al-Qaeda In The Arabian Peninsula Research Articles

The female jihadist narrative: a comparative analysis

The research analyses the representation that different jihadist organizations make of women through their official propaganda. The aim is to analyse the construction of the feminine ideal designed by Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), ISIS and Jabhat Al-Nusra through their leading magazines and to identify if there are differences in their representation of women. A content analysis is carried out on the narrative in which females are portrayed by those organizations. The study is also supported by a quantitative analysis of three features, which provide data on prominence of women in jihadism: the number of times they are mentioned, the illustrations targeting females and the existence (or not) of a specific section for women in the magazines of these groups. The research shows that the portrayal of women as victims and weak individuals is recurrent but is not limited to this role. There are differences in the content and subject matter in the official discourse of the three groups, such as with regard to violence perpetrated by women. The strategic and political differences between AQAP, ISIS and Jabhat Al-Nusra affect the construction of female roles in their official propaganda.

Investigating responses to US drone strikes in Yemen using Twitter data

As part of the War on Terror, the US conducted at least 378 air and drone strikes in Yemen from 2002 to 2023. While primarily targeting members of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), these strikes have killed over 1,000 people, including more than 125 civilians. This research aims to understand the broader societal impact of US military action as shown on Twitter, now known as ‘X’. The authors take a mixed-methods approach, using both qualitative and quantitative data to investigate this impact. They perform word- and tweet-level analyses on the content and sentiment of a subset of Yemeni Twitter users and contrast the content of Yemeni users’ tweets about US drone strikes with that of US users’ tweets. Finally, the article quantifies the temporal relationship between the frequency and severity of US drone strikes and Twitter activity levels in Yemen, considering the prevalence of Twitter bots.

Al-Qaeda Di Semenanjung Arab Dan Kesannya Kepada Ketidakstabilan Geopolitik Di Republik Yaman Al-Qaeda in The Arabian Peninsula and Its Impact on Geopolitical Instability in The Republic of Yemen

A branch of the Al-Qaeda armed terrorist organisation, Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) was founded by Osama bin Laden to fight the Soviet Union during the Afghan War. This group persisted in opposing Islamic authorities who were viewed as corrupt because of their alliance with Western nations like the United States after the Soviet Union left Afghanistan in 1989. From 2009 to the present, the Republic of Yemen has seen chaos and violence brought on by AQAP, which is led by Nasir al-Wuhayshi. One of the factors causing Yemen's geopolitical instability is AQAP's resistance. This article examines AQAP's role and how it affects Yemen's geopolitical instability. Data collection and data analysis are the two main methods that were used. In this study, documentation approaches were used to obtain any relevant data. The thematic analysis was utilised to analyse the data. As a conclusion, the study's findings support the role of AQAP as one of the factors causing geopolitical instability in Yemen. This finding is notable when compared to research done by other academics and based on the information provided

Al-Qaeda Di Semenanjung Arab Dan Kesannya Kepada Ketidakstabilan Geopolitik Di Republik Yaman Al-Qaeda in The Arabian Peninsula and Its Impact on Geopolitical Instability in The Republic of Yemen

A branch of the Al-Qaeda armed terrorist organisation, Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) was founded by Osama bin Laden to fight the Soviet Union during the Afghan War. This group persisted in opposing Islamic authorities who were viewed as corrupt because of their alliance with Western nations like the United States after the Soviet Union left Afghanistan in 1989. From 2009 to the present, the Republic of Yemen has seen chaos and violence brought on by AQAP, which is led by Nasir al-Wuhayshi. One of the factors causing Yemen's geopolitical instability is AQAP's resistance. This article examines AQAP's role and how it affects Yemen's geopolitical instability. Data collection and data analysis are the two main methods that were used. In this study, documentation approaches were used to obtain any relevant data. The thematic analysis was utilised to analyse the data. As a conclusion, the study's findings support the role of AQAP as one of the factors causing geopolitical instability in Yemen. This finding is notable when compared to research done by other academics and based on the information provided.

Jihadist Journalism: Exploring the Geographic Coverage of al-Masra Newspaper

ABSTRACT Recent terrorism research has explored jihadist groups’ discourse surrounding different countries by exploring the content of various magazines. We build on existing literature by examining al-Masra, an Arabic-language newspaper linked to Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). We created an original dataset from 1,250 articles in fifty-eight al-Masra editions, utilizing content analysis to code for each article’s main country of focus. Overall, we found that fifty-four countries formed the central focus of at least one al-Masra article. Although the United States was the most covered country, the combined coverage provided to countries in the Middle East and North Africa, South Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa far outweighed al-Masra’s concentration on “the West.” Despite al-Masra’s stated commitment to covering global Muslim affairs, however, a number of countries with large Muslim populations, including Bangladesh, Indonesia, and Nigeria, received little attention. Interestingly, al-Masra’s focus on certain countries varied over time. While coverage of Libya, Somalia, and Syria decreased during 2017, al-Masra’s concentration on the United States increased over time, especially following Donald Trump’s electoral victory. This article contributes to research on terrorist media campaigns and framing strategies by examining an understudied Arabic-language jihadist publication and its propaganda related to dozens of countries.

Exploring the Agency of the Affiliates of Transnational Jihadist Organizations: The Case of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula

The ability of trans-national jihadist organizations to exploit war, state collapse and geopolitical upheaval in the Middle East to expand and consolidate their global networks, is of major concern. This has led to a growing literature that investigates the factors that may or may not lead to the expansion of organizations such as al-Qaeda and Islamic State, but this literature has focused less on the continued agency of the affiliate once integrated into the trans-national jihadist organization. This article contributes to ongoing debates on inter-organizational dynamics within trans-national jihadist organizations by using the proxy war literature to explore the factors that may foster or inhibit the agency of local affiliates of trans-national jihadist organizations. It uses the case of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula to explore how a local affiliate navigates between the local and international. Specifically, the article suggests that al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula displays substantial agency in how it navigates between local integration and its relationship to al-Qaeda central. In doing this, the article underscores the need to look beyond rhetoric aimed at an international audience to get a fuller understanding of the affiliates of trans-national jihadist organizations.

Piracy and Maritime Security in the North-Western Indian Ocean: From the Gulf of Oman to the Waters off the Somali Coast

There are a daunting number of maritime security threats and challenges in the north-western Indian Ocean region, both extant and potential. Indeed, the mere fact that the Indian Ocean constitutes the world’s largest swath of maritime space that is prone to the major menace of piracy (in the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Sea, the Gulf of Aden and in the waters off the north-east African coastline), as well as the sporadic threat of terrorism (by Islamic militias of Al-Shabaab in Somalia and Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen), signifies that the region will arguably remain the maritime area with the greatest array of security challenges. However, while anti-piracy measures ought to have shaped regional policymaking, and the resources that a large and diverse group of states has devoted to addressing these maritime challenges have never been adequate to the task, largely successful coalition-building exercises and joint naval task-force operations have been encouraging. The transformation of Somali piracy from a haphazard activity into a highly organised, professionalised criminal enterprise is briefly elucidated by greed-grievance theory and supplemented by the theory of crime, also known as routine-activity theory.

A Renewed Al-Qaeda: Strategizing for a Comeback

Al-Qaeda, the premier global jihadist terrorist entity having its footprints in more than 60 countries and responsible for perpetrating the world's hitherto biggest terrorist attacks of 9/11, appears to have adopted a strategy of working in tandem with local Islamist-jihadist groups. This may be regarded as a strategic shift from directing and masterminding international terrorist attacks to collusion with its associated networks, such as Al-Shabab in Somalia and the Taliban in Afghanistan, and promoting local jihadists in Yemen, Sinai, Syria, and West Africa. Al-Qaeda‟s local chapters such as Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), and Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) are also working alongside local Al-Qaeda linked Islamist groups. It appears as if Al-Qaeda no longer subscribes to the approach it adhered to during the times of its former Emir Osama Bin Laden and has substantially re-crafted its strategy under Ayman al-Zawahiri.

Al-Qāʿida en la Península Arábiga (AQPA): génesis e influencia en la guerra en Yemen

La guerra en Yemen forma parte de los casos que más demandan atención y análisis en la actualidad. El texto propone un análisis de uno de los actores menos estudiados en este conflicto: al-Qāʿida en la Península Arábiga (AQPA). El presente artículo pretende demostrar cómo este grupo ha tenido una larga evolución influida por el contexto global, regional e interno yemení. A partir de la guerra en 2015, la organización supo reinventarse para presentarse como un polo de poder al margen de la contienda ḥūṯī y la coalición liderada por Arabia Saudí y Emiratos Árabes. Por ello, resulta trascendental su comprensión en la actual guerra y el futuro que le depara a Yemen.

Constructing place identity: ISIS and Al-Qaeda’s branding competition over the Caliphate

With the rise of global actors declaring statehood, the place branding competition has expanded beyond internationally recognized cities and nations. ISIS and al-Qaeda insist the establishment of the Caliphate defined both as a place and identity is paramount to reuniting Muslims under a supranational Islamic government. This study explores how each group presents the Caliphate as a place brand and identity construct in the online environment. Using a mixed-methods approach, the study investigates the discursive formation of place identity in ISIS and al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’s (AQAP) Arabic-language newsletters and examines the projections of Caliphate governance in over 3200 images. Using names, slogans, logos, and colours, ISIS targeted a niche Arab Muslim readership with contextual messages in al-Naba’ newsletter, while AQAP presented al-Masra as an Islamic, mainstream publication reinforcing the stated goal of liberating Jerusalem. The discursive strategies in al-Naba’ and al-Masra visuals further positioned ISIS as a self-governing Caliphate and AQAP as one of many sister brands with some capacity to govern. The study discusses the overlaps and distinctions between place and proto-state branding strategies and highlights the communicative threats the latter poses to cities and nations’ branding efforts worldwide.

Considering the military-media nexus from the perspective of competing groups: the case of ISIS and al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula

ABSTRACTTo address if and how militant, non-state actors in the online environment react to on-the-ground military pressures facing their competitors, this study explores AQAP’s visual media campaign during the 2016–2017 military operations to retake Mosul and Raqqa from ISIS control. Using chi-square analyses and content analysis, we analyzed 4027 images from Inspire, Jihad Recollections, and al-Masra to reveal how the onset of the ISIS battles corresponded to changes in AQAP’s strategic use of visual content, presentational form, and language-based audience targeting. Significant changes in visual content related to the display of institutional power structures rather than identity markers. Shifts in presentational elements involved image positioning (foreground/background) and viewer distance (intimate/personal vs. social public). Language-based targeting strategies between English and Arabic publications, however, demonstrated the most substantial change from before to during the battles. The study concludes that a complete understanding of the military-media nexus of militant, non-state groups requires consideration of military pressure on competing groups.

Theming for terror: Organizational adornment in terrorist propaganda

Research has shown that adornment strategies such as “theming” are a prominent and patterned phenomenon in institutional organizational life. Scholars have yet to investigate if, and how, extra-institutional organizations such as terrorist organizations similarly utilize theming as a strategy to signal to their primary consumer base: recruits. To remedy this, we utilize a variety of computational topic modeling techniques built from Latent Dirichlet Analysis (LDA) to analyze a corpus of propaganda aimed at Western audiences. Drawing on the markets-as-politics paradigm we show how Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and the Islamic State organization (ISIS) maintain similar strategies of signaling global illegitimacy while cultivating distinct themes of terrorism in an effort to differentiate themselves from one another. We argue that terrorist organizations use propaganda to signal distinct organizational identity, even while broadly operating under the umbrella identity of Islamic fundamentalism. This focus on extra-legal organizations elaborates upon fundamental assumption of markets-as-politics and problematizes prior research asserting that strategies utilized by terrorist organizations to convey meaning are fundamentally the same.

Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula: Structure and Strategy

Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula: Structure and Strategy

“No boots on the ground”: the effectiveness of US drones against Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula

ABSTRACTThe number of US drone strikes against Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) in Yemen has increased significantly since 2010, but received limited academic attention. This article examines the effectiveness of this drone campaign using an existing theoretical framework. Crucially, we contribute to the framework by adding a fourth intervening variable, namely target correspondence. Through a single case study, it is found that drones have only enjoyed limited success in degrading AQAP's hierarchical structure, qualified human resources and access to key material resources, and in some cases – owing to our target correspondence analysis – this limited success has come at a price. It is found that drones have temporarily disrupted AQAP by successfully eliminating senior leaders involved in coordinating and overseeing external operations. Overall, AQAP's ability to hit Western targets remains significant.

The portrayal of drones in terrorist propaganda: a discourse analysis of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’s Inspire

That drone warfare may cause “blowback” is a well-established argument – commonly used to contest drones’ effectiveness. One of the unintended consequences of drones includes the opportunity it provides terrorists who can use drones in their propaganda. Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’s e-magazine Inspire is demographically targeting Western Muslims, and aims to encourage to “homegrown” terrorism and/or recruitment of “foreign fighters.” This study examines how drone warfare is portrayed in Inspire, using a qualitative discourse analysis. It is found that the magazine, commonly portray drones as a failing policy that mainly causes civilian deaths and oppress Muslims. Drones are used to further polarize Inspire-readers and the USA, whereas drone warfare is portrayed as cowardly and inhumane. Overall, this portrayal may have implications for the overall effectiveness of drones.

How and Why Do Terrorist Organizations Use the Internet?

The article gives general characterisation of the ways in which these organizations use modern communication technologies. Currently, every major terrorist organisation maintain robust media wings, which focus on producing videos, publishing magazines and sharing them with the public via the Web. The empirical system of reference is based on the activity of al-Qaeda, her franchise AQAP (al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula) and ISIS (the so-called Islamic State). While analysing the media of terrorist organisations, the Lasswell model was applied. This formula is a standard research procedure used for investigating acts of communication by answering the questions: who, says what, in which channel, to whom, with what effect?. The author also present typology of videos produced by jihadist organisations, characterised the most important and active media actions of terrorist organisations and a typology of recipients of such messages. The article presents a number of reasons why the Internet has become such an important tool for terrorists.

Aktivity al-Káidy na Arabském poloostrově a tzv. Islámského státu v rámci jemenského konfliktu (20152017)

This article compares the activities of two Salafi-jihadist organizations, Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and the so-called Islamic State, in the context of the civil war in Yemen. The studied period is from in January 2015 till the end of March 2017. The author compares activities of both groups in four parameters - violent actions, control of territory and provision of services, acquisition of resources, and media activities. The author also briefly outlines other important influences on the mutual competition and its possible implications on the conflict in Yemen and global Salafi-jihadist competition.

“Make a Bomb in the Kitchen of Your Mom”: Jihadist Tactical Technical Communication and the Everyday Practice of Cooking

ABSTRACTSince the terrorist attacks of 9/11, Jihadist organizations such as al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) have focused increasingly on motivating unaffiliated individuals in the United States and Western countries to carry out lone-wolf attacks in their home countries. To this end, many Jihadist organizations produce what is known as tactical technical communication. Jihadist tactical technical communication persuades individuals to act by creating identification between individuals and audiences, and by associating terrorist tactics with everyday practices such as cooking.

Www.Jihadusa.com: Al Qaeda, the Internet, and Homegrown Terrorism in the United States

The purpose of my paper is to examine the growing trend of al Qaeda and its affiliates, particularly al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’s (AQAP) embrace of recruitment and radicalization of Muslims within the United States. Many experts have discounted the threat of homegrown radicalization and embrace of jihad taking place in the United States given greater assimilation, low poverty rates, and high educational attainment levels in many U.S. Muslim communities relative to those in Europe. However, al Qaeda and AQAP’s recruitment strategy has evolved. The Internet has now become the most important element and allows anyone anywhere access to intermediaries, like-minded individuals via blogs, chatrooms, Facebook, and Twitter, as well as audio and video sermons, messages, and publications. The recruitment strategy has become “bottom-up” comprising messages that compel would be jihadists to view the West as naturally at odds and at war with Islam. The ultimate goal is to force U.S. Muslims to choose sides, according to al Qaeda, you cannot be a good Muslim and embrace the West at the same time. Once you have chosen the path to Islam, the only logical and righteous path is the embrace of violent jihad against the enemies of Islam, the United States. Al Qaeda and AQAP’s recruitment also emphasizes the individual duty of every Muslim to join the global struggle or Ummah, and carry out jihad. By utilizing the Internet, al Qaeda and AQAP hope to allow Muslims in America to identify with and feel the same sense of subjugation and oppression felt by Muslims in Europe and other parts of the world where these factors had left Muslims more susceptible to recruitment. The paper also addresses other like-minded groups that have also embraced these al Qaeda Internet strategies, namely Al-Shabaab. In order to attract recruits from the U.S., the group also markets itself as part of the global universal Muslim struggle, and entices potential recruits via the Internet to embrace the “Ummah consciousness” and thus necessarily jihad against America. The paper will also address counterterrorist strategies aimed at preventing attacks perpetrated by those radicalized and recruited in the Unites States.

With the Stroke of a Pen: Legal Standards for Adding Names to Government Kill Lists

United States (us) government officials disclosed, in 2010, that Anwar Al-Aulaki, a dual us-Yemeni citizen alleged to be a leader of the terrorist group Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, had been added to a list of individuals that the Central Intelligence Agency (cia) and the Joint Special Operations Command (jsoc) were authorised to target for death. It is clear that the right to life is affected by targeted killing actions, as the objective of the practice is to kill the targeted individual. For such a practice to be lawful, it has to be considered non-arbitrary according to international standards. The two main instruments of universal scope that provide a legal protection for this right are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The use of lethal force by a State would be legally justified by: (1) the carrying out of a lawfully imposed death penalty; (2) during an armed conflict, under international humanitarian law; and (3) if the force used was necessary, proportional and not the first option. This article examines the question of whether adding names to kill list remains legal under international human rights and humanitarian law, and if so, under what circumstances?