ABSTRACT This comparative case study of the Freedom Movement in Sweden and the Freedom Convoy in Canada provides insights into the processes of transnationalization involved in the (re)production of far-right narratives around the COVID-19 pandemic. Focusing on the online media of these protest movements we explore the extent to which the political and cultural context shaped far-right meta narratives and more universal concerns around the pandemic. The study finds significant similarities in how protest narratives in the two countries were constructed and appropriated to intersect with far-right extremism and anti-establishment ideas but also that these narratives were repurposed to make sense in two national contexts characterized by stark differences in the level of restrictions imposed and curtailment of civic rights. Unpacking the local/global intricacies of these narratives helps us understand the ubiquity of contemporary anti-government and anti-establishment discourse propelled by the far-right but also its malleability and flexibility in terms of how it is made to fit different political contexts and scenarios across liberal democracies.

ABSTRACT Ireland has a long history of political violence emanating from Irish republicans’ desire to be free from British rule. The focus of this article is on the use of such political violence in one particular area, namely County Tyrone using a comparative analysis to interrogate republican violence during the Anglo-Irish War (1919–1921) and the period known as the Troubles (1969–1997). Drawing upon archival sources, interviews with ex-security force members and republicans with direct experience of the conflict in County Tyrone and the extant literature, the article examines whether successive generations of republicans drew upon or deviated from established templates of political violence. In doing so, it considers the practical and lethal effect of the exchange of memories, grievance, justifications, tactics and patterns of past episodes of violence. By comparing and analysing differences in the political violence employed by successive generations of republicans, similar strategies and tactics are identified. These include the use of guerrilla warfare, attacks on security forces, the local economy and infrastructure, the creation of security force-free zones and the fostering of sectarian and representative violence. The research has contemporary relevance to improve our understanding, challenge misinterpretations and myths of past events and legacies in County Tyrone.

ABSTRACT For decades, oppressive state policies have forced some Kurds to leave Turkey and seek refuge in Western countries, including Sweden and Canada. We conducted semi-structured interviews with Kurdish youth living in Canada and Sweden (N = 15) to explore the role of identity-related grievances in their involvement in the Kurdish movement, a political movement comprised of an array of actors including an armed group, political parties, and civil society organizations. By implementing the Building Resilience Against Violent Extremism (BRAVE) tool, we investigated their collective resilience against calls for violence, extremist views, and challenges caused by repression. Findings indicated that the major factors in their involvement were the restrictions on their language, culture, and identity; the discrimination and injustices against them and their community; the traumatic events that they experienced or witnessed; and the involvement of their family and community members in the movement. The overall resilience scores of the participants were high (M = 58.67 out of a potential 14–70), but they scored lower when their relationship with Turkish authorities is considered (M = 53.13; SD = 5.65) than with their host countries after resettlement (M = 58. 67; SD = 6.25).

ABSTRACT There is an ever-growing body of evidence that suggests that there exists a significant degree of overlap between violent extremism (VE) and ordinary crime, both at the conceptual level and in terms of patterns and predictors. Countries differ considerably in their approaches to countering violent extremism (CVE). Yet, at least in the west, one common feature is the criminal justice system, whose role is essentially the same for VE as it is for other forms of crime. Despite this, there is little quantitative research on policing and criminal justice system effects on VE. Among the few studies that do exist, most focus on single countries, and examine long observation periods. Our analysis compares two key democratic countries that have received less attention, Canada and Sweden, and finds evidence of heterogeneous effects and patterns concerning how arrests impact the risk of future VE. This suggests that studies focusing on single contexts may have limited generalizability and that current wisdom concerning deterrence-backlash effects is more limited than previously thought.

ABSTRACT While there is a substantial research literature on Western ‘foreign fighters’ – those young men and women from Europe, North America, Australia and elsewhere who traveled to Syria and Iraq, from around 2011–2017, to join jihadist groups engaged in combat – there is a dearth of comparative studies examining the backgrounds of these fighters. National variations in the levels of recruitment have been measured and samples examined to determine the demographics of these fighters, indicating some national variations in who went, how, and maybe why. More fulsome comparative data is needed, however, to detect and measure such differences to gain insight into the factors conditioning the radicalization of these foreign fighters. Calling on original and unique datasets, this study presents the results of a comparative analysis of Canadian and Swedish foreign fighters. In each case the findings are compared with other domestic jihadists as well to delineate if those drawn to fight in Syria and Iraq differ. Clear differences emerge in the basic demographics of these national samples, highlighting some empirical and interpretive issues in need of further analysis.

ABSTRACT Disguised compliance refers to individuals participating in programmes to counter violent extremism (CVE), deceiving, and manipulating intervention staff about the degree to which they are deradicalised and disengaged. It is a particular challenge that confronts CVE case managed programmes. Recent cases of individuals committing terrorist acts who have participated in CVE interventions have demonstrated the risks that disguised compliance presents. However disguised compliance is a common challenge confronting behavioural change programmes. This paper reports results from interviews with practitioners directly involved in the delivery of CVE interventions about their understandings of disguised compliance, its occurrence, identification, and management. The results indicate that the occurrence of disguised compliance is highly contextual and shaped by individual motivations and capacities, with it comprising a spectrum of behaviours. Interviewees emphasised that the detection of disguised compliance requires a mix of strategies and approaches, and that these should not undermine rapport and trust building with a client. The implications of the results for policy and practice are considered including the type of indicators that constitute authentic indicators of behavioural and cognitive change.

ABSTRACT The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria’s (ISIS) rise and fall has led to millions of Syrians and Iraqis’ displacement. Many displaced now live in refugee camps, one of the largest is called ‘Al-Hawl’, located in Syria’s Hasakah province. A significant number of its residents are children, some of whom are affiliated with ISIS. Experts and international institutions warn that Al-Hawl’s children could become the next leaders of jihadist ideologies and pose a threat to the security of the Middle East. Hence, our main question is ‘How can these children be the promoters of jihadist ideology like ISIS and threaten Middle Eastern security?’ The objective of the present study is to respond to this question by utilizing terror management theory and a descriptive-analytical methodology. We suggest that the salience of mortality in the Al-Hawl camp has intensified the children’s fear of in-existence. Consequently, these children are inclined to join the cultural worldview of ISIS, as it provides a robust safeguard to manage and repress this fear. The group membership can provide them with a sense of self-esteem, death transcendence, and immortality.

ABSTRACT South Asia has witnessed a surge in jihadist activity, with Al-Qaeda (AQ) and the Islamic State (IS) making significant inroads into the region. Their presence has reshaped terrorism dynamics, notably by involving women in jihadism. AQ and IS have leveraged social media to attract both male and female recruits, with a particular focus on the latter. Through a thematic network analysis of online magazines like Azan, Resurgence, Dabiq, Rumiyah, Inspire, and Al Balagh, this article explores the evolving roles that AQ and IS offer to women. It argues that the emphasis on individual obligation of jihad through online propaganda has not only increased women's participation in jihad, but has also redefined their roles in South Asian jihadism. The changing roles of women in jihadism in South Asia encompass a range of activities, including suicide bombers, propagandists, planners, plotters, recruiters, matchmakers, facilitators, and fundraisers. Notably, IS offers a wider array of dynamic roles for women compared to its competitor, AQ. This article highlights the shift in the roles of women in South Asian jihadism due to the online propaganda efforts of AQ and IS, which have expanded the opportunities for women to participate in various capacities within these extremist groups.

ABSTRACT This article explores public support for Jihadi foreign fighters, an area largely unexplored in existing literature, despite its relevance to counterterrorism. The study draws on two key theoretical perspectives: grievance-based explanations that propose support for militancy arises from perceived societal injustices, and religion-based explanations that look at the role of religious factors in fostering support for religious militancy. Using original survey data from 5145 Muslim respondents across seven countries (Cyprus, Germany, Israel, Kenya, Lebanon, Palestine, Turkey), the study empirically tests these perspectives. The findings underscore religious fundamentalism as a potent influencer of support for foreign fighters. By providing large-scale survey data and a comprehensive comparative analysis of dominant theories, this research enhances our understanding of the dynamics that underpin public support for Jihadi foreign fighters.