The Ancient Near East:History, Texts, etc. Christopher T. Begg, Joseph E. Jensen, Victor H. Matthews, Martin Kessler, and Alan J. Moss, CFC 1315. Anne Austin, "Accounting for Sick Days: A Scalar Approach to Health and Disease at Deir el-Medina," JNES 74 (2015) 75-85. This study offers a broad quantitative analysis of texts stemming from the ancient Egyptian site of its title concerning absences from work at the site. These texts have an underlying seasonal distribution of sick days which are highest in early spring and lowest in late fall. Such a distribution mirrors seasonal changes as documented in modern Egypt as well as mortality patterns in Thebes during the Roman period. Sick days as recorded in O. BM 5634 offer more specific evidence for contagious disease at the site. The distribution of sick days recorded in this text provides circumstantial evidence for the contraction of one infectious disease by multiple members of the Deir el-Medina workforce at the same time. Though 13% of the workforce was out sick simultaneously at the moment cited in the record, the overall time lost due to illness was significantly less than time taken off from work in general; in this case, sick days may not have significantly impacted productivity. On the other hand, in P. Ashmolean 1958.112, productivity was an issue, and the workmen supplemented the workforce with additional labor, albeit at the expense of the laborers' own rations. At the most detailed level, Mr-Sḫm.t's absences show that while he ultimately went home to his village, his presence in the workmen's huts and the Valley of the Kings demonstrates a commitment to continue working even in the midst of his illness. The above three levels of analysis of the texts recording absences from work coalesce to demonstrate that short-term diseases had social and physical impact on the Deir el-Medina workforce. While the government provided paid sick leave as well as a doctor at the site, such support was likely only offered as a way of ensuring progress on the construction of the royal tomb. When productivity ran into obstacles, the workforce was expected to come up with its own support mechanisms to remedy the situation. [Adapted from author's conclusion, p. 85—C.T.B.] 1316. Noga Ayali-Darshan, "The Role of Aštabi in the Song of Ullikummi and the Eastern Mediterranean 'Failed God' Stories," JNES 73 (2014) 95-103. The account of Aštabi in the Song of Ullikummi differs significantly from other Hurro-Hittite works, but also exhibits numerous similarities with the story of Attar found in the Ugaritic Baal Cycle. In both accounts, a minor god is appointed by other gods to replace the recently defeated storm-god. In both accounts as well, the substitute-gods fail in their mission just prior to the storm-gods' ultimately successful war against the sea. A.-D. suggests that the Hurro-Hittite narrative concerning Aštabi and the Ugaritic depiction of the god Attar reflect the same aetiological story of a "falling star" phenomenon. Following the collapse of the Ugaritic and Hurrian cultures the "failed-god" account of Attar/Aštabi was transferred to and amalgamated with another minor astral god prominent in the Levant during the first millennium, i.e., Helel son of Šaḥar, the equivalent of Phaeton, son of Eos in Greek mythology.—J.E.J. 1317. Noga Ayali-Darshan, "The Identification of Ḥmrq in Leiden Magical Papyrus I 343 + I 345 in Light of the Eblaite Texts," JNES 74 (2015) 87-89. The papyrus of A.-D.'s title, discovered at Memphis in Egypt and first published by A. Massert in 1954, is replete with names of Syrian and Levantine deities, many of whose [End Page 443] names are widely attested in sources stemming from ancient Syria and the Levant. The papyrus also, however, preserves the name Ḥmrq as that of both a deity and a mountain site, and scholarship hitherto has not determined a Syro-Levantine parallel for either of these uses of the name on the papyrus. In this brief paper, N.-D. proposes connecting the name...