Election Administration Research Articles

Reconstruction of the Position and Authority of the Honorary Council of General Election Organizers (DKPP) as a QuasiEthical Court of Election Organizers

The Honorary Council of Election Organizers (DKPP) is an institution responsible for resolving ethical violations committed by election organizers, established under the law as part of Indonesia’s election system. As a state institution, the DKPP holds the authority to examine, summon, sanction, and adjudicate such violations through a court-like process, which includes witness examination, expert testimony, verification of evidence, and the issuance of rulings. Notably, DKPP decisions are final and materially binding. The quasi-judicial nature of its proceedings, combined with the finality of its decisions, places the DKPP in a unique legal position, often referred to as a "quasi-public court." In the Constitutional Court's interpretation, the DKPP functions as an integral part of the election administration alongside the General Election Commission (KPU) and the Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu), forming a comprehensive election organizing body. This study explores the legal status and authority of the DKPP, particularly in its role as a quasi-public court. Through normative legal research with a descriptive and prescriptive approach, using legislative, conceptual, historical, and comparative methods, the study concludes that the DKPP, as an independent auxiliary state organ, functions similarly to a general court in enforcing the code of ethics for election organizers. The final and binding nature of its decisions has significant legal implications, reinforcing the DKPP's role in maintaining electoral integrity within Indonesia’s constitutional framework.

Election administration harms and ballot design: A study of Florida's 2018 United States Senate race

AbstractWe introduce a typology of election administration harms and apply it to empirically study the consequences of ballot design. Our typology distinguishes between individual, electoral, and systemic harms. Together, it clarifies why ballot design can be a particular vulnerability in election administration. Using both ballot‐level and precinct‐level data, we revisit Florida's 2018 United States Senate race, in which Broward County's ballot design flouted federal guidelines and, according to critics, was pivotal to the outcome. We estimate that Broward's ballot design induced roughly 25,000 voters to undervote in a race determined by about 10,000 votes and that these excess undervotes were concentrated among low‐information voters. Broward's ballot did not, however, affect the outcome of the election. Nonetheless, flawed ballot designs are still concerning in an age of voter distrust. Given the risk that flawed ballots can cause systemic harm, we offer a roadmap for procedural reforms to improve ballot design.

Social Stratification on the Political Participation of Generation Z Women in Pantai Bahagia Village and Medalkrisna Village, Bekasi Regency

This study aims to understand the relationship between social stratification and the political participation of Generation Z women in Pantai Bahagia Village and Medalkrisna Village, Bekasi Regency. The method used was a mixed-methods approach that combines both quantitative and qualitative approaches. The political participation of Generation Z women was measured based on the forms of conventional, non-conventional, cultural, and digital participation. The research results indicate that there is variation in political participation based on social stratification, with the lower strata tending to be more active in conventional political participation, the middle strata being more active in digital political participation, and the upper strata being more involved in election administration. This study highlights the importance of creating an inclusive political environment to enhance young women’s political participation.

The Nexus between Electoral Management System and Post-Election Violence in Kenya Since 1963

The study investigates the relationship between Kenya's electoral management system and post-election violence, which has persisted despite numerous reforms since the country's independence in 1963. The primary aim was to identify structural issues within the electoral administration that contribute to violence following elections. The research analyzed key components of the electoral management system and the causes of post-election violence. Utilizing consociationalism theory, voting theory, and rational choice theory, the study employed a historical design with both qualitative and quantitative methods. The research was conducted from July to December 2022. The target population included eligible voters (260), politicians (50), IEBC officials (40), political analysts (60), humanitarian-aid organizations representatives (10), local election observers (5), international election observers (5), security personnel (10), and county administrative staff (10). A stratified random sampling method was employed to collect data using both questionnaires and interviews. The targeted population established the strata of 641,396, and a random sample was taken from each stratum, arriving at a sample size of 450 respondents. The findings revealed that Kenya's electoral system is primarily based on the First Past the Post (FPTP) model, which is a plurality/majority system. The study identified several key factors contributing to post-election violence, including the "winner-takes-all" nature of elections, disputes over election results due to perceived bias in the electoral management body, and voter incitement by politicians. A statistically significant correlation was established between the electoral management system and post-election violence (β=.685, t = 16.225, Sig. =.000). The findings indicated that the self-interest and impunity of political leaders, along with ethnic divisions and mistrust, hinder the IEBC's ability to conduct fair and credible elections. A significant association was also found between the causes and consequences of post-election violence (β=.757, t = 19.088, Sig. =.000). The study recommends exploring alternative electoral systems, such as proportional representation and mixed-member models, to promote inclusivity and fair representation. By establishing a connection between the electoral management system and post-election violence, this research contributes to peace and conflict studies, addressing a relatively understudied area in Kenya and the broader region.

Election administrators' perceptions of verifiable online voting and its use in local elections

Election administrators' perceptions of verifiable online voting and its use in local elections

Public Animo in the 2020 Gubernatorial Election in Central Kalimantan during the Covid-19 Pandemic Era: Religious and Cultural Approaches

Many observers believe that holding general elections during a pandemic is ineffective in attracting public interest, including in Central Kalimantan. This study aimed to examine how the public's animo in the gubernatorial election during the Covid-19 pandemic, through religious and cultural approaches, in which the Central Kalimantan people still respected traditional and religious leaders as role models. This research used descriptive qualitative data collected through interviews with traditional and religious leaders and related documents obtained from election administrators. The findings showed that socialization was a reasonably good tool and strategy carried out by traditional leaders and religious leaders at specific events with cultural (local tradition, Dayak language) and religious approaches (through speech in churches and other religious places of worship). Socialization by traditional and religious leaders contributes to public animo in the gubernatorial election in Central Kalimantan.

Enforcement of the Code of Ethics for 2024 Election Organizers in Indonesia: A Substantive Justice Perspective

This study employs a normative legal research approach focusing on conceptual and legislative analysis. Its aim is to examine the dynamics of the enforcement of the electoral organizers’ code of ethics by the Indonesian Election Supervisory Agency (DKPP) and to formulate a reconstruction of this enforcement aimed at achieving substantive justice. The findings assert that the enforcement dynamics of the electoral organizers’ code of ethics by DKPP inherently pose two main issues. Internally, the enforcement requires oversight and public participation to ensure DKPP’s credibility and integrity in upholding the code of ethics. Externally, issues arise regarding the final and binding nature of DKPP decisions, which have been undermined by Constitutional Court rulings, allowing for their annulment by judicial bodies such as the Administrative Court (PTUN). Reconstruction or reform efforts concerning the enforcement of the electoral code of ethics for electoral administrators, based on substantive justice, necessitate a clear affirmation of the independence of ethical norms, particularly those related to the conduct of electoral administrators. This includes ensuring that the enforcement of these ethical norms is immune from legal norms and external intervention. Additionally, there is a need for a revision of the electoral laws in Indonesia to enhance the appeal process for ethical judgments rendered by the Election Supervisory Board (DKPP), which are final and binding and cannot be overturned by the courts, especially the Administrative Court (PTUN).

How Runoff Elections and the Form of Local Administration Affect the Costs of Elections

To what extent do states’ administrative and policy choices affect their election costs? Previous scholarship highlights how the costs and demand sides of the public sector cost model correlate with election administration spending, and more recent evidence has added political considerations such as the partisanship of county commissions. Using Georgia’s unique election processes—runoff elections and multiple methods of election administration at the county level—we contribute to understanding election administration expenditures. We demonstrate that general election runoffs and Boards of Election, rather than probate judge-run elections, are related to significant increases in expenditures per registered voter between 2014 and 2020. This further develops the literature regarding procedural costs and the impact of the managerial capacity of election bureaus.

Democracy in distress? Examining the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on voter behavior in the 2020 general election in the Greater Boston Area

The conditions of a highly anticipated election during the COVID-19 pandemic present an opportunity to further understand how voting accessibility influenced voting behavior in the 2020 United States general election. At the time of the election, nonpharmaceutical interventions, such as wearing a facemask, physical distancing, and crowd avoidance, were the primary defenses against contracting and spreading the virus. In response to the pandemic, several states enacted emergency voting laws that extended early voting days, loosened restrictions on acquiring an absentee ballot, and provided accessible ballot drop-off locations to reduce health and safety barriers to voters during the pandemic. This study uses a mixed methods design to investigate the motivating factors of voting behavior among Democrat and Independent voters in the Greater Boston Area in the 2020 general election. Based on data from an original survey of 169 individuals and 56 follow-up interviews conducted in early 2021, we find that the predicted probability of being a convenience voter (voting by mail, early voting, ballot drop box, or dropping their ballot at their polling location) goes from 50 % (p < .001) among those who did not express safety concerns related to voting to 82 % (p < .0001), an increase of 32 %. These findings were further triangulated in follow-up interviews with the survey participants. In our follow-up interviews, we also found that electoral integrity was a concern among both traditional and convenience voters; many individuals made a plan to vote in person, vote early, or drop their ballot off at a polling site or drop box to ensure their vote was counted. More broadly, the implications of this research place importance on state election law and election administration in a time of crisis. We expect that in a future crisis, such as a natural disaster or disease outbreak, convenience voting such as extended early voting options, ballot drop boxes, and relaxed restrictions around absentee voting options, may reduce barriers to voting experienced during uncertain or unsafe conditions and facilitate institutional certainty.

Restoring Trust in US Elections through Effective Election Administrator Messaging

Abstract During the 2020 election cycle, numerous national, state, and local organizations mounted campaigns designed to counter mis- and disinformation about election activities and to foster public trust in election processes. Local and state election offices focused intently on creating and disseminating accurate messages about when, where, and how to vote. Despite these efforts, trust in the 2020 election remained confoundingly low. This research analyzes this disconnect between messages from election offices and public trust by testing messages collected from election officials around the country using focus groups and a national panel survey experiment. We find that in focus groups, neutral messages that evoke local connections tested better than other types of messages. Further, messenger characteristics influenced whether participants trusted the messages. Using messages based on these findings, we fielded a survey experiment during the 2022 midterm election cycle, finding that the interaction between baseline trust, racial identification, and identification with the messenger moves trust.

Trust in the Count: Improving Voter Confidence with Post-election Audits

Abstract Post-election audits are thought to bolster voter confidence in elections, but it is unclear which aspects of audits drive public trust. Using preregistered vignette and conjoint survey experiments administered by YouGov on a sample of 2,000 American respondents, we find that how an audit is conducted is more important than what an audit finds. Structural features of audits, like who conducts it and how its results are announced, turn out to be more consequential to voter evaluations of election results than the actual discrepancy found. Moreover, while Democrats and Republicans have increasingly divided views of the state of democracy in the United States, they are similarly receptive to information presented about audits and largely agree that audits are effective tools for detecting errors in vote counting. Our findings thus reinforce the expectation that audits do increase voter trust and highlight that election administrators can strengthen voter confidence by making audits as transparent as possible.

Pelaksanaan Pemilu Sebagai Wujud Demokrasi Pancasila Di Indonesia

General elections (elections) in Indonesia are an important mechanism in the democratic process which aims to elect people's representatives and government leaders directly by the people. This research aims to examine the principles, objectives of the election administration system, and the election system implemented in Indonesia. Using a descriptive and analytical approach, this study explores various aspects related to elections in Indonesia, including the basic principles underlying their implementation, the objectives to be achieved, and the electoral system used. This research concludes that although the electoral system in Indonesia has run with strong democratic principles, there is still room for improvement in its implementation and supervision. Recommendations include increasing political education for the community, strengthening election management institutions, and stricter law enforcement against election violations. With these steps, it is hoped that elections in Indonesia can be more effective, fair and democratic, so that they are able to fully reflect the will of the people.

Industrialization of Election Infringement in Simultaneous Elections: Lessons from Sweden

Election violations are increasingly occurring on a massive scale. In Indonesia, by early 2024, 1,032 violations had been handled only for the simultaneous general elections for president, vice president, and members of national and regional legislatures. Meanwhile, the results of handling violations in the 2019 simultaneous elections increased sharply to 21,169 cases, or an increase of 58.3% from 2014. This was due to the material on Indonesia's general election regulations, which overlapped and were not in harmony with the Constitution and judges' decisions. This research aims to analyze the issues surrounding simultaneous general elections in Indonesia and outline alternative progressive policies for achieving democratic governance with dignity and integrity during the next general election. This research focuses on normative law, utilizing statutory and conceptual approaches that pertain to democracy, elections, and various types of violations. To get an overview of the new policy, this research compares the handling of election violations in Indonesia with that in Sweden. The research results show violations of the general election administration, the code of ethics for election organizers, election crimes, and other legal violations in Indonesia and Sweden. However, Sweden still maintains its democratic stability. Several election manipulation factors that become fraud or violations are the manipulation of election rules, the manipulation of vote conditioning in the form of money politics, the updating of voter lists, and the conditioning of candidate requirements to cyberattacks. Therefore, it is crucial for regulations, participants, and the voting public to reevaluate the integrity of elections.

The Media and the Administration of Elections in Cameroon

One of the critical ways to determine the degree of democracy in a country is to see how free its press is. However, it is not only about seeing how the press is free but also how well it is participating in the political process, including the administration of elections. This paper argues that in Cameroon, the political liberalism of the early 1990s was associated with the emergence and proliferation of press freedoms. This 'new' media has been involved in the administration of elections in two fundamental ways: political communication and political socialization. The mass media in Cameroon has contributed to providing Cameroonians with political facts, raising public awareness and, to some extent, keeping the government responsive to demands for electoral reforms. The print newspaper, TV, and radio combined have emerged as prominent political communication and political socialization forces in the political landscape. However, they have not really operated without partisan tendencies. They continue to grapple with some challenges, which are mostly connected with door-to-door, face-to-face, limited/disproportionate outreach and coverage, government control of media and social media.

Federal Judges, States Legislators, and State Voting Rights Rollback

Abstract This article claims that recent Supreme Court decisions have allowed state lawmakers to suppress and skew but not subvert the vote. The Court relaxed federal oversight of state election administration in Shelby County v. Holder (2013), Abbott v. Perez (2018), and Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee (2021), and gerrymandering in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), while prohibiting independent state legislative election regulation in Moore v. Harper (2023). These decisions guided state lawmakers toward vote suppression and skewing, and away from election subversion. Consequently, Republican state legislatures have passed state constitutional amendments and statutes limiting ballot access and reforming state redistricting practices. While some Democratic state legislatures have protected ballot access and independent redistricting, these recent Supreme Court decisions help Republicans win a disproportionate share of state legislative seats. National courts thus help preserve the national party coalition by opening subnational jurisdictions to party entrenchment.

Building a cross-national research dialogue on elections and election administration between the USA and France

Building a cross-national research dialogue on elections and election administration between the USA and France

Did private election administration funding advantage Democrats in 2020?

Private donors contributed more than $350 million to local election officials to support the administration of the 2020 election. Supporters argue these grants were neutral and necessary to maintain normal election operations during the pandemic, while critics worry these grants mostly went to Democratic strongholds and tilted election outcomes. How much did these grants shape the 2020 presidential election? To answer this question, we collect administrative data on private election administration grants and election outcomes. We then use advances in synthetic control methods to compare presidential election results and turnout in counties that received grants to counties with similar election results and turnout before 2020. While Democratic counties were more likely to apply for a grant, we find that the grants did not have a noticeable effect on the presidential election. Our estimates of the average effect on Democratic vote share range from 0.03 to 0.36 percentage points. Our estimates of the average effect of receiving a grant on turnout range from 0.03 to 0.14 percentage points. Across specifications, our 95% CIs typically include negative effects and all fail to include effects on Democratic vote share larger than 0.58 percentage points and effects on turnout larger than 0.40 percentage points. We characterize the magnitude of our effects by asking how large they are compared to the margin by which Biden won the 2020 election. In simple bench-marking exercises, we find that the effects of the grants were likely too small to have changed the outcome of the 2020 presidential election.

Status prawny komisarza wyborczego jako organu administracji wyborczej

The subject of this article is the legal status of an election commissioner as an authority of election administration. The starting point for further analyses is the reconstruction of the basic aspects of an electoral commissioner’s status. In this respect, it is pointed out, among other things, the consequences of defining him as a “plenipotentiary of the State Electoral Commission” and the necessity to understand this phrase in a non-civilist way. The following part discusses the issue of tasks and competences of election commissioners. The author notes the unconstitutionality of entrusting election commissioners with the creation of polling districts and electoral districts in local government elections. A further subject of analysis is the procedure for appointing election commissioners. The participation of the minister responsible for internal affairs in it is criticised. The author also reflects on issues related to the conditions of performing the function of commissioner, such as remuneration or temporary inability to perform the function. In this respect, among other things, it is pointed out that the election commissioner does not perform his/her function within the framework of an employment relationship, but within the framework of a non-employee employment relationship of a constitutional nature. A separate issue discussed in the article is the question of premature termination of the function of the election commissioner. The author draws attention, inter alia, to the problems related to the legislator’s provision that the function expires by operation of law in the event of the fulfilment of an unspecified condition of carrying out unacceptable activities. It is also emphasised that an electoral commissioner who has been removed from office before the expiry of his or her term of office has the right to lodge a complaint on this matter with the administrative court. The article ends with the most important final conclusions concerning the analysed issues.

Evaluasi Ketaatan dan Transparansi Pelaporan Dana Kampanye Pemilihan Presiden 2019

In accordance with KPU Regulation Number 3 of 2022, campaign activities for the 2024 presidential election will begin on November 28 2023. The KPU sets administrative requirements regarding campaign funds that must be complied with by all election contestants, including presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs. This research is intended to evaluate compliance and transparency in reporting campaign funds for the 2019 presidential election with the aim of measuring compliance and transparency in reporting campaign funds for the 2019 presidential election which can be used as a benchmark for managing campaign funds in the 2024 presidential election. The results of the research show that several complete accountability forms were not made, and deposits were not made. recorded at the LPPDK, did not create a separate list of donors that did not include identification, reporting of TPS witness funds was not transparent, there were allegations that donations were used outside of campaign funding purposes, and PKPU had not clearly regulated a tiered accountability mechanism. There are difficulties in implementing PKPU Number 24 of 2018 concerning General Election Campaign Funds because reporting is not carried out in stages from district/city to province and center, but the report format is presented according to election administration areas. However, accountability and bookkeeping are carried out centrally by the national campaign team, where revenue and expenditure traffic goes through the RKDK.

Votes Can Be Confidently Bought in Some Ranked Ballot Elections, and What to Do about It

Abstract We show that, in some ranked ballot elections, it may be possible to violate the secret vote. There are so many ways to rank even a handful of candidates that many possible rankings might not be cast by any voter. So, a vote buyer could pay someone to rank the candidates a certain way and then use the announced election results to verify that the voter followed through. We examine the feasibility of this attack both theoretically and empirically, focusing on instant runoff voting (IRV). Although many IRV elections have few enough candidates that this scheme is not feasible, we use data from San Francisco and a proposed election rule change in Oakland to show that some important IRV elections can have large numbers of unused rankings. There is no evidence that this vote-buying scheme has ever been used. However, its existence has implications for the administration and security of IRV elections. This scheme is more feasible when more candidates can be ranked in the election and when the election results report all the ways that candidates were ranked.