Adolf Deissmann Research Articles

Little James: Μικρός as an Indication of Height or Affection not Comparative Age in Mark 15.40

AbstractThis article argues that, based on a close reading of the ancient textual, documentary and epigraphic evidence, the expression ὁ μικρός in Mark 15.40 is most likely a nickname regarding this James’ particular height or potentially an affectionate indication that he is a child. The expression ὁ μικρός is not an indication of comparative age to another person (‘younger’). The evidence from ancient epigraphy and the LXX, initially provided by Adolf Deissmann to support a longstanding reading of ὁ μικρός as ‘the younger’ in Mark 15.40, proves to be less than reliable.

The Reception of Pauline Mysticism: An Ideological Critique

AbstractPaul was a mystic. So claimed scholars from Adolf Deissmann to Albert Schweitzer. Others disagreed, figures no less significant than Rudolf Bultmann, Karl Barth and Ernst Käsemann. The pro-mystic group argued that Paul's theological message was best understood if set within the context of Hellenistic or Jewish mysticism. The anti-mystic group could not tolerate any similarity of that sort, which, in their opinion, would damage Paul's uniqueness. The disagreement among biblical scholars can be traced back to more general misgivings about mysticism in European thought. After surveying the reception history of Paul's mysticism, and relying on the ideological critique of religious studies, I argue that the discomfort with a ‘mystical’ Paul may be attributed to the construction of a rational Christian self, where the ‘mystical’ is othered altogether. In addition to a historical reading of Paul in the context of Jewish mysticism, it may be helpful to read him in comparison with Islamic mysticism. Hence some Pauline passages are compared with passages from Sufi literature.

The Daily Discoveries of a Bible Scholar and Manuscript Hunter: A Biography of James Rendel Harris (1852–1941)

The Daily Discoveries of a Bible Scholar and Manuscript Hunter: A Biography of James Rendel Harris (1852–1941)

Greetings from Prison and Greetings from Caesar’s House (Philippians 4.22): A Reconsideration of an Enigmatic Greek Expression in the Light of the Context and Setting of Philippians

The Greek expression οἱ ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας in Phil. 4.22 is unique. Late antique interpreters identified the group with the imperial court or immediate imperial family. In the nineteenth century, however, Ferdinand Christian Baur was skeptical that the historical Paul preached to Nero’s family and therefore counted Philippians among the post-Pauline pseudepigraphical letters. Against this radical historical-critical approach, Joseph Barber Lightfoot and Adolf Deissmann developed their influential hypothesis: οἰκία Καίσαρος ‘represents’ the Latin familia Caesaris – that is, the whole of the imperial household, including all slaves. However, because there is no technical Latin term familia Caesaris in antiquity, οἱ ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας cannot mean imperial slaves and freedpersons. Instead, I argue that the expression is a spontaneously coined code, a creative metaphor reflecting the conditions of a prisoner in an imperial prison in Ephesus. The saints from the house of Caesar are most likely Paul’s believing co-prisoners.

Christians in Caesar's Household: The Emperors' Slaves in the Makings of Christianity by Michael Flexsenhar III

Reviewed by: Christians in Caesar's Household: The Emperors' Slaves in the Makings of Christianity by Michael Flexsenhar III Mary Ann Beavis michael flexsenhar iii, Christians in Caesar's Household: The Emperors' Slaves in the Makings of Christianity (Inventing Christianity; University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2019). Pp. 191 + xvi. $89.95. Paul's intriguing greeting to "the saints of Caesar's household" (Phil 4:22) has long been interpreted as evidence that, from an early date, Christian imperial slaves and freedmen served in the Roman court. This line of interpretation began with J. B. Lightfoot (Saint Paul's Epistle to the Philippians [London: Macmillan, 1868, 1888]), who connected these "saints" with several imperial slaves and freedman putatively mentioned in early Christian writings and inscriptions from the mid-first to the second century. Adolf von Harnack (The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries [trans. James Moffatt; 2 vols.; 2nd ed.; New York: G. P. Putnam, 1908]) augmented Lightfoot's work with a panoply of primary literary and epigraphic references to Christian imperial slaves and [End Page 318] freedmen, from "Caesar's household" in Phil 4:22 to the inscription for the "Christian high chamberlain (Marcus Aurelius) Prosenes" in the court of Caracalla (p. 7). For Harnack, the apparent ubiquity of Christians of servile origin in the Roman court played an important role in the expansion of Christianity. Harnack's position has remained influential into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, especially in scholarship highlighting social description and social history (pp. 8-9). Flexsenhar's book provides a necessary critique of what amounts to a triumphalist "pioneer narrative" that traces the influence of Christian imperial slaves and freedmen from modest beginnings in Paul's time to the reign of Valerian (253–260 c.e.), when, according to Eusebius, the court was so full of Christians that it was a veritable church (Hist. eccl. 7.10). F. begins by interrogating the notion that the slaves and freedman of the familia Caesaris were a widespread and powerful ordo in Roman society. While a few imperial personnel could rise to dizzying heights of influence and wealth (p. 14), F. emphasizes that the emperor's slaves were really slaves, and imperial freedman were former slaves, who shared the experience of "violent domination, natal alienation, and dishonor" (p. 13). While a few imperial slaves were manumitted, most remained in slavery. In chap. 1, "Paul, the Philippians, and Caesar's Household," F. presents evidence that Phil 4:22 is unlikely to refer to the Roman court. Adolf Deissmann's observation that hē Kaisaros oikia likely referred to slaves employed as petty clerks in the imperial service, possibly in Ephesus (Light from the Ancient East: The New Testament Illustrated by Recently Discovered Texts of the Graeco-Roman World [trans. Lionel Strachan; rev. ed.; New York: George H. Doran, 1902]), has been embraced by many scholars, although "the traditional explanation that Paul made Christians among Caesar's household in Rome … has continued to be credible" for others (p. 28). F.'s salient contribution here is his cogent disambiguation of the phrase "Caesar's household" (familia Caesaris), which would have referred to a specific, local group of imperial slaves (as opposed to freedmen/women) who practiced some form of piety toward the Jewish god (or the god's son), and were socially connected to members of the Philippian ekklēsia through kinship or occupational networks (pp. 38-44). Chapters 2–6 revisit literary, epigraphic, artistic, and archaeological evidence that has been used to bolster the pioneer narrative. In chap. 2, F. argues that ancient stories of Paul, Peter, and Nero's household (Martyrdom of Paul, Acts of Peter, Passion of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul) use imperial slaves, for example, Patroclus, to construct "a Christian cultural history and a geography centered in the imperial capital" (p. 59). Chapter 3, "Rome's Imperial Household in Christian Polemic and Apologetic," argues that Hippolytus's Refutation of All Heresies and Tertullian's apology Ad Scapulam adapt stories about slaves in Caesar's household for their own purposes. Hippolytus portrays his opponent Callistus, whose master is described as "a faithful man of Caesar's household," as a disreputable runaway...

Concerning the origin of the Codex Angus

The paper about Codex Angus by Gerber (2017) traced its history from 1929 when it came into the possession of Adolf Deissmann. This paper explores its history prior to that, and proposes a later date for it.

Epigraphik und Neues Testament

The present volume is the result of the efforts of epigraphist and NT exegetes gathered for a conference at the University of Vienna in February 2014. The purpose of the conference was to bring together “two often separate worlds.” As the editors (two NT scholars and one epigraphist) note, NT scholars avoid epigraphy for one of three reasons. First, the amount of epigraphy is too numerous and difficult to handle. Second, the benefits of research in the parallel texts do not match the effort. Third, the relevant information from already-translated material is “enough.” The contention of the editors is that NT scholars and epigraphers alike may have missed key insights. The nine essays, seven in German and two in English, set about the task of proposing ways forward in this difficult subject.Walter Ameling begins the volume with a general overview of some of the history and problems faced by those who have sought a relationship between the NT and inscriptions. Ameling provides a fascinating and singular example from John 19:19, illustrating how the NT can help understand epigraphy. Peter Arzt-Grabner begins his essay with some of the benefits and challenges of exegeting inscriptions. He offers seven criteria for evaluating this material: (1) the inscription must be from the historical context of the NT; (2) the dating of the material must be within close proximity to the proposed parallel; (3) parallels are stronger with geographical proximity; (4) parallels are stronger with shared cultural and social conditions; (5) parallels must have similar semantic ranges and text types; (6) shared historical and social preconditions heighten parallels; (7) parallels only show a range of possibilities, not a single and final understanding of the texts in question. Thomas Corsten’s essay explores the use of onomastics for the study of the NT. The essay traces the development of “name-giving” and concludes that Christian names did not become prevalent until well after the fourth century. Before this time, the individual names of Christians were synonymous with pagan onomastics. Hans Taeuber provides an illuminating analysis of graffiti found in Ephesus to show that Christians were not a “hidden, persecuted minority” but played a role in the social complex of their city. Eva Ebel analyzes the symbiotic relationship of politics and religion in the Roman Empire. Ebel shows how the inscriptional evidence suggests that emperors would refer to themselves with divine titles. The essay concludes with a mirror reading of the inscriptional evidence against the backdrop of the NT’s “Son of God” references. Richard S. Ascough offers a proper understanding of τόπος inscriptions and Christian presence in public settings. The essay provides a helpful discussion concerning the reciprocal relationship between the NT and inscriptions. Ascough notes that the direction of influence changes the questions that the interpreter pursues, and therefore the reader must humbly approach inscriptional parallels. Imre Peres showcases his expertise in funerary inscriptions. He offers an eschatological reading of Greek funeral inscriptions and argues that this information is critical for NT interpretation. John S. Kloppenborg uses the inscription evidence to illuminate how membership worked in the ancient world. The essay explores how early Christian gatherings financed Eucharist meals (1 Cor 11:17–34). Markus Öhler concludes the collection of essays with an examination of how confessional inscriptions aid in understanding the social world of the NT. Specifically focusing on sin, confession, and atonement, Öhler offers a fresh reading of 1 John 1:5–2:2 and 5:14–21.After considering the current volume, I would agree that detailed and laborious study of these two worlds is a necessary step forward in the study of both the NT and inscriptions. These essays offer the reader an indispensable service in collecting the info thus far made available. Eager researchers will find the indexes particularly helpful. The essays will also excite those who are looking for a niche in the growing field of NT backgrounds and epigraphy. However, it is to be seen whether the task will remain too daunting and inscriptions too numerous for most NT scholars. Strangers to epigraphy might do well to read some of the work of Adolf Deissmann, as he is a forerunner to the book’s subject matter and is quoted often throughout the volume.

‘An extremely dangerous book’? James Hope Moulton's Religions and Religion (1913)

On 4 April 1917 the British steamship SS City of Paris was torpedoed by a German submarine in the Gulf of Lions, and sank with considerable loss of life. Among the passengers was the Wesleyan Methodist scholar James Hope Moulton.’ Paying tribute to his friend and colleague,Arthur Samuel Peake recorded the ‘tragic irony’ of the death under such circumstances of an eloquent advocate of peace and of a scholar whose international reputation in New Testament studies was signalled by plaudits from Harnack, a doctorate from the University of Berlin and a longstanding academic friendship with Adolf Deissmann. Moulton, however, was more than a New Testament scholar. His presence in the Mediterranean in the spring of 1917 came about through his expertise in the history and thought of Zoroastrianism, which had taken him to India for eighteen months’ work with the Parsee community under the auspices of the Indian YMCA.

The Deissmann Ostraca after 75 Years in Sydney

This paper has two main parts. It begins with the first detailed account of how a collection of 87 Greek ostraca (i.e. inscribed pottery fragments), once belonging to the German theologian Gustav Adolf Deissmann, a leading Greek philologist, came to Sydney. The collection was destined to go elsewhere – were it not for the serendipitous convergence of Deissmann’s forced retirement under the Nazis, a much travelled German Egyptologist, an ailing Scottish theology professor, and the staunchly Presbyterian director of the Bank of New South Wales. The second part introduces the collection as a whole, before focusing more specifically on four selected exemplars. Two, whose writings have faded away almost completely since coming to Sydney, and two (representing the majority) which remain in good condition. Remarkably, most of the Deissmann ostraca have not yet been analysed comprehensively from a socio-historical perspective. Despite Paul Meyer’s philological publication of the collection in 1916, many questions remain either unasked or unanswered, leaving the potential for further research and study.

New Testament Greek as Popular Speech: Adolf Deissmann in Retrospect: A Case Study in Luke's Greek

New Testament Greek as Popular Speech: Adolf Deissmann in Retrospect: A Case Study in Luke's Greek

Protestantism and Social Liberalism in Imperial Germany: Gustav Adolf Deissmann (1866–1937) and Friedrich Naumann (1860–1919)*

Adolf Deissmann was an internationally prominent German theologian, celebrated primarily for his groundbreaking contributions in the widely divergent fields of post‐classical Greek philology, lexicography, the archaeological excavations of Ephesus, international conciliation and leading role in the nascent ecumenical movement. Less known — yet of considerable consequence — is his involvement with social liberal politics, especially his friendship with, and staunch backing of, Friedrich Naumann, a onetime Protestant pastor turned liberal career politician, pioneer of European integration and, ultimately, the first president of the German Democratic Party. This paper investigates to what degree these two men were intellectually indebted to each other in their mutual search to find a way forward to reconcile Germany's sharply divided class‐society through Protestant‐based social politics — and that in an era deeply troubled with seemingly insoluble conflicts over the form of the future German Reich.

Gustav Adolf Deissmann (1866-1937) and the revival of archaeological excavations at Ephesus after the first World War

Gustav Adolf Deissmann (1866-1937) and the revival of archaeological excavations at Ephesus after the first World War

Poverty in Pauline Studies: Beyond the So-called New Consensus

There was no new consensus or old consensus during the twentieth century regarding social status in Paul’s assemblies. A comparison of the work of Adolf Deissmann with publications from the late twentieth century suggests instead a shift from an industrial capitalist interpretation of society focused on ‘class’ to a consumer capitalist interpretation of society focused on ‘social status’. Social status defined in this way is inappropriate for the description of the Roman empire, so this argument focuses instead on measuring economic resources. Rather than using the vague binary categories of rich/poor, a poverty scale is proposed with seven categories ranging from ‘below subsistence level’ to ‘imperial elites’. Using this scale, an examination of explicit references to economic resources in the undisputed Pauline letters leads to the conclusion that there is no evidence for any wealthy saints in the Pauline assemblies. On the contrary, most of the saints can be described as poor; that is, living near or below the level of subsistence.

The Religion of Paul the Apostle

The Religion of by John Ashton. New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 2000. Pp. x + 261. $28.50 The Oxford scholar John Ashton is well known for his work on Fourth Gospel. With this book, Ashton turns his attention to Paul. Ashton attempts to understand apostle's religious life by comparing Paul's experiences with shamanism. In so doing, Ashton hopes to shed light not only on Paul's religion but also on genesis and early growth of Christian religion as a whole. Following an initial chapter that defends his comparative approach, Ashton's chapters examine Paul Enigma, Paul Convert, Paul Mystic, Paul Apostle, Paul Prophet, and Paul Possessed. Ashton also includes excursuses on Jesus as a shaman, merkabah mysticism, Albert Mysticism of and historicity of Acts. Together chapters and excursuses make argument that (1) we need an approach to that does justice to distinctively mystical and religious character of his career; (2) a comparison with shamanism provides such a method; and (3) application of this method reveals that Paul's effectiveness and Christianity's early growth were largely due to demonstrations of spiritual power. Ashton is uneasy with a tendency among NT scholars to overlook specifically religious dimension of Paul's writings and career. Ashton positions himself line with Adolf Deissmann's claim that scholars of his day had transferred from his primary sphere of vital religion to secondary sphere of theology. Ashton builds upon Hermann Gunkel's theory that Paul's own life must provide key to his teaching on spiritual life. The author laments that even when scholars attempt to describe Paul's religion, such as Albert Mysticism of Apostle and E. P. Sanders's and Palestinian Judaism, they still tend to focus on his theology and on as a theologian. In case of Schweitzer and Sanders, Ashton relies somewhat heavily upon their interpretations of Paul's thought, but he faults these scholars for concentrating their arguments too exclusively on what believed instead of what he experienced. In agreement with Mysticism of to which Ashton's title alludes, Ashton wants to steer away from theological categories of Reformation. But Ashton complains that Schweitzer's mysticism is curiously cerebral and decries how Schweitzer starts with Paul's conceptual framework instead of his life. Ashton concurs with Schweitzer and Sanders that being in Christ is a more important expression Paul's thought than justification by faith. However, whereas Schweitzer characterized center of Paulinism as the mystical doctrine of redemption through being-in-- Christ, Ashton says center is the mystical sense of glorification,through transformation Christ. The change from doctrine to sense is essential for Ashton. Ashton also criticizes Sanders's comparison of Paul's pattern of religion with that of Palestinian Judaism, suggesting that Sanders confusion even further than Schweitzer. Ashton complains that Paul's pattern of religion turns out to be, Sanders's work, Paul's theology of salvation instead of his religious experiences. Sanders contends that we must be content with concentrating on how religion appears Jewish and Pauline thought, but this does not satisfy Ashton. We may note that Ashton's approach to religious dimension is a noteworthy contrast to Troels Engberg-Pederson's recent book, and Stoics (Louisville: John Knox, 2000). Engberg-Pederson acknowledges both religious and theological aspects of texts but consciously chooses theological route because he declares it to be only one available. By contrast, Ashton argues that religious and experiential domain is one that merits attention and takes us to essence of apostle's work. …

Paul's Thorn of Rejected Apostleship

Over a century ago, Sören Kierkegaard remarked that Paul's thorn in the flesh ‘seems to have afforded an uncommonly favorable opportunity for everyone to become an interpreter of the Bible’. Adolf Deissmann suggested that a small library could be gathered together all dealing with Paul's illness. However, Lenski thinks we have ‘nothing but hypotheses’. Some say certainty about the identification of Paul's thorn is ‘unattainable’, that ‘nobody knows exactly what it was’ and that not even the Corinthians knew what the metaphor meant.

The New Testament and “Biblical Greek”

writings and concluded that Greek of New Testament was isolated from known writings. In last of nineteenth century, however, it appeared that problem was solved in a different way by Adolf Deissmann. After a comparison of New Testament with newly discovered papyri, inscriptions, and ostraca, he concluded, For most part, pages of our sacred Book are so many records of popular Greek, in its various grades. . ... This conclusion has been generally accepted in New Testament scholarship. Of course, some modifications have been made in original view, even by Deissmann himself. Recently, however, Nigel Turner has made a suggestion which seems to carry us back to preDeissmann period. In his Syntax, third volume of James Hope Moulton's Grammar of New Testament Greek, Turner says that the present work does suggest that Bibl. Greek is a unique language with a unity and character of its own. He declares: We now have to concede that

I Thess. i. 9–10 and the Missionary Preaching of Paul: Textual Exegesis and Hermeneutic Reflexions

Exegetical study in the days of liberal theology assumed that Paul spoke on impulse, according to the mood of the moment, deeply moved, and with often changing emotions. Scholars read between the lines, searching for crises in the life of the apostle that might explain his changes of attitude. If we consider Adolf Deissmann's research on Paul it is not difficult to see that an interpretation assuming a far too detailed knowledge of the apostle's spiritual life is an exaggeration. The actual material of our study is the texts, not the man behind them. And Paul is not as spontaneous as was believed by the older generation of exegetes. The letters are those of an experienced missionary, used to preaching and instructing. And it is possible that in the letters he is dealing with subjects he has discussed before, so that the expressions he uses have not necessarily been new minted for this particular occasion.

Book Review: The Influence of Greek Ideas on Christianity, by Edwin Hatch (written 1888). Harper and Brothers, New York, 1957. 359 pp. $1.45; What Is Christianity? by Adolf Harnack (published 1900). Harper and Brothers, New York, 1957. 301 pp. $1.35; Paul: A Study in Social and Religious History, by Adolf Deissmann (published 1912; second edition revised and enlarged 1927). Harper

Book Review: <i>The Influence of Greek Ideas on Christianity</i>, by <scp>Edwin Hatch</scp> (written 1888). Harper and Brothers, New York, 1957. 359 pp. $1.45; <i>What Is Christianity?</i> by <scp>Adolf Harnack</scp> (published 1900). Harper and Brothers, New York, 1957. 301 pp. $1.35; <i>Paul: A Study in Social and Religious History</i>, by <scp>Adolf Deissmann</scp> (published 1912; second edition revised and enlarged 1927). Harper

Book Review: Mysterium Christi

Book Review: Mysterium Christi

The Libelli of the Decian Persecution

Despite the admirable “Licht vom Osten” of Adolf Deissmann and the more recent studies of Cumont, Bousset, Norden, and Reitzenstein, the student of the history of religions can still set his plough to much fruitful soil in the field of the papyri. Even the intensively cultivated domain of church history could be broadened and enriched by studies derived from such data in their application to problems of Christian institutional and constitutional development, of monasticism, and of the sociological aspects of the church's expansion. In another quarter, that of the persecutions, the papyri have helped to an understanding of the genre littéraire of the Acts of the Martyrs, and to a more accurate conception of the relations of Roman state and Christian church. This last we owe particularly to the finds of Libelli from the period of the Decian persecution.