Pan-African Research Articles

Labor-inclusive corporatism after democratic transitions: Institutionalization in South Africa and Brazil

Abstract Under what conditions has corporatist policymaking become institutionalized in newly transitioned democracies? I argue that transitions have provided temporary opportunities for unions to push for laws they can later use to protect their place in economic councils. The relevant sets of legal rules, which I call compulsory deliberation, enable non-‘State official’ members to resist governmental disruption of such councils despite them composing the Executive’s structure. I compare South Africa and Brazil, two ‘most similar’ cases that featured sequences of chronically unstable labor-excluding councils under authoritarian regimes. I argue that the former broke out of this trajectory while the latter did not because South African unions developed aspirations for durable policy influence before the transition, whereas Brazilian ones only did so afterward and thus mobilized too late. Although Brazilian governments have enacted dozens of regulations covering as many councils, these have only served as short-term instruments for marketing policies.

The Role of International Cooperation in Sustainable Development in Nigeria: An Overview

Sustainable development in Nigeria, Africa's most populous country, is an urgent priority due to the interplay of rapid urbanization, environmental degradation, and socio-economic challenges. Nigeria has adopted global frameworks such as the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and various partnerships, including those with the African Union (AU), the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the World Bank, and the World Health Organization (WHO), to address these concerns. International cooperation has played a pivotal role in Nigeria’s development by facilitating technical expertise and financial support across critical sectors like agriculture, health, energy, and environmental management. This paper employs the United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework (UNSDCF) and Results-Based Management (RBM) to analyze how such collaboration has driven progress and highlights the challenges Nigeria faces in achieving sustainable development, including governance issues, over-exploitation of natural resources, and poverty. While international partnerships have catalyzed efforts toward Nigeria’s development goals, significant gaps remain that require attention, such as corruption, environmental degradation, and inadequate infrastructure.

Assessement of Nigerias Afrocentric Foreign Policy: A Case Study of President Olusegun Obasanjo's Administration

The emergence of President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 as the president of Nigeria marked a significant transition from military rule to democratic rule, the image of the country have been battered in the international arena due to military dictatorship, hence the president have to concentrate on rebuilding the image of Nigeria. Nigeria's Afrocentrism, rooted in its post-independence policy under Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, has consistently placed Africa at the center of its foreign policy. The paper explores Nigeria's Afrocentric foreign policy, focusing on the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007). This approach emphasizes African unity, emancipation, and development, with Nigeria playing a key role in mediation, conflict resolution, and peacekeeping within the continent. The research aimed to critically examines the effort made by president Obasanjo in area of ensuring democratic rule, Peacekeeping operations, and regional economic integration in Africa. This paper argues that Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy, while altruistic, may require recalibration to better align with national interests, ensuring that such commitments do not disproportionately burden the Nigerian economy. The historical and analytical approach was employed in the presentation and analysis of data, the information goes through rigorous analysis that is data analysis, which is a technique for an objective, systematic and qualitative description of the data acquired. Furthermore, the theory employed in the making of this research is Concentric circle theory which was first brought from sociology, and later adopted in the study of foreign policy. A shift towards a more pragmatic and national interest-focused foreign policy, emphasizing economic growth and development, is recommended for future engagements.

The Failure of African Leaders to Revive the Economy and Alleviate Poverty through the African Union

This paper assessed the economic shortfalls of the African leaders in/ through the African Union (AU) in the revival of the African economy and that continues to hinder the continent’s development. In doing so, the study employed qualitative techniques. Document analysis was used to illustrate that the African leaders in the organization have not done justice to their goal of being role players economic development of the continent. This has led to the contemporary mediocrity performance of continental economic development. This paper discovered that the economic vision of the African leaders through the AU has not been met thus far. This is a clear indication of the failure of the leaders to meet the organization’s objective in terms ofpoverty alleviation is concerned. The study recommends various mechanisms to enhance Africa’s development through internal trade and economic integration. Hence, it concludes that it is clear that the African Union has not yet achieved its economic objectives. To change this, Africa needs to promote unity and establish itself as a key player in global economic trade, rather than being on the sidelines. Keywords: Objectives of the AU, Failures of the African leader, The AU, Continent’s Economic Growth and Stability.

An Overview of Türkiye’s Africa Policy: Historical Background, Strategic Diplomacy, and Future Prospects

As part of a multifaceted foreign policy, Türkiye has strengthened its relations with African countries by focusing on political, economic, humanitarian, and cultural cooperation. In 1998, the Turkish government introduced the African Initiative Policy, which laid the foundation for the country’s growing influence, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa. Türkiye reached a significant milestone in 2005, known as the “Year of Africa,” when it became an observer member of the African Union (AU). With the AU’s recognition of Türkiye as a strategic partner by 2008, its influence and cooperation with Africa has substantially increased.

Türkiye’s Foreign Relations with Regional Blocs in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Case of AU and ECOWAS

Strong foreign relations among nations are crucial for fostering global stability, economic growth, and cross-cultural understanding. A stable global system that resolves conflicts through dialogue rather than confrontation benefits from positive foreign relations. This paper examines Türkiye’s changing foreign policy approach towards Sub-Saharan African regional blocs, with an emphasis on their political, cultural, and economic facets. Türkiye’s strategic involvement with influential regional bodies such as the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), among others, reflects its broader objective to expand its influence and cultivate multifaceted partnerships across the African continent. The scope of this paper is limited to the AU and ECOWAS. Through a comprehensive analysis, the paper evaluates Türkiye’s economic initiatives, including trade agreements and investment flows, as well as its contributions to infrastructure development. The findings established Türkiye’s peacekeeping roles, cultural diplomacy, diplomatic efforts, and educational exchanges. Through the investigation of these diverse aspects, the conclusion outlines a comprehensive understanding of Türkiye’s place in geopolitical dynamics and regional integration in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The Potential of Mediation in the Arab World's Irredentist Conflicts (on the Example of the Western Sahara War)

The article examines the potential of mediation in resolving irredentist conflicts on the example of the war in Western Sahara, analysing key aspects of the conflict, including the role of international organisations such as the UN and the Organisation of African Unity in negotiations between the parties. The article also reveals the peculiarities of mediation in the context of Morocco's post-colonial territorial claims to Western Sahara and the involvement of other states, such as Spain, France, Algeria and the United States, in the region. The authors note the difficulties arising in the mediation process due to the parties' different approaches to conflict resolution. The authors analyse the role of historical memory and ethnic identity in shaping Morocco's irredentist claims, as well as the factor of religious and cultural differences that complicate negotiations. The relationship between domestic interests and geopolitical influences on the negotiation process is explored. The authors highlight the problems of the legal status of Western Sahara in international law, which complicates the achievement of a compromise between the parties. The role of referendums as a tool for conflict resolution and their limitations in this particular case are also revealed. The article concludes that it is necessary to involve neutral states as mediators and that it is important to adhere to the principle of voluntariness in negotiations.

Barriers and Challenges Faced by Women Shop Stewards in Two Major South African Trade Unions

There are fewer women shop stewards than men shop stewards in South Africa, which can be attributed to existing barriers and challenges. A need arose to investigate these obstacles. The study was qualitative and exploratory. Two themes emerged from the interviews we conducted, each with various sub-themes. The findings revealed barriers such as existing relationships, lack of nomination and not being elected if nominated as well as challenges such as the negative perception of women’s emotionality and a desire to become mothers, a general lack of support and victimisation. These barriers and challenges make it difficult for women to become shop stewards and, if they do, to be effective. According to South African labour legislation, equality should be encouraged in all roles. Women should be motivated to become shop stewards and offered support, not only by the trade unions through policies such as reserved seats for women in union leadership, women-only conferences and workshops and the funding of women’s initiatives, but also by employers, fellow women members and society. This study provides valuable information for industrial relations in South Africa and worldwide.

The United Nations Charter and the African Union Constitutive Act: The search for compatibility in addressing African peace and security

ABSTRACT Collective security by regional organisations continues to be impacted by evolving global security threats. Previously focused at the global level, the shift from interstate conflicts to intra-state conflicts resulted in the acknowledgement of regionalism and the functions of collective security being implemented at the regional level. This paper examines the development of regionalism in the security sphere and the evolving relationship between the United Nations (UN) and regional organisations. Employing historical and comparative perspectives, it considers both the development of regional security projects and the reasons for their successes and failures. It also critically analyses the various constitutional developments that have occurred within regional arrangements looking particularly at the African Union (AU) and what accounts for such regional organisations to depart from the normative framework of regional arrangements contained in Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. The paper uses primary and secondary material to understand the compatibility of Chapter VIII of the UN Charter and the Constitutive Act of the AU as mechanisms used to respond to peace and security challenges on the African continent. The design of the study is qualitative research and the AU is used as a case study from other regional organisations. The theoretical framework adopted, based on its explanatory power, is collective security.

Navigating the Mauritian Creative Landscape: Insights into Collective Management Organization of Copyright and Neighbouring Rights in Mauritius

A thorough analysis of collective management organisations (CMOs) in the unique sociocultural and economic context of Mauritius is presented in this article. By employing a comprehensive methodology that encompasses various case studies and qualitative research techniques like interviews and organisational document analysis, it provides significant understanding of the roles, challenges, and impacts of CMOs in directing and balancing creativity in the Mauritius setting. This study sheds light on the complexities and opportunities present in collective management within Mauritius’ dynamic creative sectors through an examination of operational processes, legislative frameworks, and the socio-economic contributions of CMOs. Minimal election attendance, numerous complaints and conflicts, poor enforcement of intellectual property rights, operational inefficiencies, minimal stakeholder involvement, and poor market dynamics are some of the particular challenges that CMOs in Mauritius confront. The modernisation of the legislative framework, the use of technological advancements, capacity building, income stream diversification, public awareness and advocacy campaigns, and the potential for African and regional unity are some of the special opportunities that CMOs have in Mauritius. This paper offers crucial insights for decision-makers, interested parties, and scholars who want to improve the sustainability and efficacy of collective management techniques, with the ultimate goal of promoting an atmosphere that encourages innovation, creativity, and the fair sharing of intellectual property rights in Mauritius.

Nigeria’s Border Diplomacy in Africa: A Contraption of ‘Security Realism’ and Pan-Africanism

Following the adoption of the Organisation of African Unity -OAU (now African Union -AU) led African-wide border arrangement, which provides for the ‘sacredness’ of the inherited colonial borders in 1964, Nigeria deployed its geographical advantage as an instrument of diplomatic relations in the continent. Drawing from field observation and data collected through key informant interviews with Nigerian border enforcement officials, the study contends that in the quest to explore the inherent benefits of the borders, Nigeria’s border diplomacy has taken two opposing outlooks of nationalism and ‘Pan-Africanism’. It argues that, albeit contradictory, the two border postures follow the same pattern of a state-centric ‘top-down’ approach, which has proven ineffective in arresting the border situation. Thus, in addressing the border challenges to salvage its national security debacle, the study submits that Nigeria must understand its borders’ dynamics while deploying a practicable border diplomatic approach from the ‘below’ that factors the dynamics of its border regions and other non-state/sub-national transborder actors in the country.

Coups, Regional Security Complexes and the Impact of Nigeria’s Peacekeeping in West Africa, 1960–2022

Over the years, Africa has continued to experience conflicts caused by civil wars and the tussle for power through military coups. Despite having the Mediation & Security Council within ECOWAS, it has been unable to create sustainable peace within the region. The many porous borders between the countries further exacerbate the complexities of its regional security. The consequences of these problems usually affect neighbouring countries, thereby resulting in regional security complexes and the consequent challenges of peacekeeping operations. This paper uses historical, descriptive and comparative analysis by focusing on coups as precursors to security challenges in the region of West Africa and the resulting peacekeeping operations by countries such as Nigeria. Based on the premise of ECOWAS, it introduces some conflicts caused by coups; the challenges of Regional Security Complex in West Africa and the examination of Nigerian Peacekeeping efforts. Furthermore, it offers some recommendations towards sustainable regional peace. Results show that there is a need for the African Union (AU) to do more to secure the continent. Reliance on non-African countries to support its internal security problems has become counterproductive. It recommends that Nigeria should temporarily suspend its peacekeeping operations and channel its resources towards addressing its internal security challenges; that the AU must establish a standing army as a quick response force to address the various continental crises before they become exponential threats and that ECOWAS should implement its common currency plan. Finally, the African Union must develop best practices that can alleviate poverty and guarantee security in line with the 17 UN Sustainable Development Goals.

Foreign Investment in Fragile and Conflict-Affected Situations: Opportunities, Challenges and Prospects

African countries remain stubbornly plagued by fragility and conflict-affected conditions. Out of thirty-seven countries categorized as fragile and conflict-affected states, African countries are nineteen in number representing about 51% of the total states. The remaining African countries that are excluded in this list do not fare better in institutional and social fragility index, nor are they delivering enduring peace and sustainable development to their populace. The African Union (AU)’s approval of the Phase II of the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement (AfCFTA) constitutes a pragmatic approach to use investment framework to change the climate of fragility and conflict. Foreign investment presents a veritable opportunity to turn the fragile and conflict-affected African states into a hub of peace and development. The increase in international investment brings with it the spillover of skills, know-how and technology into the host state. Additionally, foreign investment increases employment and revenue generation, diversification and improvement in the quality of products and services, and overall improvement in the standard of living. Equitable and inclusive sharing of revenues from natural resources similarly promotes societal cohesion and limits the triggers of institutional fragility. Consequently, this paper seeks to explore the modalities for the use of foreign investment as a pathway to inclusive development in African countries plagued by fragility and conflict.

Program Graniczny Unii Afrykańskiej: cele i ich realizacja (2007-2022)

AFRICAN UNION BORDER PROGRAMME: OBJECTIVES AND IMPLEMENTATION (2007-2022)The African Union Border Programme (AUBP) was established in 2007 as part of African Union’s efforts to strengthen the structural conflict prevention capacities of its Member States. The main objective of the AUBP is the promotion of peace, security and stability through: delimitation and demarcation of borders, cross-border cooperation, and capacity building. The Program is implemented on three levels: national, subregional and continental, based on the principle of subsidiarity. In implementing the Programme, the AU Commission cooperates both with African organisations (primarily regional economic communities) and the United Nations, European states (especially Germany) and European organisations of cross-border cooperation (for example AEBR and MOT).

Separatyzmy w stosunkach międzynarodowych w Afryce

SEPARATISMS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN AFRICADespite the acceptance by African states of the principle of respect for post‑colonial borders (adopted at the Organisation of African Unity in 1964), the post-colonial period saw more than a dozen cases of separatist movements forming in Africa, seeking to create new states. In two cases, this resulted in a real change of borders – in 1993, Eritrea was created through secession from Ethiopia, and in 2011, the southern provinces of Sudan proclaimed the creation of South Sudan. Effectively, though without international legal recognition, there is Somaliland, which in 1991 proclaimed independence in the northern part of Somalia. In addition, separatist movements have occurred in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Katanga and Kasai), Nigeria (Biafra), Tanzania (Zanzibar), Cameroon (Ambazonia), Angola (Cabinda), Senegal (Casamance), Mali (Azawad). Among the causes of each of Africa’s separatisms is a confluence of local factors of a political, ethnic or economic nature. Multi-ethnicity and multiculturalism (resulting from the artificial nature of borders), low levels of socioeconomic development and dysfunctional states generate contradictions, leading to disturbances in the stability of individual countries, and their manifestation sometimes becomes the aspirations of certain social groups to achieve – in the absence of states effectively performing their functions – political independence.

Predictors of match performance in the South African Rugby Union Women's Premier Division

Purpose Performance indicators in women's rugby union are under-researched. The aim of this study was to describe the match activities and determine the predictors for winning/losing and points difference in the South African Rugby Union (SARU) Women's Premier Division competition. Methods During the 2021 and 2022 seasons, SARU-coded matches included 33 indicators (including attacking, defensive, set plays, and error categories) which were analysed for two outcome variables: winning/losing and points difference (points for MINUS points against). Results The results of the study showed that for winning compared to losing, tries (OR = 6.48; p = 0.0001), goal kicking success % (OR = 1.03; p = 0.0245), and dominant tackles % (OR = 1.45; p = 0.0333) increased the odds of winning, whilst yellow cards decreased the odds (OR = 0.27; p = 0.0199). For points difference, Factor 1 (OR = 1.016) including variables related to clean breaks, tries and conversions thereof, were predictive of a larger points difference, whilst Factor 6 (positive tackles, lineout wins; OR = 0.958) favoured a close match/smaller points difference. Conclusion The predictive indicators differed from those found in previous literature. However, there was little to no data available on women's rugby union to compare to, and therefore comparisons were made to men's rugby. More data and studies are required to confirm these findings.

The West and the Rest of Us?

A number of the luminaries of the Pan-African movement such as Kwame Nkrumah, George Padmore, W.E.B Dubois, C.L R James and Eric Williams as anti-colonial thinkers and political leaders cherished aspirations of an alternative international order. Their anti-colonial struggle was not just nationalistic and continentalist in outlook but was inspired by visions of “world-making” (Getachew 2019). Their project of African Independence as undergirded by Pan-Africanism sought to challenge the West as the embodiment of slavery and colonialism (Chinweizu 1975) not only on the continent where it created colonies but the post-World War II dispensation. Many of them propagated socialist sentiments and objectives. W. E.B. Dubois was a Marxist until the moment of his transition. It was in this sense that as Marxist in ideological outlook and socialist in political praxis, they were anti-capitalist in orientation. They embraced the Afro-Asian call of cooperation (Bandung spirit) to challenge the world hegemony of the West which characterised “the long twentieth century” (Arrighi 2010). Thus, a foundation of the “global South” as a victim of underdevelopment by the West was laid. They wanted to challenge the hegemony of the political economy of the imperialist West.

Constructing African Union Law and Rethinking Supranationalism in African Integration: What Lessons from the European Union?

Abstract This Article examines the development and scope of African Union (AU) law and its role as a facilitator of and contributor to regional integration in Africa. The Article addresses several interlinked questions relating, but not limited, to the sources and foundations of AU law, the role of AU policy organs in the making of AU law, the extent to which EU law presents a comparative framework or useful precedent for analysing and understanding AU law, and the role of supranationalism in the economic and political integration of its member states and in the development of AU law. The Article argues that it is necessary to amend the AU Constitutive Act and other relevant AU legal instruments to enhance the supranational authority and legislative powers of the AU. It concludes that AU supranationalism needs to be rethought, but it need not uncritically mimic the EU’s approach to supranationalism in every respect.

Democratic Rollback in West Africa: Coup Contagion, Sit-tight Tyrants and Best Options for Regional Organisations

Unconstitutional changes of government (UCG) have resurfaced in West Africa, undermining decades of democratic progress. This article examines the effectiveness of intervention strategies by regional organizations, specifically the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), in preventing democratic backsliding and mitigating military coups. Despite these organizations’ efforts, their strategies, including diplomatic pressure, economic sanctions, and military threats, have often yielded limited success. The study investigates the strengths and weaknesses of these approaches, highlighting the inconsistency in sanctions application and the internal divisions within ECOWAS that hamper effective intervention. Through a comprehensive review of recent coups in Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Gabon, the study explores the broader political and economic factors contributing to instability, such as corruption, weak institutions, and socioeconomic challenges exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings suggest that enhancing democratic institutions, promoting good governance, and enforcing strict term limits are crucial for long-term stability. This study aims to contribute to the development of more robust frameworks for safeguarding democracy in West Africa, offering recommendations for regional organizations, national governments, and international actors to address the challenges of democratic backsliding and coup contagion.

Legal Conditions for the Implementation of the "Silencing Weapons by 2020" Program of the African Union Agenda for the Period Up to 2063

Silencing weapons by 2020 is an ambitious project of the African Union contained in the ‘Agenda 2063 the Africa we want’. According to aspiration 4 (32) of that Agenda, the achievement of that project requires that mechanisms for peaceful prevention and resolution of conflicts should be functional at all levels. Therefore, that article doesn’t name those mechanisms. In the first aspect of his reflection, the author analyzes those mechanisms as being the peace and security architecture, which is the main mechanism designed to prevent and manage conflicts in Africa, as well as to strengthen peace and to which the African Union (AU) adhered, Regional Economic Communities (RECs) as well as Regional mechanisms (RM); and the African Union Court of Justice and Human Rights, which is a merger of the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) and the Court of Justice of the African Union(CJAU) and is the primary judicial agency of the African Union and the first regional court with international criminal jurisdiction. Further in his analysis, the author explains that the failure to meet the silence the guns by 2020 program and the postponement until 2030 has been a consequence of the non-achievement of the mechanisms mentioned in aspiration 4(32). The author ends up his analysis on the conclusion according to which if those mechanisms are not put in place there is a high risk that the second deadline scheduled for 2030, will also not be met. He therefore calls for the complete implementation of the ASP and for the ratification of the CJDHUA Treaty. If this is not possible, to demonstrate realism by setting the deadline for silence the guns in a period after the implementation of the mechanisms provided for in aspiration 4 of Agenda 2063.