Albanians In Macedonia Research Articles

In the Shadow of Kosovo. Divergent National Pathways and the Politics of Differentiation in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia

Abstract The author examines the roots of Albanian nationalism in Yugoslavia, focusing on the Socialist Republic of Macedonia (SRM). He displays regional historical developments, interethnic relations, and Kosovo’s political impact upon Albanians in Macedonia. By analysing Macedonian and Albanian nation-building processes from an entangled and comparative perspective, he sheds light on shifting power constellations, divergent social developments, and asynchronous processes of national emancipation. After the occurrence in 1981 of Albanian demonstrations in Kosovo and in western Macedonia, officials in the SRM aimed at counteracting Albanian nationalism with a policy of differentiation—that is, they aimed at drawing a clear dividing line between Albanians loyal or disloyal to Yugoslavia. This punitive policy failed on all levels, further deepening the social divisions between the two major ethnic communities of the SRM and alienating even those Albanians well integrated in the common state and republic.

Transformation of the ethnical and religious function of the traditional costume of Albanians in Macedonia during Socialism

In the ethnographic analysis of the Balkans, the traditional costume commonly represents a distinguishing feature of national identity, as well as an expression of the historical and cultural milieu of the peoples that live here. However, what happens when the ethnical and national identity of the costume transmogrifies into the cultural identity of a system and an era that, in turn, introduces changes to the traditional costume itself? This cultural and ethnographic transformation in different historical periods has been conditioned by various types of institutional interventions for discovering methods and forms, administered through legislative measures, even bans in order to provide legislative protection of such material cultural goods that belong to a certain people. In this case, by offering a chronological, historical overview, we describe the transformation of part of the clothing culture as an expression of a system such as the system that introduced the Law on Banning Niqabs and Burqas, published in the Official Journal of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia (no. 1, January 12, 1951). In a broader context, laws that do not consider clothing to be an expression of cultural diversity or national identity, but raise it as an issue for the society and the state, are enacted even today in a large number of European countries.

The Primordialisation of Ethnic Nationalism in Macedonia

After the Greek veto on Macedonia’s NATO accession in 2008, the Macedonian government launched comprehensive policies to reconstruct the Macedonian ethno-national narrative as stretching back to ancient Macedonia. The ‘Skopje 2014’ project, which was a large-scale reconstruction of the capital city in neoclassical and baroque styles, as well as new educational and mass media campaigns claiming the continuous existence of the Macedonian nation since antiquity, were the cornerstones of the Gruevski government’s project. The so-called ‘antiquisation’ programme was both a domestic and international assertion of Macedonia’s name, identity and history amid Greek challenges and attempts to undermine Macedonia’s legitimacy in the eyes of the international community. The Skopje 2014 project increased tensions between ethnic Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia, and also deepened divisions among Macedonians.

Multilingualism and Social Inclusion

This is a thematic issue on the relation between multilingualism and social inclusion. Due to globalization, Europeanization, supranational and transnational regulations linguistic diversity and multilingualism are on the rise. Migration and old and new forms of mobility play an important role in these processes. As a consequence, English as the only global language is spreading around the world, including Europe and the European Union. Social and linguistic inclusion was accounted for in the pre-globalization age by the nation-state ideology implementing the ‘one nation-one people-one language’ doctrine into practice. This lead to forced linguistic assimilation and the elimination of cultural and linguistic heritage. Now, in the present age of globalization, linguistic diversity at the national state level has been recognized and multilingual states have been developing where all types of languages can be used in governance and daily life protected by a legal framework. This does not mean that there is full equality of languages. This carries over to the fair and just social inclusion of the speakers of these weaker, dominated languages as well. There is always a power question related to multilingualism. The ten case studies in this thematic issue elaborate on the relation between multilingualism and social inclusion. The articles in this issue refer to this topic in connection with different spaces, including the city, the island, and the globe; in connection with different groups, like Roma in the former Soviet-Union and ethnic Albanians in Macedonia; in connection with migration and mobility of Nordic pensioners to the south of Europe, and language education in Scotland; and finally in connection with bilingual education in Austria and Estonia as examples of successful practices including multilingualism under one and the same school roof.

THE STATE OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS IN MACEDONIA AFTER 16 YEARS OF THE OHRID AGREEMENT

Abstract Inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Macedonians in Macedonia have been rather problematic since the times of former Yugoslavia. After independence, the new constitution of the Republic of Macedonia instead of improving it has further downgraded the position of Albanians and other minorities living in the country. The non-fulfilment of Albanians’ core demands led to an armed conflict in 2001. The Ohrid Agreement has in addition to ending the armed conflict, also provided for a range of legislative and policy measures to improve the position of the Albanians by ensuring equality and minority protection. However, 16 years after the Ohrid Agreement, inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia still remain burdened by prejudice and stereotypes, rather than cooperation and mutual prosperity. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, with special focus on relations between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians. The paper also offers an analysis of main factors that contribute to inter-ethnic tensions in the country and explores possible scenarios in the future. The most relevant part of the paper analyses the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations. The paper claims that similarly to most of the countries in the Western Balkans, inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. The paper concludes that in Macedonia, Kosovo rather than Albania is much more relevant for the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations in Macedonia, and it also offers several reasons to support such thesis. Accordingly, the overall inter-ethnic relations between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia heavily depend on inter-state relations between Macedonia and Kosovo and vice versa.

Securitization as Policy Choice: Macedonian Case

The global geopolitical transformations that have occurred in last years have raised questions about various nonmilitary concerns as a result of changes in the global order based solely on the premises of the military aspects of security. The evolution and debate on security began to shift from the traditional basis into contemporary segments of the security analysis incorporating approaches into other areas beyond the traditional concepts of security. In variety of debates of the broadening of concept of security, various scholars began to elaborate that security threats may appear in many other areas outside that of military and political sector. In this aspect Copenhagen schools examines aspects of security at micro and macro level and it represents analysis that intertwine with each other and which derive a more broad understanding what actually constitutes security for a country or community. Expanding areas of security analysis refers to the statement that security has to do with survival of a nation or society which also reasonably includes a range of concerns about the conditions of survival. The adoption of this concept expanded in various fields is a result of the need to better understand the logic of what are the related sectors and is a result of understanding what the interaction between the different sectors are. The aim of our paper is through the broadened mechanism of the concept of security to analyze the challenges and opportunities of the Macedonian security policies and how they are interlinked with other sectors. It does so by looking through the causes of tensions between ethnic Macedonian and Albanians in Macedonia, not only among the issues and emergency events that cause them, but also among the structural factors that shape and frame such a misperception.

Securitization as Policy Choice: Macedonian Case

The global geopolitical transformations that have occurred in last years have raised questions about various nonmilitary concerns as a result of changes in the global order based solely on the premises of the military aspects of security. The evolution and debate on security began to shift from the traditional basis into contemporary segments of the security analysis incorporating approaches into other areas beyond the traditional concepts of security. In variety of debates of the broadening of concept of security, various scholars began to elaborate that security threats may appear in many other areas outside that of military and political sector. In this aspect Copenhagen schools examines aspects of security at micro and macro level and it represents analysis that intertwine with each other and which derive a more broad understanding what actually constitutes security for a country or community. Expanding areas of security analysis refers to the statement that security has to do with survival of a nation or society which also reasonably includes a range of concerns about the conditions of survival. The adoption of this concept expanded in various fields is a result of the need to better understand the logic of what are the related sectors and is a result of understanding what the interaction between the different sectors are. The aim of our paper is through the broadened mechanism of the concept of security to analyze the challenges and opportunities of the Macedonian security policies and how they are interlinked with other sectors. It does so by looking through the causes of tensions between ethnic Macedonian and Albanians in Macedonia, not only among the issues and emergency events that cause them, but also among the structural factors that shape and frame such a misperception.

Language policy, ethnic conflict, and conflict resolution: Albanian in the former Yugoslavia

The 1990s disintegration of Yugoslavia was marked by vicious ethnic conflict in several parts of the region. In this paper, I consider the role of policy towards the Albanian language in promoting and perpetuating conflict. I take three case studies from the former Yugoslavia in which conflict between ethnic Albanians and the dominant group emerged during the late 1990s and early 2000s—Serbia’s Presevo Valley, Kosovo, and Macedonia—and examine language policies in these regions toward ethnic Albanians from the time of the Ottoman Empire to the present. Framing discriminatory language policies as structural violence (Galtung in J Peace Res 6(3):167–191, 1969), I show that conflict remains intractable in Kosovo, where discriminatory language policies have been applied first to Albanians and then to Serbs. By contrast, policies that improve linguistic rights for Albanians in Macedonia and Serbia without discriminating against Macedonians or Serbs in turn have played a role in resolving the conflicts there. Furthermore, integration of Albanians in Serbia has resulted in fewer incidents in recent years than in Macedonia. I argue that while assimilationist language policies serve as both indicator/cause of conflict, policies that promote positive language rights (Wright in Lang Policy 6:203–224, 2007) and emphasize balanced bilingualism may be seen as a potential tool for conflict resolution.

Efficient Delivery of Local Public Services in Ethnically Fragmented Municipalities

Macedonia started its transition from a command to a market economy after its declaration of independence in 1991 from the former Yugoslavia. In 1991, ethnic Albanians abstained from voting for the first Macedonian constitution. Soon claims of ethnic Albanians in Macedonia started to aim at proportional representation in all political institutions, more education in the Albanian language at the university level and changes to the constitution proclaiming Macedonia to be a multi-ethnic country made up, on an equal basis, of Macedonians and Albanians. In 2001, immediately after the Macedonian parliament ratified a border treaty with Serbia, ethnic Albanians clashed with Macedonian armed forces. The clashes ended with the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) in 2001. Decentralization was a main preferential policy choice out of the OFA. This paper estimates the efficiency of Macedonian municipalities by using the Stochastic Frontier Analysis (SFA). We hypothesise that ethnic fragmentation may have a negative impact on the efficiency of Macedonian municipalities. We also hypothesise that political variables at municipalities in Macedonia also have impact on the municipal efficiency.

Are the Enterprises of Albanians in Macedonia Marginalized in the Economy of the Country?

The number of enterprises with Albanian owners, which are registered and function in Macedonia is not high, on the contrary it is far from structural national participation of the country. This unfavorable situation becomes even clearer if we also consider the size of enterprises owned by Albanians of this country. In fact Albanian entrepreneurs are owners of small and medium enterprises while the numbers of big enterprises that function in Macedonia are not owned by them. This is even more present in enterprises which have as a main activity the reproduction of minerals, minerals extraction, in pharmaceutics, communication services, banking and security services. Beside this fact, Albanians which live and work in Macedonia orientate their business activity mainly on retail trade, offering hotelier services, on small production, and especially on small businesses. Without a doubt one of the main reasons for this is the privatization of social enterprises, which was done in Macedonia during the transition period. Albanians were marginalized from this process and they remain excluded on the portioning process of the social capital, which were an integral part of that country. DOI: 10.5901/ajis.2015.v4n1s2p191

Qualitative Methodology: Survey of Lifestyle of Albanian Youth in Macedonia

In the time when culture is becoming more powerfully consumed, changes are being made fast and radical in every segment of society, life styles are being more visible, more distinct and much more intriguing even for methodologists, who, more and more, for the research treatments have styles of living and methods and new methodology strategies. Sociology as a social science, through social context, follows the changes, explains trends and tries to understand the structure of social reality. This research represents a preliminary effort of the insight of understanding and essence of life style of the youth generation of albanians in Macedonia, phenomena and process of living in global conditions, a little or not at all explored in our areas. In this work is examined the usage of quantitative methodology, through ethnographic access and talking technique (deep life interview), in the context of researching the interdependence of life style and free time, physical activity and everyday life of the albanian youth generation from Macedonia. The research firstly claims to offer answers for the importance of physical activity in the life style of elderly, and secondly, could the material status, educational degree, marital status affect in the living style of albanian youth show high scale. Without any doubt, albanian youth show high scale of interest and motivation for physical activity and healthy life style, as they highlight physical activity and sport as their basic postulate for the healthy life. The research has shown that sport and physical activity, to the albanian youth generation from Macedonia, neither closely pursue life style trends. The results from this research suggest a multidimensional access of studying the life style of the youth generation of albanians in Macedonia, because they are less, they impose further researches. DOI: 10.5901/jesr.2014.v4n2p294

The ‘forbidden fruit’: Islam and politics of identity in Kosovo and Macedonia

This paper depicts the interplay of religion and politics, as well as of external and internal actors among Albanian communities in Kosovo and Macedonia. It argues that Islam has never been allowed into the political space, despite occasional attempts to politicize it and utilize it for political and nationalist expediency. This relative absence of Islam from the political sphere is due to a specific social and political context, as well as to a specific historical experience. However, one can depict a higher presence of Islam among Albanians in Macedonia, for reasons related to their position as a minority within an Orthodox majority country that is undergoing a process of reaffirmation of religion as an essential pillar of an emerging Macedonian national identity.

Does Macedonia becomes bi-national state

Two main ethnic communities do not have feeling of common identity and certainly do not share common idea of nation, according to Mill, because Macedonian and Albanians do not have feeling of common interest and common political road. This article also relate to problems of implementation of the Ohrid Agreement, as well as it is argued that the power-sharing provisions laid out in the Agreement pushes Macedonia closer to the creation of a de facto Macedonian-Albanian bi-national state, rather than promoting a civic oriented, multiethnic state. Paradoxically, the Agreement seeks to promote the development of a civic state through ethnically defined measures. Neither Macedonians nor Albanians, pay much attention to the interests of other ethnic groups in the country. These have largely been left out of the political equation, and thus the Agreement disqualifies as a blueprint for the development of ethnically inclusive, plural democracy. Agreement has become a framework for the creation of a de facto bi-national political system. Despite calls for a more inclusive interethnic dialogue, the smaller minorities in Macedonia have also largely been neglected in power sharing process. Instead, the debate has centered on the question whether Macedonia is or should be a mono-national or bi-national state, not a multi-national/ethnic state. Today Albanians in Macedonia have de facto cultural, educational and territorial autonomy, and because of this situation Macedonia is becoming bi-national state.

Postsocialism, Social Value, and Identity Politics among Albanians in Macedonia

In this article, Vasiliki P. Neofotistos analyzes the reappropriation of the term Šiptar, a derogatory Macedonian term for Albanians, by male members of the Albanian community in the Republic of Macedonia. Neofotistos shows how the reappropriation of the ethnic slur reflects constellations of social value, that is to say, larger systems of meaning and action concerning who and what is valued in life, that have emerged with Macedonian independence. Albanian men tap into familiar divisions found in the larger Macedonian society and create meaningful forms of collectivity as they deal with rapid social, economic, and political change in the context of Macedonia's postsocialist transformation of social practices and ideals. This case study of Macedonia sheds light on the dynamics of social relations within socially marginalized groups.

"Back to the Future": A Comparative Ethical Look at Israeli Arab Future Vision Documents

Israeli Arabs' "future vision" documents are an ethical-political manifesto, contextualized in academic discourse and informed by socio-historical parallels. Hence, this article examines their political ethics in a comparative perspective, by referencing the case of Israeli Arabs along with two other distinct intra-state conflicts: the strife between Anglophones and Francophones in Canada and the struggle between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia. These cases illuminate two main ethical-political alternatives to the present pattern of relations between Jews and Arabs in Israel. Although the Canadian case indicates a renunciation of ethno-nationalism in favor of civic and linguistic patriotism, the Macedonian case presents an attempt to reconcile ethno-national affiliation with democratic principles. Projecting the ethical discussion of the Canadian and Macedonian cases onto Israel, I contend that normative acceptance of the mutual and dual right of self-determination, regarding both the individual's collective identity and the collective's polity, is a precondition for reconciliation between Jews and Arabs.

The Macedonian Conflict and International Law: Self-Determination or Self-Defence?

The article analyses the international response to the Macedonian conflict, which rapidly developed after the NATO intervention in Kosovo in spring 1999. The international community was unable to effectively resolve the conflict; armed confrontation has ceased but a viable political solution is still a long way off. The argument here is that the NATO intervention led to the Macedonian conflict because of its apparent support for the Kosovo Albanians' drive for independence, which encouraged the ethnic Albanians in Macedonia to demand the same. The international response to the Yugoslav crisis was being devised and pursued at the European regional level rather than at the universal level through the UN. This approach unnecessarily complicated the international legal principles applicable to the Yugoslav crisis-a people's right to self-determination and a state's right to preserve its territorial integrity.

Caring for ethnic Albanians in Macedonia's refugee camps

THE LANCET • Vol 353 • May 15, 1999 1701 Giota Koutsoukou is haunted by the memory of a 7-year-old boy. When I visited Macedonia in mid-April, 1999, the nurse had spent 5 days working in hellish circumstances treating refugees from Kosovo who were violently forced to leave their homes by Serbian police only to be kept waiting in a no-man’s land at the Macedonian border. About 45 000 traumatised people spent as long as a week interned in a freezing, muddy makeshift camp known as Blace with little food, water, or shelter and no proper sanitation. Koutsoukou tended to hundreds of people suffering from exhaustion, bruises inflicted by Serbian and/or Macedonian police, convulsions, hysteria, frostbite, and respiratory infections. People with diabetes went into shock from a lack of insulin. Others emerged needing to have stitches removed or dressings changed from previous operations. Dozens died. But it is the 7-year-old who dwells in Koutsoukou’s thoughts. “The 7-year-old was just hysterical. It was incredible”, says Koutsoukou, who works for Medecins Sans Frontieres. “It was an adult hysteria, and children just aren’t supposed to get that hysterical. I was shocked. The people were shocked. These people just couldn’t understand what was happening to them.” The ethnic Albanians who comprise the overwhelming majority of the population in the Serbian province of Kosovo are the victims of the worst ethnic cleansing in Europe since World War II. The Kosovo Liberation Army has been fighting for the province’s independence for over a year. The Yugoslav authorities have attempted to eradicate the rebels by burning villages and massacring civilians in its quest to keep Kosovo within Serbia. (Serbia and Montenegro are the two remaining republics in Yugoslavia.) About 800 000 Kosovars had been displaced within the province. But when NATO began bombing Yugoslavia in late March, the country began a systematic expulsion of ethnic Albanians which has created a humanitarian nightmare. More than 6 0 0 000 have fled into Macedonia, Montenegro, and Albania, catching humanitarian relief organisations by surprise. And there is little rest for the overworked aid agencies as refugees continue to flee. The situation is the worst in Albania, Europe’s poorest country, which is hosting more than 350 000 refugees. A combination of the vast number of refugees, poor infrastructure, and mountainous terrain has made delivering aid very d i f f i c u l t . The situation is better in Macedonia, which is hosting about 120 000 refugees. But reports that another 50 000 people could be heading for the Macedonian border are causing a panic in overcrowded refugee camps. Doctors say is nothing short of a miracle that the camps have escaped epidemics but now staff are concerned that their luck could run out. Brazda, the largest camp in