ABSTRACT This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the secret service of al-Shabaab, the Amniyat. Following a brief history of al-Shabaab as a Somali-based terrorist group, the article analyses the capabilities and capacities of the Amniyat, highlighting the most important elements that have contributed to its efficiency. Studying the security sector and particularly the Amniyat is vital for understanding the conflict dynamics in Somalia. The article contends that depending on whether Al Shabaab gains or loses territory, one can expect certain strategic and/or organisational innovations in the future. More importantly, however, it emphasises that even if al-Shabaab is defeated, the Amniyat may survive the terrorist group’s dissolution and present itself as a different entity or merge into a criminal network. Differentiating between the risk of violent extremism and the existence of al-Shabaab is crucial, since the former may outlast the latter.

ABSTRACT The use of social media in public diplomacy is a recognised tool to shape public opinion and to serve political interests around the world. African ministries of foreign affairs (MFAs) have embraced this digital revolution. This article traces the emergence of African digital diplomacy by exploring, inter alia, its online infrastructure, presence and followers, as well as the factors that determine usage of social media on the continent. Employing cross-platform and cross-country comparisons, the article analyses an original dataset of digital diplomacy posts from all African MFAs active on social media. Findings reveal that African MFAs were, as of late 2023, more active on X (previously Twitter) despite having a larger presence on Facebook. The key determinants of African digital diplomacy were found to be a large population, English as an official language, democratic governance, and widespread internet access. This research has implications for diplomatic communications in Africa and beyond.

ABSTRACT This article compares sovereignty construction within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), analysing how their differing approaches have shaped their governance and institutional frameworks. It argues that the historical contexts behind the formation and evolution of these two organisations have led to distinct sovereignty constructions. ECOWAS, established with a strong focus on regional integration, saw member states willingly cede aspects of their sovereignty for the collective regional benefit. In contrast, SADC, initially formed as a solidarity group against apartheid, adopted a more cautious and less defined approach to sovereignty. These historical differences are reflected in the sovereignty frameworks of their respective founding treaties. While subsequent revisions to those founding documents have expanded both organisations’ scopes and mandates, their approaches to member sovereignty have continued to diverge, shaped by different historical and normative influences, with implications for governance within each region.

ABSTRACT This article examines how domestic factors explain variations in the ambitions of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) countries to meet the requirements of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. Although Africa contributes only 3.8% of global greenhouse gas emissions, it is highly vulnerable to climate change. All 54 African countries have ratified the Paris Agreement, and by May 2022, 44 had submitted updated nationally determined contributions (NDCs), showing strong commitment to mitigating global temperature rise. Although SSA countries’ NDCs are more robust than the global average, significant cross-country variations exist. This article builds on the limited research on these variations to explore whether democracy, GDP, oil consumption, and historical emissions influence NDC ambition across 44 SSA countries. The analysis finds a statistically significant negative relationship between GDP and NDC ambition, while other variables show no significance. This study is crucial for understanding how domestic factors shape climate commitments in SSA.

ABSTRACT In terms of its disruptive impact and intensity of violence, banditry is the gravest security threat that currently faces rural residents in border communities of southwest Niger and northwest Nigeria, driving the area’s worst humanitarian crisis in decades. Through empirical research, this study analyses the internationalisation of cattle rustling as a variant of banditry in these contiguous border regions. From the year 2019 to 2022, such incidents increased by 1028.57% and 957.143% in northwest Nigeria and southwest Niger, respectively. The primary drivers of cattle rustling in the regions include multiple conflicts, perceived injustice, failure of governance to address endemic poverty, and competition over natural resources. The principal enablers of cattle rustling are: border porosity, arms trafficking, human resources for recruitment, geography, embedded social relationships, informal transborder movements, and community complicity. The study offers direction for policy imperatives for combatting cattle rustling in southwest Niger and northwest Nigeria.