Actual Salaries Research Articles

Missed Opportunities: Weighted Student Funding Systems and Resource Equity

Improving equity of education funding is a key to addressing social injustices in education. Weighted student funding systems are a relatively novel approach a number of large urban and suburban districts have used to try to improve the equity of school funding. In a weighted student funding (WSF) system, the dollars distributed to schools are “weighted” to provide more dollars to schools enrolling high-need students, such as those who are economically disadvantaged, English learners, or students with disabilities. Using an interrupted time series approach, we examined trends in equity over time in four WSF districts to examine whether equity improved following WSF implementation. We find that equity of resource distribution improved meaningfully as measured by both the progressiveness of funding with respect to poverty and the predictability of funding in only one of the four districts examined in the longitudinal analysis. We performed several follow-up analyses, including simulations of WSF formulas, to understand why we did not observe improved equity in WSF districts. We show that distributing dollars outside of the WSF system, charging schools average rather than actual salaries for teachers, the use of weights that reward lower-poverty schools, and the provision of extra funding to magnet schools or other lower-poverty schools with specialized academic programs can all work to erode equity gains in WSF systems.

2020 Clinical Engineers Salary Survey

Given the low number of Clinical Engineering professionals in the country, it is often difficult for healthcare organizations' human resources departments to determine appropriate salary ranges. This work aims at providing more visibility around actual salaries for specific Clinical Engineering positions in different geographic areas. More than 100 responses were received and analyzed, taking into consideration cost of living and seniority associated to each data point. Starting salaries were obtained for each position, allowing the reader to calculate—adjusting for tenure and local cost of living—their personal salary estimate. A larger number of participants in future surveys will determine more accurate results.

Evaluation model revisited: Korean baseball Players Salary Calculation Model (PSCM)

The purpose of this study is three-fold. Firstly, it revisits and updates the prevailing model (Park et al., 2018), by adding players’ field performance data from the past three seasons (2017 to 2019). Secondly, it verifies the effectiveness of the modified salary calculation model by comparing the top 20 ranked players’ actual salaries with model Expected Monetary Value (EMV). Lastly, it elaborates and refines the model to enhance its applicability for the Korean market. The results indicate that all 10 Korea Baseball Organization (KBO) teams paid players much more than what was required. Also, according to the proposed salary calculation model, SK Wyverns was the most efficient team (i.e., smallest difference between total team salary and EMV) while Lotte Giants was the least efficient. Finally, expert panels suggest that the salary calculation model be used as a supplementary tool because the model does not count such factors as defensive position, leadership, contribution to winning, physical conditions, past injuries, and defensive skills.

MIGRATION OF GEORGIAN POPULATION AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF THE THIRD DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION

An important role of migration in the world as well as in local predictable changes, with regard to certain countries’ population, indicates to the challenge of migratory processes. In order to explain the causes of migration, with the aim of its optimization and regulation, there were formulated various theories and concepts regarding the migration. From among these concepts, we have employed the neoclassical theory of migration and the theory of migratory transition, as well as the concept of the third demographic transition. In the process of the formation of Georgian population, migration played, and still does, a significant part in influencing the growth rate of the Georgian population’s size. If natural increase was the main component in terms of the size formation of the Georgian population during 1960-1991, from 1992 up until today, external migration assumed the same role. Since 1992, the low natural increase can no longer compensate for the negative net migration as a consequence of which the Georgian population has decreased by 3723.5 thousand persons by 2019. On the one hand, since 1992, Georgia has belonged to the list of the countries that are demographically developed and on the verge of depopulation. On the other hand, because of the high intensity of emigration, it is among the donor countries which supply the developed countries with emigrants. Socio-economic analysis of the migratory processes that are associated with Georgian population has showed us that Georgia’s economy is characterized by a high share of labor in comparison to capital and by low market income, whereas the highly-developed countries of Europe are distinguished by the opposite tendency – the low share of labor compared to the capital and higher market income. This is directly linked to the neoclassical theory of migration, and the mentioned distinction forces Georgian population to emigrate toward the highly-developed foreign countries. Furthermore, decrease of work-force together with its human capital did not cause a significant growth of their income. In spite of the fact that the salary of the Georgian emigrants (especially illegal ones) is small in the highly- developed countries, in comparison to Georgia, European countries offer substantially higher salaries even on the low-qualification jobs than the actual salaries of a worker employed on the high-qualification jobs in Georgia will ever be. This difference is the main reason as to why the emigrants refrain from returning to their homeland. A sociological survey has confirmed that emigration from Georgia, besides economic factors, is associated with such social-demographic factors of migration as are: receiving education, exile, and the desire to live in better conditions, etc. These factors substantially determine the positive of migration in the receiving highly-developed countries and negative – in Georgia. Therefore, the more distinction there is between the positive and negative factors of migration, the higher the expected emigration to the other countries and the possibility of staying there. According to the current statistical information with regard to the materials of the 2014 population census, the article demonstrates the dynamics and tendency of the migration of the Georgian population since the country gained its independence up until today. It analyzes migrants’ sex-age structure. It has been revealed that the emigration is especially intensive amid the population that is in their reproductive age and is able- bodied. Moreover, it is related to social-economic factors. The sociological research conducted on students showed us that 42% of them intend to emigrate abroad after they graduate during 2018-2020. Additionally, working is the primary motive for boys as studying is for girls. After receiving education abroad, the half of them intend to return to homeland provided they can find a job with a decent salary in Georgia. Net migration has decreased at the expense of the immigration of foreign citizens and not at the cost of illegal Georgian citizens. In the aftermath of a short-term visa- liberalization within the territory of the EU, emigration from Georgia has increased, which is confirmed by the growth of the negative net migration from 2212 to 10763 inhabitants in 2017-2018. This, in turn, will reduce the population reproduction potential in Georgia and through “brain drain” the country will lose its human capital that possesses higher education. Therefore, it is still early to draw conclusions with regard to improving the perspectives of emigration and immigration of Georgian population.

The Importance of Tax Adjustments When Evaluating Wage Expectations*

AbstractUsing elicited expectations of future gross salaries, we evaluate characteristics causing German students to make larger or smaller estimation errors. While students seem to underestimate actual salaries by 18 percent, we show that these errors are highly attributable to misconceptions of the progressive income tax. Developing a suitable adjustment procedure, we correct students’ estimates and find that errors decline by 12 percentage points. Conducting regression analyses, we reveal strong connections with students’ age, gender, work experience, secondary school track, and knowledge about student loans. These results change notably if not controlling for students’ misconceptions of the tax system.

Assessing the landscape of US postdoctoral salaries

PurposePostdocs make up a significant portion of the biomedical workforce. However, data about the postdoctoral position are generally scarce, and no systematic study of the landscape of individual postdoc salaries in the USA has previously been carried out. The purpose of this study was to assess actual salaries for postdocs using data gathered from US public institutions; determine how these salaries may vary with postdoc title, institutional funding and geographic region; and reflect on which institutional and federal policy measures may have the greatest impact on salaries nationally.Design/methodology/approachFreedom of Information Act Requests were submitted to US public universities or university systems containing campuses with at least 300 science, engineering and health postdocs, according to the 2015 National Science Foundation’s Survey of Graduate Students and Postdoctorates in Science and Engineering. Salaries and job titles of postdocs as of December 1, 2016, were requested.FindingsSalaries and job titles for nearly 14,000 postdocs at 52 US institutions around December 1, 2016, were received. Individual postdoc names were also received for approximately 7,000 postdocs, and departmental affiliations were received for 4,000 postdocs. This exploratory study shows evidence of a postdoc gender pay gap, a significant influence of job title on postdoc salary and a complex relationship between salaries and the level of institutional National Institutes of Health/NSF funding.Originality/valueThese results provide insights into the ability of institutions to collate and report out annualized salary data on their postdocs, highlighting difficulties faced in tracking and reporting data on this population by institutional administration. Ultimately, these types of efforts, aimed at increasing transparency regarding the postdoctoral position, may lead to improved support for postdocs at all US institutions and allow greater agency for postdocs making decisions based on financial concerns.

Graduate Medical Education Salary Gap: Is Military Service an Equalizing Force? [4C

INTRODUCTION: Disparities exist between resident salaries and other professionals. We compared salaries to determine if military pay equalizes financial disparities in civilian graduate medical education training. METHODS: Using aggregate salary data, we compared military versus civilian salaries for residents and staff physicians in OB/GYN. Military pay was from 2017 Defense Finance and Accounting Service (DFAS) tables, including: base pay, housing/subsistence allowances, incentive and board certification pay. Military residents were calculated for O-3, and staff salaries the average of O-4 and O-5. Civilian salaries were from Medscape 2016 Residents Salary & Debt Report, Medical Group Management Association (MGMA) 2017 Provider Compensation Report for private practice, and from 2015-2016 Association of American Medical Colleges (AAMC) Faculty Salary Report for academic providers, using the rank of Assistant Professor. RESULTS: The GME salary gap was positive, with mean civilian OB/GYN residents $55,000, compared to military residents $91,287, +66% difference. For staff, the salary gap is negative, with mean private practice $368,135 and mean academic $277,000 compared to military $163,099, -56% and -42% respectively. For subspecialists in OB/GYN, the military is $168,099 compared to private practice UROGYN $422,413 (-$60%); private practice REI $427,667 (-60%) academic REI $392,000 (-57%); private practice GYN/ONC $486,118 (-65%) academic GYN/ONC $323,600 (-50%); private practice MFM $536,279 (-69%) academic MFM $339,700 (-52%). CONCLUSION: A salary gap exists in the military, shifting from positive in residency to negative for staff. The gap is smaller for academic faculty compared to private practice. Actual salaries vary based on multi-year bonuses and scholarship programs that decrease debt.

When Unified Teacher Pay Scales Meet Differential Alternative Returns

This paper quantifies the extent to which unified teacher pay scales and differential alternatives produce opportunity costs that are asymmetric in math and verbal skills. Data from the Baccalaureate and Beyond 1997 and 2003 follow-ups are used to estimate a fully parametric, selection-corrected wage equation for nonteachers, which is then used to predict the wages that teachers would have received in a nonteaching career. The difference between actual teacher salaries and this prediction can be considered the opportunity cost of teaching. Moving up one standard deviation in math SAT score increases the opportunity cost of teaching by $1,500 to $2,000 four years after college, rising to $3,000 to $3,800 ten years after college. Moving up one standard deviation in verbal SAT score increases the opportunity cost by $300 four years after college, and by $1,300 ten years after college. The teacher salary gap is also decomposed into policy versus teacher-characteristic components.

1919 Baseball Salaries and the Mythically Underpaid Chicago White Sox

For more than ninety years, it has been widely believed that the perfidy of the Black Sox was prompted by low player salaries paid by Chicago team owner Charles Comiskey. This article examines the soundness of that premise, popularized by Eliot Asinof, premier chronicler of the Black Sox saga. A survey of other commentary on Comiskey's treatment of his players, most of it negative, is also presented. A counterpoint to such sentiment resides in verifiable player salary data, much of it only recently made available. Such information permits comparison of 1919 White Sox player salaries to those paid their American League rivals. Similar scrutiny is extended to the payroll of the World Series champion Cincinnati Reds. In the end, analysis of fact as opposed to popular perception admits but one conclusion: the Black Sox were paid the prevailing 1919 wage, and then some.Conflicting Claims at the Black Sox Criminal TrialThe depiction of Chicago players as woefully underpaid by a tightwad boss was initially unveiled as a defense stratagem at the 1921 criminal trial of the Black Sox. At the outset of a pre-trial hearing on June 29, 1921, defense attorney Benedict J. Short alleged that while it is presumed these men got enormous salaries, most of them got only $2,700 or $2,900.1 While examining prospective jurors, the defense lowered that figure, asserting that the players only received about $2,000 a year. The following day, Special Prosecutor Edward Prindiville responded, revealing the actual (and much higher) salaries of the indicted players. The wire services ran the payroll figures (salaries, bonuses and World Series per diem payments to the eight Black Sox) for both 1919 and 1920.2 Then during the July 19 testimony of White Sox Secretary Harry Grabiner, the prosecution submitted as exhibits 1919 contracts and cancelled paychecks for the Black Sox, manager Kid Gleason, and nine of the Clean Sox. Although such bona fide salary data were published in several newspapers,3 it appears that little, if any, of same found its way into Eight Men Out or any other Black Sox commentary for almost a century. The notion that the Black Sox had been underpaid had taken hold.Westbrook Pegler and Other Pre-Eight Men Out CommentatorsProbably the foremost proponent of the claim that the 1919 White Sox were underpaid was Westbrook Pegler. Pegler was a major syndicated columnist, first specializing in sports and later general interest commentary with an emphasis on politics. For three decades, Pegler would periodically write about the Black Sox and their purported mistreatment at the hands of Charles Comiskey. In his prime, Pegler's columns were undoubtedly read by far more people than would ever read Eight Men Out or see the motion picture of the same name. Pegler started his assault on Comiskey innocently enough. In a column dated February 19, 1927, devoted to the recent signings of Ty Cobb by the Philadelphia Athletics and Tris Speaker by the Washington Senators, Pegler took up the issue of player compensation. While estimating the amount of the Cobb and Speaker salaries, Pegler wrote that I hear that such a fellow as Dick Kerr being underpaid and run out of baseball for requesting a raise, I can gather a crowd and say 'will you look at that cheap screw of a magnate paying a great ball player a salary like that.' ... I would rather have access to the payroll of the Chicago White Sox when Eddie Cicotte, Lefty Williams and the rest of them were still technically pure, than to the correct figures on Cobb, Speaker or even Babe Ruth.4On March 29, 1927, Pegler reported that Ray Cannon [who had represented Joe Jackson, Happy Felsch and Swede Risberg in 1922 lawsuits against Comiskey] writes in response to a recent remark by your correspondent that in the year of the fake World's Series four members of the White Sox received an aggregate of $12,500 a year.5 Even after Comiskey died in October 1931, Pegler remained indignant on the subject. …

Initial employment experiences of 1997 graduates of radiation oncology training programs

Purpose: To inform the profession of current trends in the job market, the American College of Radiology (ACR) sought to detail the job-hunting experiences and outcomes of 1997 graduates of radiation oncology training programs. Methods and Materials: In early 1998, questionnaires were mailed to all graduates; 67% responded. Results were compared with similar surveys of 1996 graduates. Results: Similar to past years, immediately after graduation, 13% of residency graduates and 1 of 10 fellowship graduates encountered serious employment difficulties—that is, spent some time working locums, working outside radiation oncology, or unemployed. By 6–12 months after graduation, approximately 2% of all residency graduates were working outside the profession and approximately 3% were not working at all. Eighty-five percent of residency graduates and 7 of 8 fellowship graduates reported that their employment reasonably matched their training and individual goals. On average, graduates’ actual salaries approximately corresponded to expected salaries. Eleven percent of all graduates were in nonownership-track jobs, a significant decline since 1996. For residents and fellows combined, 46% had a job with at least one characteristic some observers associate with a weak job market, but fewer than half of those with one of these characteristics actually disliked it. These percentages are similar to 1996. Women graduates were more likely than men to have spouse-related restrictions on job location but less likely to end up in a self-reportedly undesirable location. Conclusion: Unemployment remained low. Some other indicators of the employment market showed improvement, while others did not.

Trends in US medical school faculty salaries, 1988-1989 to 1998-1999.

Expansion of managed care, intensified price competition, and the introduction of the Medicare Fee Schedule have all affected physician compensation during the past decade. We examine trends in the salaries of medical school faculty, particularly MD clinical faculty, based on a more extensive salary database than has been used previously. Data collected through the Association of American Medical Colleges' Faculty Salary Survey for the academic years 1988-1989, 1993-1994, and 1998-1999 were analyzed, and inflation-adjusted salary growth rates for clinical and basic science faculty during two 5-year periods, 1988-1993 and 1993-1998, compared across faculty ranks, departments, and various school characteristics. The comparison showed that, between 1988 and 1998, the actual median clinical faculty salary increased from $101,000 to $150,000, and the actual median basic science faculty salary increased from $52,000 to $78,000. Bivariate and multivariate analyses showed that the proportionate change in real mean salary (base year, 1988) in each 5-year period was related to department and faculty rank for clinical faculty (P<.001) and faculty rank for basic science faculty (P<.001). The inflation-adjusted annualized compound growth rate of clinical faculty salaries declined from 1.9% per year (1988-1993) to 0.2% per year (1993-1998), while the growth rate of basic science faculty salaries increased from 0.3% per year (1988-1993) to 1.3% per year (1993-1998). From 1993 to 1998, inflation-adjusted annualized salary growth rates in several clinical departments were negative (anesthesiology, -1.1%; obstetrics and gynecology, -0.5%; radiology, -0.4%; and neurology, -0.1%) but were positive for family practice (+2.7%). Significant differences in salary growth related to school characteristics (eg, geographic region, public vs private, community based vs non-community based, and research intensity) were specific to particular study periods. Overall, while actual average medical school faculty salaries are increasing, the real growth rate of average clinical faculty salaries is declining and that of basic science faculty increasing. JAMA. 2000;284:1130-1135

Getting the best from salary surveys.

Aims to help personnel specialists choose and interpret salary surveys. While there are a large number of these, their quality varies considerably. At the same time little is written about how to choose and interpret them. Even the best contain built in biases which under – or overestimate actual salaries being paid and/or report a very wide range of salaries – so it is often difficult for users to make sense of what is often a mass of confusing data.

The semilogarithmic earnings equation and its use in assessing salary discrimination in academe

The use of a semilogarithmic earnings equation to analyse gender-based salary differentials is now common practice in both academic studies and legal proceedings. When gender differences are detected, however, the cost of alternative adjustment mechanisms to equalize the pay of men and women is overlooked. This paper shows the different costs that arise from paying women a percentage increase on their actual salaries versus paying them predicted salaries as if they were men. The political consequences of enacting these different equalization methods are also considered. The data collection and analysis for this study partly reflect the response of a large public teaching/research university to a class-action lawsuit.

Determinants of Secondary School Teacher Salaries in a Large Urban School District

One of the trends dominating public sector education in recent years has been a renewed emphasis on basic literacy and competence in such areas as math, science, and vocational skills. An outcome of this trend is that the teacher labor market has been characterized by significant changes, moving from general excess supply in the mid 1970s to today's market of only selective over supply and actual shortages of teachers in some fields. Magnifying the implications of these changes have been the general inability of school district management to cope with market imbalances because of declining revenues, shifting enrollments, and, in many districts, collective bargaining agreements. A result is that the determination of teacher salaries has become complexly related to a wide range of influences, and resoundingly debated [10; 16; 17]. As an examination of the current situation in one large unionized metropolitan area, this paper presents an empirical analysis of the determinants of academic year salaries for secondary school teachers in Philadelphia during 1981-82. The analysis is composed of two interrelated parts. The first is based upon the official salary schedules published in the collective bargaining agreement between the Philadelphia school district and the teachers' union. Simulations of these schedules provide estimates of the de jure salary relations for the period. The second is based upon the actual salaries observed among Philadelphia secondary school teachers. Regression estimations of the determinants of these salaries provide the basis for computing de facto salary relations for the period. Comparisons of the two salary regimes allows insights into such issues as consistency within contract defined variables and the possible existence of non-contract influences in salary determination. The simulations of the contractual salary schedules are limited to consideration of experience and education levels, as these are effectively the only salary determinants

A social judgment theoretic approach to sex discrimination in faculty salaries

This study used the methodology of Social Judgment Theory to measure the extent of sex bias in the salaries of faculty members. A lengthy, confidential questionnaire describing the professional careers of faculty members was developed using input from many influential university groups. A total of 349 (49.5%) usable questionnaires were returned, from which 175 profiles (representative of the total faculty) were constructed. These consisted of 28 variables selected by stepwise regression analyses and by judgments of importance by various university faculty. Sex was not included as a variable so that the decisions on the profiles could not reflect sex bias. Salary was highly predictable for the 349 respondents from a linear combination of these data ( R = .91). Forty-two faculty judges assigned salary values to the profiles. Each judge's salary equation was applied to the data describing the 349 questionnaire respondents yielding a distribution of 42 predicted salaries for each respondent. These 42 predicted salaries were then averaged for each respondent and the mean predicted value was subtracted from the respondent's actual salary. These discrepancy scores were summed separately for each sex. The average value for men was +$245.61 and that for women was −$44.02. A second analysis transformed each judge's predictions so that their mean and standard deviation equalled the mean and standard deviation of the actual university salaries. A “composite judge” analysis and an analysis using equations developed from the 28 subjective importance weights assigned by each judge were also accomplished. Women were consistently overpredicted in all four analyses, while men were underpredicted. The differential values in favor of men were $289.63, $361.12, $290.62, and $504.04, respectively, for the four analyses. The consistency of these analyses suggests that there is a modest degree of bias against women faculty in salaries. Actual mean difference between male and female respondents was $2274.99. Recommendations were made to the appropriate university administrator.

Program for Implementation of ASCE Salary and Fringe Benefit Guidelines

The Los Angeles Section of ASCE initiated a program in 1974 and 1975 to implement salary and fringe benefit guidelines. A salary survey in the geographical area encompassed by the Los Angeles Section was conducted as a basis for comparing actual prevailing salaries with ASCE guidelines. Salary comparisons were also made with other types of employment and implementation problems were defined. Reports comparing actual salaries with ASCE guidelines were distributed in both 1974 and 1975 to major employers of civil engineers, both public and private, in the Los Angeles geographical area and also to collective bargaining units. Presentations covering the comparison of salaries and fringe benefits with ASCE guidelines were made to the section, geographical branches, and technical groups as an integral part of implementation efforts. A continuing program in coordination with the other four California ASCE Sections aimed at implementing ASCE guidelines was formulated.

The Economics of Modes of Employment

It is generally recognised that the cost to a company or other organisation of employing people to work for them is considerably more than the actual wages or salaries paid. The number and weight of these additional costs has been steadily growing in recent years so that no longer are they insignificant but represent, on the contrary, important factors to be considered in the total cost of employment. The cost of ‘labour’ in the classical economic sense is no longer a periodic payment to the employee which can be turned on or off at will, but is a complex computation of various costs and expenses, some of which are incurred at the out‐set of employment and others of which continue throughout the term of employment. These additional costs, on top of the wages or salary, govern to a large extent the mode of employment which an employer will prefer. By ‘mode of employment’ is meant the type of contract which the worker may have with his/her employer in terms of the time when he/she will be at work and the relation of wage or salary payment to that time. It has nothing to do with the nature of work, the level of individual wage or salary, the status of the job or the method of recruitment.