Adversarial criminal justice systems are both more efficient and more prone to inequality than inquisitorial systems. Those two propositions seem natural: adversarial justice systems privatize the production of evidence (or seem to); inquisitorial systems socialize it. Private markets are generally more efficient than socialized production of goods and services, but markets often generate uncomfortably high levels of inequality. So too here: Where criminal defendants supply their own lawyers, rich defendants buy better legal representation than poor defendants can buy, which in turn means that police and prosecutors must invest more in gathering evidence against the rich than against the poor. It follows that, in an adversarial justice system, the government can more easily convict a poor and innocent defendant than a rich and innocent one perhaps more easily than a rich and guilty one. Inquisitorial systems lack this built-in tendency toward inequality. Since equality is a core value in modern criminal justice systems, that would seem to be a large advantage for inquisitorial procedure. Bruno Deffains and Dominique Demougin (Deffains and Demougin [2008]) so argue and, in theory, they are plainly right. In practice, the picture is more complex and, maybe, more interesting. Consider three facts about inequality and criminal justice in the United States: the authors' chief example of an adversarial justice system. First, like all adversarial systems, America's justice system is not completely adversarial and its most severe inequalities tend to arise in the least adversarial part of the system: policing. The evidence suggests that criminal litigation (the most adversarial part of America's justice system) is surprisingly egalitarian; poor defendants do as well as rich ones, often better. Second, inequality is localized in particular classes of cases: especially, drug cases. Institutional design features that apply to all criminal cases cannot be the cause of inequality in only some. Third, inequality in criminal justice takes different forms: discrimination against poor defendants on the one hand, discrimination against poor crime victims on the other. Adversarial systems do not cause the second form of inequality yet, historically, that is the primary form of inequality that America's justice system has produced. Take these points in turn. For the most part, the government's evidence in criminal trials is produced not by prosecutors or their staff but by police officers. The police