The article is devoted to the study of the history of the development of colonial tourism in the second half of the 19th – at the beginning of the 20th century in the countries of the East. The relationship between the formation of the colonial system, the new needs of the capitalist development of European countries in the 19th century, and the emergence of tourism as an important tool for the study of colonized territories and peoples is revealed. It is emphasized that gradually the market of impressions and recreation became an important factor in the economic and cultural exploitation of the colonies. It is proposed to define colonial tourism as a type of travel organization that involved visiting colonially dependent territories to get to know the history, culture, historical and cultural heritage, everyday life of local residents, as well as for the purpose of health and recreation. Colonial tourism is characterized as internal (trips by representatives of the colonial community to the country of their stay) and as external (visiting by residents of metropolises and colonial dependent territories for tourist purposes). This type of tourism is characterized by a special elite social and ethnic composition of tourists. The connection between tourist trips and the formation of transport infrastructure, in particular rail and sea transport, which significantly increased the possibilities for the mass movement of people and goods, is analysed. Such forms of colonial tourism are characterized as trips with sightseeing and educational purposes, colonial cruises, colonial hunting, and organization of rest places in the form of “stations on the hills”. Attention is focused on the distribution of such popular types of information about colonial territories as postal (colonial) postcards during the researched period. It is emphasized that the relevance of this topic is because in the modern tourism of many countries there is a historical injustice, which is manifested in exploitation, abuse of images of the past, fascination with colonial nostalgia, the illegal transformation into a commodity of the cultural and ethnic heritage of once colonial dependent peoples.

Based on the analysis of sources, such as programmatic and pre-election documents of the Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland –AfD) party, materials of civic-political initiatives and formations that preceded its establishment, processing a range of informational, feature and statistical materials, taking into account the works of German, British, Swiss, and American researchers, authors aim to illuminate the historical preconditions and direct socio-political and socio-economic reasons of the emergence, stages of formation, and achievements of the AfD’s first electoral successes on the German political arena. It is established that in Germany, after the Second World War, alongside liberal-conservative and social-reformist parties, several right-wing populist or right-radical parties emerged. Their development occurred in three waves and was marked by legislative restrictions from the state, stigmatization from society, weakness of internal organizational structure, and competition from ruling parties, leading only to temporary electoral successes at the local level. The formation of the new right-wing populist party AfD was primarily influenced by the European debt crisis of 2010 and the Eurozone rescue policy of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government. The article extensively examines the main stages of the party’s genesis and development: the formation of the “Plenum der Ökonomen” in 2010, the “Bündnis Bürgerwille” in 2012, the political alliance “Wahlalternative 2013” and the actual establishment of the party in 2013. The main foundational and programmatic documents are analyzed, highlighting the idea of Germany’s exit from the Eurozone and return to a national currency as a recurring theme. Another important factor in the success of AfD in the early stages of its history was the party’s ability to unite those segments of German society that were skeptical of the integrationist European policies of the ruling parties. Undoubtedly, the refugee crisis that engulfed EU countries and Germany in particular in mid-2015 provided a powerful impetus for the party’s further development. By radicalizing its programmatic demands, AfD achieved sustained electoral success not only at the regional but also at the federal levels over several years.

This research is devoted to identifying the causes of the crisis in the global security system, triggered by the large-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation in February 2022. The foundational concept underlying the strategy of the European Union and the United States in developing relations with the Russian Federation post-Cold War is analyzed in the article. Specifically, contemporary approaches of the EU and the US towards Russia bear the hallmarks of the concept known as Wilsonianism, which became the bedrock of the foreign policy strategy of the US and European countries towards post-Soviet states. The study presents a critique of this concept and analyzes its weaknesses. It also attempts to explain the logic behind the decisions of Western politicians regarding Russia from the end of the Cold War to its large-scale invasion of Ukraine. Through historical examples, the author demonstrates why it is currently impossible to apply the principles of Wilsonianism in developing a strategy for relations with the Russian Federation. Specifically, this is related to the lack of a common value foundation on which this concept is based. At the same time, the feasibility and appropriateness of the United States and European Union countries returning to the so-called principle of Realpolitik in relations with the Russian Federation is analyzed, as such proposals are also being discussed in the contemporary Western intellectual community. According to the author, this concept is also incapable of ensuring lasting peace and stability in Europe, as demonstrated by the historical example of its dominance in the strategies of Old-World states in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Accordingly, its application under current conditions also does not seem beneficial for restoring stability in the international system. The research analyzes the most effective systems of international relations that have prevailed in the world over the last 200 years and explains why, under current conditions of a global security crisis, only one strategic concept of containment appears most attractive in terms of maintaining peace and stability.

The article examines the impact of the signing of the Maastricht Treaty of 1992, the foundation of the EU, on political and economic processes in Italy in the 1990s. The transition from the EEC to a new form of European integration was the subject of a general political consensus. The question was raised about the influence of European integration on the 1992–1994 «Mani pulite» scandal, which was characterized by a series of trials against prominent officials and ended with the collapse of the old political system of the First Republic. As a result, Italy for the first time created a «technical government» under the former head of the Bank of Italy, C. A. Ciampi, which was a kind of temporary administration that launched the mechanism for implementing EU reforms. At the same time, a block of newly created Eurosceptic parties was consolidated in Italy. The block won the parliamentary elections, as a result of which a government led by S. Berlusconi was formed in 1994. Despite the anti-European statements declared by this government, it failed to stop the process of European integration. After the collapse of S. Berlusconi’s government in 1996, the pro-European coalition «Olive Tree», headed by R. Prodi, came to power. Thus, in the political system of the Second Republic (1994 – pr.t.), the issue of European integration became the main marker of division between various political forces, which lost the character of mass ideological parties of the 20th century and have become unstable personalist projects. The governments of the «Olive Tree» managed to give new impetus to European integration reforms, the main of which was the introduction of the euro instead of the national currency – the lira. This reform was perceived as an opportunity to renovate the Italian Republic as a consequence of strengthening the state apparatus, the program of privatization of the public sector of the economy, and a more cautious budget policy. The permission from the EU to switch to the euro since 1999 proved that, despite difficulties of a political and economic nature, Italy managed to carry out key reforms, and with the introduction of the euro instead of the national currency, the European integration of the country became an irreversible process.

The article covers an analysis of the 1945 parliamentary elections in Great Britain as a pivotal moment in the country’s development following World War II. It offers a detailed examination of the historical context preceding the elections, considering the socio-political situation marked by post-war reconstruction and shifting social paradigms. The article analyzes the strategies and programs of key political parties, revealing their contrasting visions for post-war Britain. Additionally, it examines societal attitudes and changing public expectations, which significantly influenced electoral outcomes, highlighting a growing demand from voters for comprehensive social reforms and economic stability. Central to the article is the analysis of the Conservative Party’s defeat, which is explained by several factors, including their perception of societal needs, leadership dynamics, and demographic changes among voters. The article thoroughly explores the Conservatives’ response to the challenges of the post-war period, comparing it with the Labour Party’s agenda focused on social welfare policy and economic reconstruction. The article discusses the outcomes of the 1945 parliamentary elections in Great Britain and their impact on the nation’s social needs post-war. The loss of seats by the Conservatives and the rise in Labour representation signify a shift in the political landscape and societal attitudes. The article examines the underestimation of social needs, which led to the Conservative Party’s defeat. Post-war, destroyed cities and economic difficulties created radical changes in social needs, particularly in housing policy and social protection. The Conservative approach was less socially oriented compared to Labour’s programs. Furthermore, the insufficient emphasis by the Conservatives on economic stability and social protection, which did not align with voters’ demands, is noted. The public image of the Conservatives no longer matched the requirements of the time, and the gap between elites and ordinary citizens became a problem. The impact of leadership and the public image of party leaders on the results of the 1945 elections is also analyzed, noting that the leadership of Winston Churchill was based on wartime merits but was not able to effectively respond to social and economic changes.

The article examines the policy of the EU border externalization, i.e. transfer of border control and responsibility for migration processes to third countries, namely the Italo-Libyan cooperation in the field of migration is examined in detail. Investigation of agreements and arrangements between the governments of the two countries in 2000–2010s was made. The terms of the agreements and methods of their implementation, the historical and political context in which these decisions were made are considered in detail. The author tries to find out whether Italy achieved the goals set by these agreements and whether the Italian government acted in accordance with European norms. Particular attention is paid to the legal aspects and principles on which the treaties between Italy and Libya are based. Attention is focused on the declared need for respect for human rights, and the lack of fulfillment of these obligations in practice. The article examines in detail the dynamics of relations between the two countries in the 2000s and their change after the outbreak of war in Libya, and the beginning of the active phase of the migration crisis in Europe. The article reveals important aspects of cooperation between these two countries, and the impact of this cooperation on migrants. The author also refers to relevant cases of the European Court of Human Rights considering claims for the forced expulsion of migrants to Libya based on bilateral agreements. Contradictions between the strategies of the EU and Italy regarding the migration crisis are also considered, the author draws attention to the lack of solidarity between EU member states, which forces states located on the external borders of the EU to cooperate with third countries in exchange for political and economic concessions. It is argued that the phenomenon of externalization of borders is complex and multidimensional, and decisions on migration regulation that include third countries require more comprehensive approaches, taking into account compliance with international obligations to protect human rights, which cannot be sacrificed solely on the basis of political necessity.

The article highlights the role and place of small and medium–sized farms in the system of national agricultural production in Bulgaria in the period 2007–2014. It was revealed that in the specified period, agrarian households were a traditional form of agricultural production and their activities were directly aimed at the domestic market and export. The main problems and factors affecting the effective development of farms are highlighted. It has been proven that the use of resources of small and medium–sized farms led to the improvement of the condition of rural areas and the population, an increase in the production of agricultural products and a decrease in the share of unemployment in the countryside, and an increase in the real incomes of rural residents. State support measures for farms and their integration into the European support system are considered. In particular, the article analyzes the dynamics of financing modernization and technical renewal of the material base of farms. The author revealed the main advantages and disadvantages of the functioning of small and medium–sized farms compared to large agrarian corporations, in the context of increasing their competitiveness. It is proven that during the specified period, there was no legislation that clearly regulated the activities of farms, their specialization and zoning, access to wholesale markets for the sale of produced products without intermediaries. At the same time, there were a number of factors that inhibited the development and functioning of farms, including limited access to national and European financial resources, participation in government orders, and the European sales market. In addition, the principles of organic production were introduced in the agricultural sector of the Bulgarian economy, which involved the use of exclusively ecological means of plant protection and planting material, which reduced the profitability of the industry and made it impossible for small and medium-sized farms to comply with it.

The article analyses the issue of Crimea in bilateral relations between the United Kingdom and Ukraine in 2014–2022. It is noted that, on the one hand, the relevance, importance and interest in the issue are caused by the UK’s leadership in supporting Ukraine in the context of russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine. Thus, there is active economic, investment, political and other cooperation between the UK and Ukraine on a systematic and consistent basis. The United Kingdom, along with promoting and further strengthening its own brand, actively supports and lobbies for Ukraine’s position among the countries of the world. On the other hand, the issue of Crimea is important, complex, and one of the cross-cutting issues in international relations in the context of the turbulence of the international order, on which the security and geopolitical situation in Europe and the world depends. Moreover, the article argues that, in addition to its geopolitical, security and strategic importance, Crimea has significant potential in tourism, energy and other sectors. The paper comprehensively examines the United Kingdom’s relations and cooperation with Ukraine, the state and development of bilateral relations on the eve of the annexation of the Crimean peninsula, the investment climate in Crimea before the annexation by the russian federation, the UK’s response to the occupation of the Crimean peninsula, the UK’s position on systemic human rights violations and persecution of activists by the Russian authorities in Crimea, the UK’s participation in the Crimean Platform, etc. It is analysed that British-Ukrainian relations, despite their ambiguity and inconsistency of quality cooperation since the restoration of Ukraine’s independence in 1991, have reached a fundamentally new level of close, multidimensional cooperation after the events in Crimea in February 2014 and, especially, after the beginning of Russia’s full-scale aggression against Ukraine. Ukrainian and foreign researchers have been and continue to be actively engaged in research on the United Kingdom’s foreign policy. Still, the issue of Crimea in British-Ukrainian relations has not been accentuated and deeply explored from a historical perspective.

The relevance of the research topic is determined by the crucial role of the Republic of Turkey concerning the de-occupation of Crimea and the support of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine in general. At the scientific level, a coherent and comprehensive study of this important problem has not yet been published. Before the annexation of Ukrainian Crimea by Russia in 2014, one of the significant areas of cooperation between Turkey and Ukraine was their joint efforts to support the Crimean Tatar people, who were returning to Crimea after harrowing deportation by the Soviet regime to Central Asia in 1944. During that time, several joint Ukrainian-Turkish projects were implemented in Crimea, particularly in the economic and cultural spheres, aimed at the rehabilitated Crimean Tatar population. These projects included the construction of schools with Crimean Tatar language instruction, the launch of periodicals in the Crimean Tatar language, economic development, local infrastructure improvement, property acquisitions for representatives of the Crimean Tatar ethnic group, and more. After the criminal annexation of Ukrainian Crimea by Russia in February-March 2014, the Republic of Turkey unequivocally expressed its support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. This support was particularly evident during discussions and voting at the United Nations, as well as in meetings between the two countries’ presidents and at forums like the “Crimean Platform,” which has been held since 2021, etc. Turkey is making significant efforts to protect the rights and freedoms of the fraternal Crimean Tatar people, who were among the first victims of Russia’s criminal repressive machinery. For instance, Ankara has facilitated the release of some political prisoners of Crimean Tatar ethnicity and has assisted in the resettlement and support of Crimean Tatars who were forced to temporarily move to the mainland of Ukraine. Crimea holds a foremost place in Turkey’s security concept in the Black Sea region. Despite Turkey not fully aligning with anti-Russian sanctions, even after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, and even offering shelter to Russian businesses seeking to evade Western sanctions, its position on Crimea has consistently been unequivocal. Considering Russia as its main geopolitical rival in the Black Sea, Ankara is unquestionably interested in seeing the return of this strategically important peninsula to Ukraine. There is no doubt about this, the Turkish side will actively participate in the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine, primarily Crimea, as an integral part of Ukraine. Turkish officials have been emphasizing this repeatedly.

The article highlights the peculiarities of language policy in education during the period of «stagnation». The author analyzes the legal acts related to the process of Russification of school education, in particular, the Resolution «On Further Improvement of Learning and Teaching of the Russian Language in the Union Republics» of June 1, 1978, the USSR Law «Fundamentals of the Legislation of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics and the Union Republics on Public Education» of July 19, 1973, the Resolution of the Ministry of Education of the Ukrainian SSR «On Additional Measures to Improve the Teaching of the Russian Language in National Secondary Schools» of May 26, 1983, etc. The state educational policy of the Soviet government contributed to an increase in the number of Russian-language schools and classes for in-depth study of the Russian language, the establishment of allowances for Russian language teachers, the introduction of advanced training courses for Russian language teachers, and an increase in the number of textbooks on academic subjects written in Russian. The author traces the dynamics of the number of schools with one and two languages of instruction in the Ukrainian SSR during the 1959-1965 academic years. The analysis of the number of schools with one language of instruction during the mentioned period shows a decrease in the number of schools with Ukrainian as the language of instruction by 1725 units. As for the schools with Ukrainian-Russian language of instruction, there was a tendency to increase them by 107 units, and the number of schools with Russian-Ukrainian language of instruction increased by 73 units. It was found that the Russification of the educational process also took place in higher education. It was accompanied by the teaching of academic subjects in Russian, the dissemination of Russian-language literature, and the conduct of admission campaigns mainly in Russian. In spite of Russification and assimilation, prominent figures of the national liberation movement campaigned by distributing leaflets among the population, in which they opposed the reduction of Ukrainian-language educational institutions and pressure on the Ukrainian language. In response, the Soviet leadership took measures aimed at persecuting and eliminating active public figures. The Russification policy of the Soviet authorities in the field of education led to a national and cultural upsurge of student youth, who, despite the threat of persecution, distributed self-published literature among the general Ukrainian population, which truthfully covered the Russification policy of the Soviet leadership, the assimilation of the cultural and spiritual values of the Ukrainian people.