Willingness Of Americans Research Articles

Diaspora’s intuitive role as cultural ambassador: toward a new cultural sustainability perspective

A major motivation for international travel is to experience cross-cultural interactions. Such interactions may occur outside the typical travel milieus. They can even take place prior to the actual travel to impact travel intentions. This paper focuses on cross-cultural encounters between the members of a community and the diaspora from a potential host destination who live among them. The research investigates the willingness of individuals in the community to travel to the diaspora members’ home country for the first time after having established relationships with them. Affect control theory and relational exchange theory are incorporated into a structural equation model to examine these relationships – focusing on natives of India living in the United States. The study identifies individual warmth and trust formed between the Indian diaspora and their American acquaintances as highly significant factors that could impact the latter’s travel intentions – that is, the willingness of Americans who have not visited India to consider traveling there to further experience the Indian culture. The study provides insights into sustaining the diaspora communities’ cultural identities and underscores their intuitive role as cultural ambassadors outside their countries of origin.

AMERICA’S RACIAL STAIN The Taint Argument and the Limits of Constitutional Law and Rhetoric

AMERICA’S RACIAL STAIN The Taint Argument and the Limits of Constitutional Law and Rhetoric

Discordant benevolence: How and why people help others in the face of conflicting values.

What happens when a request for help from friends or family members invokes conflicting values? In answering this question, we integrate and extend two literatures: support provision within social networks and moral decision-making. We examine the willingness of Americans who deem abortion immoral to help a close friend or family member seeking one. Using data from the General Social Survey and 74 in-depth interviews from the National Abortion Attitudes Study, we find that a substantial minority of Americans morally opposed to abortion would enact what we call discordant benevolence: providing help when doing so conflicts with personal values. People negotiate discordant benevolence by discriminating among types of help and by exercising commiseration, exemption, or discretion. This endeavor reveals both how personal values affect social support processes and how the nature of interaction shapes outcomes of moral decision-making.

Does partisanship promote anti-democratic impulses? Evidence from a survey experiment

ABSTRACT Emerging research argues that liberal democracy, including American democracy, is showing evidence of erosion and is in retreat around the world. Our research provides a counterbalance to concerns for American democratic decline by exploring the willingness of Americans to grant the president more authority for partisan reasons. We draw from a survey experiment administered to 1000 Americans embedded within the 2018 Cooperative Congressional Elections Survey (CCES). This experiment evaluates the influence of co-partisanship on support for undemocratic actions to empower presidents. We find that on average, respondents oppose a series of intensifying actions, across all partisan groupings and treatment conditions. We also find that co-partisanship with the president affects Democratic responses, but not those of Republicans. Democrats are less opposed to empowering President Obama relative to President Trump. But, overall, Republicans are less opposed to undemocratic acts than Democrats across all conditions. We interpret these results as relatively good news for American democracy. Partisan polarization may drive relative differences in support for expanding presidential power, but overall support for democracy, separation of powers, and institutional checks and balances remain high.

Does Partisanship Affect Compliance with Government Recommendations?

This article studies the role of partisanship in American’s willingness to follow government recommendations. I combine survey and behavioral data to examine partisans’ vaccination rates during the Bush and Obama administrations. I find that presidential co-partisans are more likely to believe that vaccines are safe and more likely to vaccinate themselves and their children than presidential out-partisans. Depending on the vaccine, presidential co-partisans are 4–10 percentage points more likely to vaccinate than presidential out-partisans. Using causal mediation analysis, I find that this effect is the result of partisans’ differing levels of trust in government. This finding sheds light on the far-reaching role of partisanship in Americans’ interactions with the federal government.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (10.1007/s11109-020-09613-6) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

American leadership of the Atlantic alliance post-Kosovo

Although American leadership of NATO had been a constant over the entire postwar period, after the Soviet threat evaporated in the 1990s Americans began a process of reassessing the necessity and desirability of this leadership as well as the American return on its investment in NATO. Europeans, in turn, enjoyed a policy emancipation allowing them to follow the U.S. lead, resist (or reject) it when American policies violated European interests or, as a precautionary measure in the event of American abandonment, acquire strategic autonomy within the European Union. The persistence and credibility of American leadership of NATO after Kosovo, as well as episodic European challenges within and outside NATO, cannot be understood without reference to the structural and institutional factors preventing the American abdication of its leadership role within NATO or the European ability to reject it unconditionally. I find that material conditions for American leadership remain unimpaired, but the credibility of American leadership as it pertains to the confidence the allies have in U.S. willingness to fulfill its Article 5 commitment has suffered potentially irreversible damage. Yet it is institutional factors, particularly the institutional stickiness bonding the American foreign policy elite to a NATO-centric security system and the positive externalities attending institutional negentropy, that have played an outsized role in maintaining NATO’s cohesion and legitimacy. They have also raised the cost of substituting European strategic autonomy for American leadership or the abandonment of it. The Europeans have sought a precautionary defense autonomy to cope with non–Article 5 threats of peripheral interest to the United States but they have remained willing to follow the American lead on matters touching collective defense and deterrence in Europe. Future American grand strategy, currently undergoing vigorous debate inside and outside government, will have a fundamental impact on NATO’s centrality to U.S. foreign policy calculations as well as the desirability or necessity of U.S. leadership, independent of a European desire for or acquisition of strategic autonomy. The choice of strategy poses the greatest threat to NATO’s long-term cohesion, American willingness to remain entangled in European affairs, and American leadership in Europe.

Willful Blindness: Franco-American Relations and the Escalation of the Vietnam War

The long and stable Franco-American diplomatic rapport was undermined throughout the American escalation of the Vietnam War. This paper specifically examines French President Charles de Gaulle’s increasing discontent at his ally’s involvement in Southeast Asia and analyzes the decisions of successive American presidents to ignore him. Beginning in 1961, with the inauguration of American President John F. Kennedy, the paper proceeds chronologically to 1964, by which point transatlantic relations had worsened considerably as a result of de Gaulle’s growing confrontation of the Indochina question. Using archival diplomatic documents from both countries, this paper seeks to explain why the United States government refused to comply with De Gaulle’s requests. This papers makes two main conclusions: American policy makers were willfully blind to their ally’s suggestions and the French proposal for the neutralization of Vietnam was not realistic. These findings are supported by various policy decisions made leading up to the war, relying heavily on primary sources to demonstrate the failings of both the French proposal and the American willingness to consider the perspective of a crucial ally.

In search of a negotiated settlement: McGeorge Bundy and the 1961 Berlin crisis

In the scholarly and popular literature, the view on former National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy has often been exclusively focused on his role in the expansion of the Vietnam War, where he helped presidents Kennedy and Johnson escalate the conflict at the expense of negotiation and disengagement. The present article attempts to nuance our view of Bundy by analysing his role in US foreign policy-making during the 1961 Berlin crisis, because while Bundy was clearly a Vietnam hawk, this was not the case in other policy areas of more immediate importance in the early 1960s. Here, the article argues, Bundy persistently sought a negotiated settlement to the crisis and was ultimately successful in crafting an action-oriented negotiating platform. And while the ensuing negotiations eventually proved fruitless, the American willingness to negotiate helped relieve the tension in Berlin and prepare the two superpowers for the Limited Test Ban Treaty and to conclude the European phase of the Cold War.

Les liaisons dangereuses: resource surveillance, uranium diplomacy and secret French-American collaboration in 1950s Morocco.

This study explores the origins and consequences of a unique, secret, French-American collaboration to prospect for uranium in 1950s Morocco. This collaboration permitted mediation between the United States and France. The appearance of France in an American-supported project for raw nuclear materials signalled American willingness to accept a new nuclear global order in which the French assumed a new, higher position as regional nuclear ally as opposed to suspicious rival. This collaboration also permitted France and the United States to agree tacitly to the same geopolitical status for the French Moroccan Protectorate, a status under dispute both in Morocco and outside it. The secret scientific effort reassured the French that, whatever the Americans might say publicly, they stood behind the maintenance of French hegemony in the centuries-old kingdom. But Moroccan independence proved impossible to deny. With its foreseeable arrival, the collaboration went from seductive to dangerous, and the priority of American and French geologists shifted from finding a major uranium lode to making sure that nothing was readily available to whatever post-independence interests might prove most powerful. Ultimately, the Kingdom of Morocco took a page out of the French book, using uranium exploration to assert sovereignty over a different disputed territory, its de facto colony of the Western Sahara.

Barriers to Environmental Sacrifice: The Interaction of Free Rider Fears with Education, Income, and Ideology

Sacrificing individual material interests for collective benefits involves trust that others will act in good faith. Inherent to situations concerning collective goods is the problem of the free rider that plagues collective action: the individual who maximizes their short-term interests at the cost of the greater good. Prior research in environmental sociology has identified various social structural factors predicting pro-environmental behavior and concern, while research on social dilemmas has explored the role of trust in determining cooperation in situations regarding collective goods. This research draws upon these areas of scholarship to examine the interaction between free rider fears with education, income, and ideology in determining the willingness of Americans to sacrifice individual interest for environmental protection through an analysis of 2010 General Social Survey data. Findings help differentiate the engagement of pro-environmental behavior from general environmental concern, with the fear of free riders particularly impacting the highly educated and ideological liberals.

African American participation in health-related research studies: indicators for effective recruitment.

To elucidate factors that influence African American willingness to participate in health-related research studies. The African American Alzheimer disease research study group at North Carolina A&T State University designed an in-person questionnaire and surveyed more than 700 African American adults on their willingness to participate in health-related research studies. The questionnaire was distributed and collected in a nonclinical setting during the years 2008 and 2009. This study was approved by the North Carolina A&T State University Institutional Review Board. Of the 733 valid respondents, 16% had previously participated in a health-related research study. Of these, more than 90% were willing to participate again in future research studies. Of the 614 who had never participated in a research study, more than 70% expressed willingness to participate. The majority (75%) of experienced research study participants (RSP) were older than 40 years compared with 45% of non-research study participants. Experienced research participants were also twice as likely to have a college degree compared with non-research study participants. Seventy-three percent of non-research study participants were willing to participate in research studies in the future. The factors that were probable impediments to participation included lack of time and trust. Men with knowledge of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study were 50% less likely to be willing to participate compared with those who had not heard of Tuskegee Syphilis Study. African Americans are willing to participate in health-related research studies. Several factors such as the appropriate incentives, community trust building, outreach, and community partnership creation are necessary for engaging minority participants. Incorporating factors that target African American enrollment in research design and implementation, such as increased training of minority health ambassadors and African American researchers and public health specialists, are needed to better engage minorities across generations, in research.

What Kind of Country?: Economic Crisis, the Obama Presidency, the Politics of Loathing, and the Common Good

What Kind of Country?: Economic Crisis, the Obama Presidency, the Politics of Loathing, and the Common Good Gary Dorrien The story of our time is that the common good has been getting hammered for 30 years. Wages have been flat for 35 years, and inequality has worsened dramatically. One percent of the American population controls nearly 40 percent of America’s wealth and a bigger chunk of its politics. The crash of 2008 wiped out $8 trillion of home value, crushing the nest eggs of wage‐earners. The banks that frothed up the crash are doing just fine. Much of the Republican Party is committed to delegitimizing Obama’s presidency, and most of the Republican Party wants to bust public unions and break America’s social contract with the poor and elderly. All of this has created an opening for a democratic surge for social justice and equality. Mercifully, the Occupy Wall Street movement has made a start, but so far, the common good is still getting hammered, and Obama has spent most of his presidency cleaning up an economic disaster. Throughout American history, Americans have debated about the kind of country they want to be. Today, America stands at the crossroads of a decision about the kind of country that America should be, which does not mean that a decision is necessarily imminent, since Americans are deeply polarized. According to the theory of “realignment” favored in political science textbooks, American politics decidedly “realigns” every 30 or 40 years in the wake of a breakthrough election. In 1800, Thomas Jefferson’s Democratic‐Republicans overturned the rule of the Federalists. In 1828, the Democratic‐Republicans split into Democrats and Whigs. In 1860, Abraham Lincoln’s Republicans pulled off the last third‐party triumph, finishing off the Whigs. In 1896, William McKinley consolidated the Republicans as America’s majority party. In 1932, Franklin Roosevelt’s election paved the way to the New Deal. In 1980, Ronald Reagan’s election paved the way to the capitalist blowout of the past generation.1 There is still time for 2008 to be transformational in the sense of these historic elections, ending an era of American politics. But time and opportunity are running out as the Reagan era endures in bizarre forms. Economic inequality, always steep in the United States, got much steeper after Reagan’s policies took hold. In 1981, the top 1 percent of the U.S. population held 32 percent of the nation’s wealth and took in 11 percent of its annual income. Today, these corresponding figures are 39 percent and 25 percent. The top 10 percent of the population hold more than 70 percent of the wealth. The bottom 50 percent hold 2 percent of the wealth. The share of America’s income held by the top 1 percent has more than doubled since 1980, while the bottom 90 percent has, since 1975, coped with flat wages and mounting debt. 2 For thirty years, we have had perplexed debates about how to account for this trend line in an advanced democracy. How could a nation possessing a strong tradition of middle‐class democracy allow the middle class to be eviscerated? Economic globalization, to be sure, unleashed the predatory logic of capitalism, setting off a race to the bottom that feeds on inequality and obliterates cultural values and communities that get in the way. But globalization alone does not account for the American willingness to turn American society into a pyramid. From the late 1940s to 1975, productivity and wages soared together in the United States, creating a middle‐class society. Meanwhile, there were no bank crises, as New Deal reforms kept commercial banks out of the investment business. But wages flattened in the mid‐1970s and have stayed that way ever since, while productivity kept soaring and commercial banks got deeply into the investment business. The rich got fantastically richer in the 1980s and 1990s, while everyone else fell behind, taking on debt to keep from drowning and to keep up appearances, as urged by the advertising industry. During this period, nearly every manufacturing‐oriented society outperformed the United States in income growth and did so with more equitable distributions of...

Examining the willingness of Americans to alter behaviour to mitigate climate change

Despite the increasing interest in climate change policy in the US, little systematic research has been conducted on the willingness of individuals to change their behaviour to mitigate the problem. Understanding behavioural change is critical if federal and local governments intend to implement programmes requiring actions to mitigate and adapt to climate change. This understudied aspect of climate change policy is addressed by quantitatively examining the degree to which residents living in the US are willing to alter their behaviour to mitigate climate change impacts, and by identifying the major factors contributing to this willingness. Based on a national survey, the reported willingness of individuals to alter behaviours is explained, using the components of risk, individual stress, capacity and ecological values. The findings indicate that specific personal traits and contextual characteristics trigger a significantly greater willingness to change longstanding behavioural patterns. These insights into the factors motivating behavioural change can provide guidance to decision makers at both federal and local levels on how best to implement climate change policies.

America's ocean wilderness: a cultural history of twentieth-century exploration

From whaling museums to National Geographic television specials to tiki bars, the high seas have enchanted modern Americans as an adventurous frontier. And as contemporary explorers have discovered a new wilderness in the world's oceans, their depictions of the depths have influenced how we view these largely uncharted realms.America's Ocean Wilderness is a cultural history of exploration of the ocean and the first book to critically analyze the legacies of seven marine explorers. Assessing work that often straddles professional science and popular culture, Gary Kroll examines the different perspectives a handful of scientists and naturalists - Jacques Cousteau, Thor Heyerdahl, Roy Chapman Andrews, Robert Cushman Murphy, Eugenie Clark, Rachel Carson, and William Beebe - have offered on what the ocean means and how their views helped shape the way many Americans relate to the seas.Kroll argues that to truly know the ocean we first need to understand our own western frontier, showing how easily our popular infatuation with the continental wilderness - in the spirit of manifest destiny and its problematic legacy of conquest - has been transferred to the watery world. Indeed, the twentieth-century American imagination was quick to imbue the ocean with frontier characteristics, whether as a trove of inexhaustible resources, an ecosystem in need of stewardship, or a place of recreation.Exploring the phenomenon of Americans' fascination with wild and inaccessible places, Kroll shows how these seven explorers helped create and perpetuate the idea of an ocean wilderness by applying terrestrial logic to the seas. And he demonstrates that their own appeal and accomplishments were abetted by the willingness of Americans to understand other new frontiers in terms of the West.As the ocean gradually became an extension of the nineteenth-century conception of wilderness - an attitude not without ecological consequences - many of the sea's environmental problems were linked to the way we think about it as a frontier space, Kroll argues. With poisoned waters, depleted fisheries, and dying coral reefs, the seas are endangered by the same kinds of forces that threatened and ravaged terrestrial wilderness. America's Ocean Wilderness offers a new perspective on this last earthly frontier, encouraging readers to realize that the way they view the ocean may well seal its fate.

A Theory of Planned Behavior Study of College Students' Intention to Register as Organ Donors in Japan, Korea, and the United States

This study investigated willingness of Americans, Koreans, and Japanese to register as organ donors using the theory of planned behavior. Although previous research showed that attitude toward donation and communication with family predicted organ donation behaviors for respondents in the United States, these variables were also significant for respondents in Japan and Korea. Perceived behavioral control predicted intention to register for Japanese participants whereas knowledge about organ donation was associated with reluctance to register for Koreans. Spiritual connection and concern were shown to be causal factors underlying attitude in all 3 countries. In spite of positive attitudes toward organ donation and comparable knowledge with Americans and Japanese, most Korean participants declined to take an application to register as a donor. Implications of these findings for future research are discussed.

The Place of Covert Surveillance in Democratic Societies: A Comparative Study of the United States and Germany

My study of undercover policing explores the ways in which democratic legal systems change when they legalize highly contested police practices that have long been quietly tolerated and accorded minimal scrutiny. Undercover policing is a prime of example of such a practice. It has long been subject to remarkably little legislative oversight and systematic regulation in the United States and Western Europe. It exists in a twilight of legality—a necessary evil, but one inviting anxieties about its legitimacy and consonance with the rule of law. Under pressure from the European Court of Human Rights, Germany (along with other Western European countries) has attempted to regulate covert operations in a more systematic fashion. The German experience examined in my article suggests how difficult it is to tame and legitimate a constantly changing and normatively contested practice such as undercover policing. The article contrasts German attempts to create an explicit legal basis for this power –and a comprehensive regulatory system – with American willingness to leave covert practices largely unregulated. The article focuses on the consequences of these divergent approaches for the legitimacy of covert practices. German legal and administrative reforms succeeded in improving legitimacy along some dimensions while undermining it along others, and, indeed, introducing new bases on which the legitimacy of undercover police work is subject to challenge. In the United States, by contrast, law enforcement agencies have succeeded in defusing a variety of reform initiatives through internal reforms, with little legislative or judicial supervision. As a result, many problems of legitimacy persist – with little visibility. American challenges to the legitimacy of covert tactics now focus less on criminal cases than on the use of such tactics in domestic intelligence investigation. My analysis of German covert policing rests on 89 field interviews that I conducted between 2002 and 2004 with state and federal police officials, undercover agents, training and supervisory officials, control officers, prosecutors, and judges in fifteen of the sixteen German states. I also compared evidence from interviews with a variety of written sources, including ministry guidelines, training materials, prosecutors’ memoranda, judicial opinions, scholarly criticism, and news stories. The open-ended, qualitative field interviews are at the heart of the project. They help to uncover the principles animating otherwise shadowy German covert operations. And they illustrate the dilemmas inherent in the practices; the obstacles to reform; and the different tradeoffs which the American and German regulatory systems have made in securing the legitimacy of these practices.

The Polls: Religion and the 2000 Presidential Election: Public Attitudes Toward Joseph Lieberman

For the first time since 1960, the religion of candidates for national office became an election issue as Al Gore named Joseph Lieberman, a Jewish senator from Connecticut, to be his vice presidential running mate. Polls over the past forty years have indicated a greater willingness of Americans to vote for nontraditional candidates for major national office, but these expressed opinions have remained purely hypothetical. With Lieberman's candidacy, we can test whether attitudes toward Jews affected support for Lieberman's vice presidential candidacy. Reviewing a variety of polls, but focusing on the 2000 American National Election Study, I find that attitudes toward Jews affect feelings toward Lieberman. Importantly, the American public appeared warmly disposed toward both Jews and Lieberman. Further, being a member of a group which research on anti‐Semitism has identified as at times displaying anti‐Semitic attitudes fails to affect attitudes toward Lieberman. Rather, basic political orientations, such as partisanship and ideology, more strongly affect attitudes toward Lieberman. The liberalization in public opinion about who is qualified to serve as president appears a true phenomenon and not merely the expression of socially acceptable responses to survey questions.

Selling the 'Decent interval': Kissinger, triangular diplomacy, and the end of the Vietnam war, 1971-73

With the help of recently declassified documents, this article examines the link between triangular diplomacy and the Vietnam War. It argues that from the summer of 1971 to the conclusion of the Paris Agreements in January 1973 Kissinger tried to 'sell' a peace agreement to his Soviet and Chinese inter locutors by stressing the American willingness to accept a 'decent interval' solution: that is, the United States would not reenter the war provided that the collapse of the South Vietnamese goverment did not occur immediately after the last US ground troops returned home. While such a posture played a significant role in increasing Sino-Soviet pressure towards a negotiated settlement, Kissinger's policy also served to bolster the subsequent competition between Moscow and Beijing over influence in Indochina.

Guest Editor's Introduction: A/A: African American-Asian American Cross-Identifications

This special issue addresses Asian American/African American relationships but extends the topic into specific questions of cross-identification and dialogic construction. The field of Asian American Studies has been especially concerned with how the Asian American disrupts the Black-White binary and how political linkages across communities of color could open up new ways of thinking about race and ethnicity. Originally a panel at the annual meeting of the AAAS in Scottsdale, Arizona (in May 2000), these three essays offer a new look at an enduring and important issue within Asian American Studies: the interconstitutive nature of racialization in the U.S. All three of these essays are promising because they are aware of the risks of looking to the African American/Asian American encounter as inherently progressive: Yamamoto is painfully cognizant of the African American burden of serving as everyone's racial conscience, Ongiri gestures toward African American willingness to exoticize, and Northern's visit to Ladakh leads her to question Blackness as a visually (over)determined signifier. All three are informed by poststructuralist cautions: no unified Asian American subject meets a unified African American subject in these essays—rather, all three scholars steer us away from the easy encounter, from racialized pedagogies of encounter-as-salvation. All three get us beyond a space where the Asian American is merely an interpolation in the American racial imaginary. I [End Page 5] would like to offer some contextualizing remarks that will put the essays into a broader context and that draws out certain connections between them.

Fred Anderson’s Seven Years’ War in imperial perspective

Contributors to this forum have had their territory allocated to them, but it would be utterly churlish not to stray out of it and begin with few general comments on this splendid book. Credits must begin with the publisher. Alfred A. Knopf are making available at airport bookstalls at most reasonable price book with standards of production which the British university presses cannot now match even for specialised scholarly monographs or editions of texts at the astronomical prices that they currently charge. Its typeface and paper are of sumptuous quality; it has robust binding and is embellished by beautiful illustrations and excellent maps finely reproduced. Anderson's literary skills mean that the content matches his publisher's capacity to produce what is most attractive object, likely to appeal to wide audience who will want to read as well as to own the book. He has the laudable aim of trying to be accessible to general readers and to be understood by those specialized prior knowledge (p. xv). He writes with much panache but with exemplary clarity and vigour that carries the reader easily and agreeably through long book. Both specialists and non-specialists will enjoy the sharp delineation of personalities, such as an uncharacteristically acerbic one of Wolfe, who at Quebec stood fair chance of sacrificing twelve superb battalions to no larger purpose than gratifying his desire for heroic death (p. 359), and the narratives of the great setpieces of the war in North America, Washington at Fort Necessity, Braddock on the Monongahela, Amherst at Louisbourg, as well as Wolfe at Quebec. If the book is fine example of military history in its traditional form, the narrative of campaigns and of the fortunes of war, it is also military history with all its modern sophistication, which treats war as an expression of the capacities and values of whole societies, and it is much more than military history even at its most ambitious. As its subtitle proclaims, it is an account of the fate of empire in British North and of the emergence of the United States of America. To encompass this great theme, Anderson extends his coverage beyond the formal end of the war to the repeal of the Stamp Act and the passing of the Declaratory Act in 1766. He believes that events after the end of the Seven Years' War, which are conventionally seen as marking the first stages of the revolution, in fact saw the continuation of great debate about the colonies' role in the empire that had begun with the war. The theme of war and its role in the failure of empire is set out at the very beginning of the book and sustained throughout. Without the Seven Years' War, American independence would surely have been long delayed, and achieved (if at all) without war of national liberation (p. xvi). The essence of the argument is that the war gave rise to fundamentally different interpretations of the nature of the British empire on both sides of the Atlantic. On the American side the war was seen as a providential victory, secured by free men in glorious cause -- that shaped the understanding of the colonists, lifted their expectations of imperial partnership, and embittered their reactions to the seemingly high-handed, intrusive policies that Grenville, Halifax and their colleagues sought to impose after the war (p. 587). These policies were directly attributable to the British interpretation of the experience of the war. Its lessons for them were that there was no relying on (p. 585). Britain had been forced to depend during the war on the willingness of Americans to contribute men and money of their own volition. It was widely believed that they had done so inadequately. The empire must now be made to work through the capacity of sovereign British authority to command compliance rather than again risking the uncertainties of voluntary co-operation. Hence British troops were to be kept in America in peacetime and were to be paid for by colonial contributions levied by parliament. …