African American English Speakers Research Articles

African American English speakers' pitch variation and rate adjustments for imagined technological and human addressees.

This paper examines the adaptations African American English speakers make when imagining talking to a voice assistant, compared to a close friend/family member and to a stranger. Results show that speakers slowed their rate and produced less pitch variation in voice-assistant-"directed speech" (DS), relative to human-DS. These adjustments were not mediated by how often participants reported experiencing errors with automatic speech recognition. Overall, this paper addresses a limitation in the types of language varieties explored when examining technology-DS registers and contributes to our understanding of the dynamics of human-computer interaction.

Collaboration to Increase Cultural Relevance for African American English Speakers With Disabilities

Students with disabilities who are speakers of African American English (AAE) can face barriers and challenges in the classroom. There is the potential for negative perceptions of AAE and a lack of understanding of dialectal differences to impact student expectations and outcomes. School leadership must prepare educators to implement strategies to support students with these intersecting identities, yet research indicates that educators often need more preparation. Speech-language pathologists (SLPs) are one special education discipline with specialized training and skills to meet student needs at the intersection of disability and linguistic diversity. Today, policymakers and school leaders call on educators to be CR practitioners. This article presents a CR framework and provides recommendations for educators collaborating with SLPs within the five framework themes. By leveraging partnerships with SLPs, educators can increase their cultural relevance and more effectively support educational outcomes for students with disabilities who are speakers of AAE.

Dialect identification, intelligibility ratings, and acceptability ratings of dysarthric speech in two American English dialects

ABSTRACT The current study explored the intelligibility and acceptability ratings of dysarthric speakers with African American English (AAE) and General American English (GAE) dialects by listeners who identify as GAE or AAE speakers, as well as listener ability to identify dialect in dysarthric speech. Eighty-six listeners rated the intelligibility and acceptability of sentences extracted from a passage read by speakers with dysarthria. Samples were used from the Atlanta Motor Speech Disorders Corpus and ratings were collected via self-report. The listeners identified speaker dialect in a forced-choice format. Listeners self-reported their dialect and exposure to AAE. AAE dialect was accurately identified in 63.43% of the the opportunities; GAE dialect was accurately identified in 70.35% of the opportunities. Listeners identifying as AAE speakers rated GAE speech as more acceptable, whereas, listeners identifying as GAE speakers rated AAE speech as more acceptable. Neither group of listeners demonstrated a difference in intelligibility ratings. Exposure to AAE had no effect on intelligibility or acceptability ratings. Listeners can identify dialect (AAE and GAE) with a better than chance degree of accuracy. One’s dialect may have an effect on intelligibility and acceptability ratings. Exposure to a dialect did not affect listener ratings of intelligibility or acceptability.

The impact of dialect differences on spoken language comprehension

AbstractResearch has suggested that children who speak African American English (AAE) have difficulty using features produced in Mainstream American English (MAE) but not AAE, to comprehend sentences in MAE. However, past studies mainly examined dialect features, such as verbal -s, that are produced as final consonants with shorter durations when produced in conversation which impacts their phonetic saliency. Therefore, it is unclear if previous results are due to the phonetic saliency of the feature or how AAE speakers process MAE dialect features more generally. This study evaluated if there were group differences in how AAE- and MAE-speaking children used the auxiliary verbs was and were, a dialect feature with increased phonetic saliency but produced differently between the dialects, to interpret sentences in MAE. Participants aged 6, 5–10, and 0 years, who spoke MAE or AAE, completed the DELV-ST, a vocabulary measure (PVT), and a sentence comprehension task. In the sentence comprehension task, participants heard sentences in MAE that had either unambiguous or ambiguous subjects. Sentences with ambiguous subjects were used to evaluate group differences in sentence comprehension. AAE-speaking children were less likely than MAE-speaking children to use the auxiliary verbs was and were to interpret sentences in MAE. Furthermore, dialect density was predictive of Black participant’s sensitivity to the auxiliary verb. This finding is consistent with how the auxiliary verb is produced between the two dialects: was is used to mark both singular and plural subjects in AAE, while MAE uses was for singular and were for plural subjects. This study demonstrated that even when the dialect feature is more phonetically salient, differences between how verb morphology is produced in AAE and MAE impact how AAE-speaking children comprehend MAE sentences.

Grammaticality Judgments of Tense and Agreement by Child Speakers of African American English: Effects of Clinical Status, Surface Form, and Grammatical Structure.

We examined the grammaticality judgments of tense and agreement (T/A) structures by children with and without developmental language disorder (DLD) within African American English (AAE). The children's judgments of T/A forms were also compared to their judgments of two control forms and, for some analyses, examined by surface form (i.e., overt, zero) and type of structure (i.e., BE, past tense, verbal -s). The judgments were from 91 AAE-speaking kindergartners (DLD = 34; typically developing = 57), elicited using items from the Rice/Wexler Test of Early Grammatical Impairment. The data were analyzed twice, once using General American English as the reference and A' scores and once using AAE as the reference and percentages of acceptability. Although the groups differed using both metrics, the percentages of acceptability tied the DLD T/A deficit to judgments of the overt forms, while also revealing a general DLD weakness judging sentences that are ungrammatical in AAE. Judgments of the overt T/A forms by both groups correlated with their productions of these forms and their language test scores, and both groups showed structure-specific form preferences ("is": overt > zero vs. verbal -s: overt = zero). The findings demonstrate the utility of grammaticality judgment tasks for revealing weaknesses in T/A within AAE-speaking children with DLD, while also calling for more studies using AAE as the dialect reference when designing stimuli and coding systems. https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.22534588.

Exploratory Examination of Speech Disfluencies in Spoken Narrative Samples of School-Age Bidialectal Children

This study examined the relationship between school-age children's speech disfluencies and the use of and variation of Mainstream American English (MAE) and African American English (AAE). Given that bilingual children may present with notably more speech disfluencies than monolingual children, it was hypothesized that bidialectal speaking children (i.e., those that use both MAE and AAE) may exhibit higher speech disfluencies, as compared to children who speak mainly MAE and those who mainly speak AAE. It was also hypothesized that bidialectal speaking children would exhibit a greater variety of speech disfluency types when compared to the other two dialect groups (i.e., MAE and AAE). School-age children (n = 61) with typical development and fluency were classified into three dialect groups: MAE speakers (n = 21), bidialectal MAE-AAE speakers (n = 11), and AAE speakers (n = 29). Tell-retell narrative samples were elicited from each participant using a wordless picture book. Speech disfluencies exhibited during these narrative samples were examined for frequency of stuttering-like and nonstuttering-like speech disfluencies and type of speech disfluency. Findings indicated that bidialectal speaking children do not present with a higher frequency of speech disfluencies when compared to children who speak MAE and children who speak AAE. Additionally, there were no differences in the types of speech disfluencies exhibited by the different dialect groups. Unexpected findings of this study nullify both hypotheses and suggest that bidialectalism, in comparison to bilingualism, has less of an impact on speech fluency. Findings provide evidence that bidialectal speaking children are not at an increased risk for a misdiagnosis of stuttering. Clinically, these preliminary findings provide some scientific validity and specification to the appropriateness of using already established diagnostic criteria commonly used for stuttering with dialect speakers.

Sociopsychological cost of AAE-to-SAE code-switching

Objective: This conceptual article outlines the sociopsychological cost that speakers of African American English (AAE) may incur when having to use the Standard dialect of American English (SAE) in academic and professional settings. Its goal is to detail the challenges to speakers’ self-concept resulting from this cost, to outline how clinical work may be affected by it, and to issue a call of action to qualitative researchers in the field of communication sciences and disorders. It will be argued that a symbolic interactionist account of identity, informed by qualitative research data, can guide clinicians into action regarding therapy and advocacy. Methods: A contrastive definition of code-switching versus code-mixing/code-meshing or translanguaging will be provided. Existing research, cultural artifacts, and personal accounts will be used to illustrate the sociopsychological cost of code-switching, and the ways in which it can have important impacts on individuals’ self-concept and their attitude toward learning. In order to conceptualize these dynamics in interactional terms, Mead’s model of the self will be deployed. Results: It can be expected that a sizable portion of African American children and adolescents incur sociopsychological cost when faced with the expectation to code-switch from AAE to SAE at school. This cost can be explained using a Meadian model of identity. Little research has explored this cost, the interactional dynamics in which it is incurred, or its impact on speech-language therapy. Summary and conclusion: Speech-language pathologists’ scope of practice includes therapeutic work with students who speak AAE, as well as advocacy for all students, disordered or not, who are faced with the cost of this particular type of code-switching. Qualitative research in the field of communication sciences and disorders is uniquely well suited to illuminate the precise form of the interactional dynamics in question, and to develop ways of addressing them in clinical and advocacy work. Such research should employ a symbolic interactionist model of identity that is not tied to psychological assumptions, but which can be derived entirely from empirical observations.

Dis, Dat, and Dem: Addressing linguistic awareness for counselors of African American English speakers

AbstractUpward of 80% of Black people speak some variant of African American English (AAE). The counseling profession is a language‐oriented form of help seeking, yet the relevance of linguistic diversity in a counseling context is largely absent from scholarly literature. Using Critical Race Theory as a theoretical framework, the authors provide a definition of AAE, as well as historical and sociopolitical contextual information about AAE. Important clinical implications for working effectively with AAE speakers are identified.

Consonant Cluster Productions in Preschool Children Who Speak African American English.

The aim of this study was to compare word-initial and word-final consonant cluster productions in young children who speak African American English (AAE) and compare their productions to what we know about cluster productions in children who speak Mainstream American English (MAE), in order to minimize misdiagnosis of speech sound disorders. Twenty-two children (ages 2;10-5;4 [years;months]) labeled pictures whose names contained at least one consonant cluster in word-initial and/or word-final position. Most two-element clusters of English were sampled, the majority in two or more words. The participants' responses were transcribed using a consensus transcription procedure. Each cluster attempt was analyzed for its similarity with MAE. Percentage matching scores were significantly higher for word-initial than word-final clusters. Word-final clusters produced as singletons were significantly more common than word-final cluster substitutions. However, word-initial cluster substitutions were significantly more common than word-initial clusters produced as singletons. Word-initial cluster mismatches were consistent with markedness theory and the sonority sequencing principle (SSP). By contrast, word-final cluster mismatches were not consistent with the SSP, while the voicing generalization seen in adult speakers of AAE was evident. Culturally and linguistically appropriate assessment of phonological development in children who speak AAE requires an understanding of the contrastive and noncontrastive features exemplified in their consonant cluster productions.

"I don't Think These Devices are Very Culturally Sensitive."-Impact of Automated Speech Recognition Errors on African Americans.

Automated speech recognition (ASR) converts language into text and is used across a variety of applications to assist us in everyday life, from powering virtual assistants, natural language conversations, to enabling dictation services. While recent work suggests that there are racial disparities in the performance of ASR systems for speakers of African American Vernacular English, little is known about the psychological and experiential effects of these failures paper provides a detailed examination of the behavioral and psychological consequences of ASR voice errors and the difficulty African American users have with getting their intents recognized. The results demonstrate that ASR failures have a negative, detrimental impact on African American users. Specifically, African Americans feel othered when using technology powered by ASR—errors surface thoughts about identity, namely about race and geographic location—leaving them feeling that the technology was not made for them. As a result, African Americans accommodate their speech to have better success with the technology. We incorporate the insights and lessons learned from sociolinguistics in our suggestions for linguistically responsive ways to build more inclusive voice systems that consider African American users’ needs, attitudes, and speech patterns. Our findings suggest that the use of a diary study can enable researchers to best understand the experiences and needs of communities who are often misunderstood by ASR. We argue this methodological framework could enable researchers who are concerned with fairness in AI to better capture the needs of all speakers who are traditionally misheard by voice-activated, artificially intelligent (voice-AI) digital systems.

Beyond translation equivalence: Advocating pragmatic equality before the law

Where legal-lay communication involves linguistic difference between participants, institutional and scholarly responses have long focused on the translation of propositional content, but there is increasing evidence that the pragmatic implications of communicating in different languages or varieties are equally important. Drawing on research on interpreting in small claims court (Angermeyer, 2015) and on recent studies on the treatment of speakers of African American English in US courts (e.g. Rickford and King, 2016), this paper explores how the ability of individuals to communicate in the courtroom, specifically to give narrative testimony, is impacted by the ways in which legal professionals approach linguistic difference. The observed practices of court interpreting and attorneys' practices of questioning speakers of other dialects both lead to a fragmentation of narrative (Harris, 2001), reducing the coherence of testimony by comparison to that of participants whose language use matches the expectations of the court more closely. These observations converge with findings of other studies that have likewise shown how interpreting practices constrain the participation of other language speakers in institutional settings, and it is argued that advocacy for other-language or other-dialect speakers should consider such pragmatic inequality, rather than focus on the transference of referential meaning alone.

Forum: Serving African American English Speakers in Schools Through Interprofessional Education & Practice.

Purpose African American English (AAE) speakers often face mismatches between home language and school language, coupled with negative attitudes toward AAE in the classroom. This forum, Serving African American English Speakers in Schools Through Interprofessional Education & Practice, will help researchers, parents, and school-based practitioners communicate in ways that are synergistic, collaborative, and transparent to improve educational outcomes of AAE speakers. Method The forum includes a tutorial offering readers instructions on how to engage in community-based participatory research (Holt, 2021). Through two clinical focus articles, readers will recognize how AAE develops during the preschool years and is expressed across various linguistic contexts and elicitation tasks (Newkirk-Turner & Green, 2021) and identify markers of developmental language disorder within AAE from language samples analyzed in Computerized Language Analysis (Overton et al., 2021). Seven empirical articles employ such designs as quantitative (Byrd & Brown, 2021; Diehm & Hendricks, 2021; Hendricks & Jimenez, 2021; Maher et al., 2021; Mahurin-Smith et al., 2021), qualitative (Hamilton & DeThorne, 2021), and mixed methods (Mills et al., 2021). These articles will help readers identify ways in which AAE affects how teachers view its speakers' language skills and communicative practices and relates to its speakers' literacy outcomes. Conclusion The goal of the forum is to make a lasting contribution to the discipline with a concentrated focus on how to assess and address communicative variation in the U.S. classroom.

A production and perception study of /t/ glottalization and oral releases following glottals in the US

The articulation of /t/ in American English varies according to linguistic and extralinguistic factors. Concerning social factors, word-final /t/ glottalization is seen more among speakers of African American English (Farrington 2018), younger speakers (Partin-Hernandez 2005, Roberts 2006), and women (Byrd 1994, Eddington and Channer 2010). This paper examines the production and perception of /t/ in five US states: Indiana, Mississippi, New Mexico, Utah, Vermont. For the production study, participants read a letter containing 24 prenasal word-medial /t/s (e.g., kitten) and 28 prevocalic word-final /t/s (e.g., not ever). For the perception study, 22 speakers recorded a unique sentence, each of which was manipulated acoustically in order to yield both oral and nasal releases of prenasal word-medial /t/ (e.g. button [bʌʔən] vs [bʌʔn̩]), as well as tap and glottal stop pronunciations of prevocalic word-final /t/ (e.g. not ever [nɑɾɛvɚ] vs. [nɑʔɛvɚ]). Next, these recordings were presented to participants who rated the speakers in terms of their perceived age, friendliness, pleasantness, rurality, education level, and whether they were from the same state as the participants. The production results for prenasal word-medial /t/ (e.g. button) indicate that younger speakers produced oral releases more often than their older counterparts. Age also was related to the realization of prevocalic word-final /t/ as a glottal stop (e.g., not ever), such that younger speakers and women produced glottal stops more often than older speakers. In the perception study, speakers who used glottal stops were viewed as less educated and less friendly. Speakers who used oral releases were perceived as more rustic and less educated. This paper contributes to the literature documenting the production and perception of /t/ in American English and to the literature that demonstrates the usefulness of using both production and perceptual data to study language variation (e.g., Brown 2015).

The Relation Between Dialect Density and the Codevelopment of Writing and Reading in African American Children.

The purpose of this longitudinal study was to examine the influence of spoken dialect density on writing and on the codevelopment of reading and writing in African American English-speaking (AAE) children from first through fifth grades. The sample included 869 students, ranging in age from 5.8 to 12.5years. Results indicated that dialect density had a negative influence concurrently and longitudinally on reading and writing in AAE-speaking children. High dialect users tended to have weak reading and writing skills and heavier dialect density slowed growth in reading and writing. However, this effect was moderated by the effects of reading and writing on each other. Reading had a facilitative effect on writing even in the presence of heavy dialect use.

Phonetic cues influence judgment of syntax

This speech perception experiment provides evidence of interaction between phonetic and syntactic cues associated with socio-/ethnolects. These phonetic and syntactic (socio)linguistic cues were crossed in stimuli recorded by speakers of African American English (AAE), Southern Standard British English (BrE), and General American English (GAE). Thus, some of the sentences listeners heard contain 'matching' cues—for example, a have raising question with BrE phonetic features—while the others contain “mismatching” cues much less likely to have been experienced together by listeners. Listeners (n = 30) rated the spoken utterances' acceptability on a scale of 1 to 5; response time was recorded. The mixed-effects linear regression fitted to the Z-transformed data shows BrE and AAE constructions are more acceptable when the phonetic cues match. The effect is most robust for the BrE accent; compared to estimates for the GAE accent ( β = 0:9538, p < 0.001), those for the BrE accent are overall lower (β = −0.106, p = 0.048). The penalty is effectively counteracted, however, when the BrE voice is producing the associated syntactic construction (β = 0:181, p = 0:017). Response time data also suggests stimuli with matching cues are processed faster (t = -2:3586, p = 0:01856).To my knowledge, this is the first experimental evidence of an effect of accent on syntactic acceptability.

Normative Data for Wisconsin Card Sorting Test-64 Item in a Spanish Speaking Adult Population Living in the US/Mexico Border Region

Abstract Objective The Wisconsin Card Sorting Test (WCST) is a commonly used test of executive functioning. We aimed to generate norms on the WCST-64 item version for Spanish-speakers living in the US. Participants and Method Healthy Spanish-speakers (N=189) were recruited (Age M = 38.2, SD = 10.3, range 19-60; Education M = 10.9, SD = 4.5, range 0-20; 59.3% female) from the US-Mexico border region. Participants completed the WCST-64 as part of a larger neuropsychological battery. Spearman correlations and Wilcoxon Rank-sum tests were used to assess associations between demographic variables and raw scores. T-scores enabling demographic corrections for various WCST-64 measures (Total Errors, Perseverative Responses, Perseverative Errors, and Number of Categories Completed) were obtained using fractional polynomial equations with corrections for age, education, and gender. Uncorrected percentile scores were reported for Failures to Maintain Set. Rates of neurocognitive impairment (NCI; T &amp;lt; 40) were calculated by applying the newly developed norms along with published norms for non-Hispanic (NH) White and African American English-speakers. Results Older age was significantly associated with worse performance, and higher education was linked to better performance on most WCST-64 raw scores. Current norms resulted in expected rates of NCI (14-16% across measures). Applying norms for NH-Whites overestimated NCI (38-52% across measures). Applying norms for African Americans yielded NCI rates closer to what would be expected, with milder misclassifications (NCI: Total Errors = 14%, Perseverative Responses = 19%, Perseverative Errors = 10%). Conclusions Regional normative data will improve interpretation of test performance on the WCST-64 for Spanish-speakers of Mexican origin living in the US and will facilitate a more valid analysis of neuropsychological profile patterns in this population. Future research will need to explore the generalizability of these norms to other groups.

Nonword Repetition Across Two Dialects of English: Effects of Specific Language Impairment and Nonmainstream Form Density.

Purpose Nonword repetition (NWR) has been proposed as a culturally and linguistically fair measure of children's language abilities that is useful for the identification of specific language impairment (SLI). However, Moyle, Heilmann, and Finneran (2014) suggested that the density of a child's nonmainstream forms also influences NWR in ways that could complicate its use. Using speakers of either African American English (AAE) or Southern White English (SWE), we asked if NWR performance differed in children with SLI and same dialect-speaking typically developing (TD) children and if nonmainstream form density impacted their scores. Method The participants were 106 kindergartners (AAE: SLI n = 35; TD n = 35; SWE: SLI n = 18; TD n = 18; groups matched for age and IQ) who performed the NWR task of Dollaghan and Campbell (1998) . Nonmainstream form density measures were gathered from listener judgments of conversational samples. Results NWR performance differed between those with and without SLI, but the difference was smaller in AAE than in SWE, especially at the longest syllable length. Nonmainstream form density was found to further explain NWR performance beyond the children's SLI status for AAE speakers; density and SLI status were confounded for the SWE speakers, making it harder to disentangle the effects of each in that dialect. Conclusions Results indicate the NWR may differ in diagnostic utility between speakers of different dialects. Results also support Moyle et al.'s (2014) finding that density affects NWR. Thus, NWR is more sensitive to dialectal differences than originally assumed.

Incomplete neutralization in African American English: The case of final consonant voicing

AbstractIn many varieties of African American English (AAE), glottal stop replacement and deletion of word-final /t/ and /d/ results in consonant neutralization, while the underlying voicing distinction may be maintained by other cues, such as vowel duration. Here, I examine the relationship between vowel duration, final glottal stop replacement, and deletion of word-final /t, d/ to determine whether the phonological contrast of consonant voicing is maintained through duration of the preceding vowel. Data come from conversational interviews of AAE speakers in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Washington, DC. Results indicate that glottalization and deletion of word-final /t/ and /d/ are widespread across the speakers in the analysis. Additionally, the duration of vowels is significantly longer before underlying /d/ than /t/ for consonant neutralized contexts, thus showing that duration, normally a secondary cue to final voicing, may be becoming a primary cue in AAE.

Effects of Specific Language Impairment on a Contrastive Dialect Structure: The Case of Infinitival TO Across Various Nonmainstream Dialects of English.

Using data from children who spoke various nonmainstream dialects of English and who were classified as either children with specific language impairment (SLI) or typically developing (TD) children, we examined children's marking of infinitival TO by their dialect and clinical status. The data came from 180 kindergartners (91 speakers of African American English, 60 speakers of Southern White English, 29 speakers of +Cajun); 53 were children with SLI, and 127 were TD children. Data included 4,537 infinitival TO contexts extracted from language samples; each was coded as zero or overtly marked and by preceding verb context (i.e., verbs of motion vs. other). Across dialects, overall rates of zero marking differed by the children's clinical status (SLI > TD), and other verb contexts accounted for this result. Across the TD and SLI groups, dialect variation was evident for verbs of motion contexts, and the effect was stronger for the TD than for the SLI groups, particularly if the TD children's dialects were classified as +Cajun. Children's marking of infinitival TO can be affected by both their dialect and clinical status. Results support language assessments that include context-specific rate-based measures of infinitival TO and other contrastive structures when they prove useful for understanding the linguistic profile of SLI within a dialect.

Mechanisms of Vowel Variation in African American English.

This research explored mechanisms of vowel variation in African American English by comparing 2 geographically distant groups of African American and White American English speakers for participation in the African American Shift and the Southern Vowel Shift. Thirty-two male (African American: n = 16, White American controls: n = 16) lifelong residents of cities in eastern and western North Carolina produced heed,hid,heyd,head,had,hod,hawed,whod,hood,hoed,hide,howed,hoyd, and heard 3 times each in random order. Formant frequency, duration, and acoustic analyses were completed for the vowels /i, ɪ, e, ɛ, æ, ɑ, ɔ, u, ʊ, o, aɪ, aʊ, oɪ, ɝ/ produced in the listed words. African American English speakers show vowel variation. In the west, the African American English speakers are participating in the Southern Vowel Shift and hod fronting of the African American Shift. In the east, neither the African American English speakers nor their White peers are participating in the Southern Vowel Shift. The African American English speakers show limited participation in the African American Shift. The results provide evidence of regional and socio-ethnic variation in African American English in North Carolina.