …

The Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe by Stathis N. Kalyvas

BOOK REVIEWS141 powers, including their support of the war effort after 1939, only further compromised thee stance. Beck does not claim that his study of Hesse breaks new ground.This regional press Ui fact dUfered Uttle from that of other areas. But his thorough analysis of the editorial utterances is a useful addition to our general knowledge. His conclusion , with hindsight, that the faüure to confront the evUs of Nazism more forcibly owed much to the continuity ofCatholic attitudes from the 1920's with its disapproval of democratic Uberalism is certaUily correct but only reuiforces the view that German Catholics were caught up in an ambivalent and ultimately moraUy disastrous conflict of loyalties. His claim that the church press should be recognized as having played a significant role in resisting Nazi ideological pretensions is ei line with the view adopted by other authors in this series of volumes. But even so, the general faUure of German Catholics to take a stand against this nefarious government and its atrocities cannot be denied. The record is a sobering example of the weakness of reUgious convictions when confronted by the criminal acts of a totaUtarian regime. John S. Conway University ofBritish Columbia The Rise ofChristian Democracy in Europe. By Stathis N. Kalyvas. (Ithaca, New York: CorneU University Press. 1996. Pp. xi, 300. $45.00 clothbound; $1995 paperback.) Most scholars agree that Christian Democratic parties are anomalous in a modern , secular age; not only do they represent a curious hybrid of secular and sectarian interests, but they can also embody electoral coaUtions that transcend economic, regional, and even ethnic differences to maintaUi poUtical power over long periods of time. Stathis Kalyvas has a theory to explain these curiosities. Kalyvas proposes that Christian Democratic parties in Austria, Belgium, Germany , Italy, and the Netherlands originated from decisions of nineteenthcentury political actors, namely, the Church and conservative poUtical eUtes. Though these actors may not have UUtiaUy intended to create confessional parties , Kalyvas asserts that they "set the process in motion" by creating a new political consciousness or identity amongst lay Catholics. Fueling the long-term poUtical separation of CathoUcs from non-CathoUcs and of conservative CathoUcs from more Uberal-leaning ones, this unique political identity has become mobilized and institutionalized in Christian Democratic parties. According to Kalyvas, this is the source of the parties' longevity, even in the secular context of modern European poUtics. Unlike other theories on this subject, Kalyvas' is a rational actor model; it considers Christian Democracy in the political context of actors, preferences, and strategies. Bringing together two separate traditions Ui the Uterature, Kalyvas ar- 142BOOK REVIEWS gues that the Church and conservative eUtes joined forces to confront nineteenth century Liberal attacks on CathoUcism.The Church, with its extensive network of literate and active clergy, brought a depth of organization to the conservative causes whereas the lay conservative leadership gave the Church something it was neither wiUing nor capable of achieving on its own—parUamentary representation through a poUtical party. Unfortunately for them, the two forces unintentionaUy combined to produce poUtical Catholicism, a seUsustaineig movement,which eventuaUy embued the lower clergy, the press, and the leaders of the new poUtical party, and its many ancillary organizations with mass-based authority. In this way the parties were transformed from CathoUc political parties to Christian Democratic ones. In this very detailed text, Kalyvas does an impressive job of systematicaUy addressing the anomalies of Christian Democracy's existence in modern poUtics. Perhaps this is his greatest contribution to understanding their continued existence : by asking what caused confessional parties to arise in some cUcumstances and not in others and by focusmg on the voluntary (i.e., not inevitable) process of party formation, he opens avenues for more rigorous research. Devoting one entire chapter to France,where CathoUcism did not take on political dUnensions, he explains that the Church had not chosen initiaUy to organize the laity and, as a consequence, could not enter poUtics effectively. Unfortunately, Kalyvas' theory overlooks the very context in which these "rational " decisions were made. Arguing that the strategies of both sets of elites were defensive receptions to Uberal anti-CathoUcism, Kalyvas neglects to note the changing enveonment Ui which these eUtes...

Mexican Politics and the Journals

For the past two decades, the standard perception of the Mexican political system was more or less as follows. Following the Revolution and, even more so, the Cardenas presidency the Mexican political elite won the support of most of the country's peasantry and proletariat. Rather than continuing with its revolutionary policies, however, the post-1940 elite (particularly during the presidency of Aleman) used its 'popular' organizations to control rather than represent the masses while initiating a process of capitalist industrializa? tion. Subsequently, the PRI and its ancillary organizations were used to maintain social peace by the notorious process of 'co-optation and control' while income inequality grew alongside the power of the bourgeoisie. All of this was due to the logic of capitalist development to which the course of Mexican politics was increasingly subordinated. However, while earlier writers (Scott, Brandenburg) saw these developments as relatively benign and the more arbitrary and authoritarian elements of the system as on the whole transitional, later writers (Hansen, Johnson, Hellman and, in his later work, Cockroft) concentrated more on the system's repressiveness and remoteness from most of civil society. The watershed of this perceptual change was the Tlatelolco massacre of October 1968. Despite this shift, however, all of these writers implicitly or explicitly accepted the premises of desarrollo estabilisador. Work which was sufficiently recent to take account of Echeverria's presidency tended to dismiss it as an aberration, or as a heroic but doomed attempt to raise the ghost of Cardenas in a radically changed society. Indeed this perspective was shared by most non-academic observers of Mexico until about mid-1982. Faced with developments in and after 1982, it now seems clear that this textbook account of Mexican politics is either incomplete or outdated, and that a change of paradigm is necessary if one is to keep up effectively with the rapidly changing situation in that country. To put it briefly, it is no longer possible to regard Mexican capitalism as a success or to see the Mexican state as uncomplicatedly pro-middle class or pro-bourgeois (still less to see these sectors as uncomplicatedly pro-system). An early example of what will assuredly become a flood of revisionist writing is provided by Olsen (1985). Although the author (or was it the editors?) is excessively fond of post-dependencia jargon, the article does make some important points. It seeks to fit the Mexican economic crisis into the familiar pattern of late ISI crises (cf. pre-1964 Brazil) with the original policy leading to 'demand bottlenecks' and a halt to further expansion. In the Mexican context Olsen sees this crisis developing from the mid-1960s with

Applied Behavioral Science in Urban Administrative/Political Systems

It is legitimate, if not novel, to assert that local government institutions must find ways to increase their effectiveness if they are to solve the pressing problems of this urban society. One of the aspects of government that needs improving is the administrative system. A variety of avenues to upgrading administration are being proposed and tested. These include accounting and decisionmaking tools based on computer technology, infusion of professional and technical expertise into problem areas, and federal support to create new ancillary organizations such as neighborhood organizations, metropolitan area coordinating groups, and pollution control agencies. The establishment of this latter variety of new organizations is apparently based at least in part on the assumption that existing local government structures cannot be relied on to do the job. Each critic of local government generates his own description of what is wrongdepending upon his own orientation and the perspective from which he views the community. From the point of view of applied behavioral science the problem looks something like this: Most governmental organizations were built upon and still fit reasonably well the traditional bureaucratic model. This form is characterized by an emphasis on efficiency and rationality, a pyramidal authority system (or command system), functional units clearly separated on the basis of mission, and a system of rules and procedures to direct and control the behavior of employees. This kind of system is a rational

Ideals in American Foreign Policy

A British writer recently commented on the puzzling dualism in statements of American foreign policy. He found lofty and generous professions of idealism uttered almost in the same breath with strident pronouncements on American military, naval and aerial power. Which is the true 'voice of America? What will be the direction of American policy in the perilous years to come? Will it give continuing support to the United Nations and its ancillary organizations? Will it actually participate in the promising new plans for constructive co-operation wvith other nations or will the United States, relying on its new-found military might and economic predominance, decide to hoe its own row ? These are great questions. The answers are heavy with significance. I cannot answer theem; I know no American who can. Perhaps I can help others to frame their own answers by commenting briefly on some of the chianges in emphasis that are taking place in American thinking about foreign policy. Let me begin by pointing out some of the contrasts between 1946 and 1919. Ten months after the Armistice that ended the first world war, Americans were feverishly debating whether or not they should enter the League of Nations. Now, ten months after V-J Day, the United States finds itself a charter member and one of the leading participants in the United Nations. My country has taken leadership in setting tip the new International Monetary Fund, the Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the Food and Agriculture Organization. It has taken the initiative in establishing an international organization for the regulation of air transport. Finally, and most important, the United States has proposed a plan for international control of the production of atomic energy and to prevent its destructive use in warfare. In the face of these facts it would seem unwise to predict that history will repeat itself and that, with the enemy defeated, Americans will again withdraw, leaving their Allies to wrestle with the problems of the peace. Isolation versus international co-operation was for twenty years the issue at the heart of all discussions of American foreign policy. The Japanese put an end to that controversy at Pearl Harbor. If, after that disaster, there were any who still were confident of the ability of the United States to live in security, untroubled by the fear of attack, they were convinced of their error by the atomic bomb.

Care of the Wounded

THOSE who had the experience of being transported, after the War of 1914–18, from, say, the less civilized Iraq of those days to a bed in one of the temporary military hospitals in England considered that they were being handled by an organization which it would be diffcult to improve. But we realize, when we read the three articles contributed by a Special Correspondent to the Lancet (253, August 19, 1944; 278, August 26, 1944; 383, September 16, 1944), how much more is now being done for the wounded and the sick. These three articles on the wounded from Normandy must be read; they cannot be summarized. They explain why the casualty-rate among the wounded has been low. The doctor and the medical organization go right forward into the battle; paratroops and tanks have their field ambulances; the soldier knows much more about first-aid and about how to keep himself fit; surgical treatment is given early; blood transfusions are given much earlier; penicillin is available everywhere; and air transport, described in the second article, has been well organized. When they get to Britain, the wounded pass into the hands of the home hospital services and their network of ancillary organizations, which extend right back to the humblest civilian who goes along, when he is asked to do so, to give a pint of blood. The destinies of that blood have been described in the Press and pictured on the cinema screen. They are symbolic of the whole service. It is to be hoped that, after the War, this organization will be applied to national life in peace as well as in war, and that the soldier will bring back into civil life the knowledge of how to keep fighting fit which the R.A.M.C. has taught him so well that "nothing like it has ever been done either in military or civil life".