One of the fundamental doctrines of the Methodist Church is the concept of the priesthood of all believers, as articulated by John Wesley. This principle laid the foundation for lay ministry, which primarily involves adults who are not ordained clergy and therefore do not have the authority to oversee all ecclesiastical activities. Within this context, children’s ministry encompasses individuals devoted to providing spiritual guidance to children in a manner appropriate to their level of understanding. Two effective methods utilised in this ministry are theatrical storytelling and the musical element. This article aims to offer some insights into how women involved in children’s ministry can effectively narrate scriptural stories, as well as how children can engage with Scripture through action-based dramas and music. The information is thus very limited, and the article is presented as a means of preserving the history of this unique movement of children from its inception to its current state.

Significantly, Evangelist David Koi was murdered at the Kenyan Coast two years before the execution of the famous Ugandan Martyrs. And yet, the story of East African Christianity is often told without any significant mention of his contribution. The purpose of this article is to reconstruct the story of David Koi using literary works, family oral narratives, and archival documents to document his memoir, ministry, and martyrdom. The article argues that whereas Koi was ignored by Church Missionary Society Europeans in Rabai as a unique leader of a kitoro African Christian village, rejected by his people, the Agiriama, as an African chief who advocated a “whiteman’s religion,” hated by Muslim Arabs as the one providing hiding haven for their run-away slaves, and suspected by the British colonial masters as the elitist leader who protected his people against intended taxes, Koi’s life, leadership, and death have never been appreciated enough as a hero of quite uncertain times.

This article explores the delicate context of the 1950s, when the church was classed with the oppressor, perhaps wrongly, during Kenya’s quest for land and freedom (wiyathi na ithaka). Indeed, the antithesis of the church and its perceived engagement with the “intolerant” state in colonial Kenya is epitomised in the life of General Ndaya, the Mau-Mau rebel leader in the then-Embu District (now Kirinyaga and Embu counties). This was communicated when his soldiers attacked and shed blood in an otherwise holy ground, the Roman Catholic Church, Baricho Parish of the present-day Kirinyaga County, in October 1953. Using oral history techniques, such as storytelling, archival sources, and personal communications, among others, the research article focuses on the Kenyan freedom fighter, General Ndaya, whose historicity has failed to gain traction in the national historiographies since the 17th of October 1953, when he was killed after the Battle of River Ragati, along the Nyeri-Kirinyaga County border. In this article, the lifetimes of the pioneer Mau-Mau rebel general are used as the axis through which the concepts of land, freedom, church, and oral history are interfaced in our endeavour to understand the delicate situation where the “reign of terror” triggered the “guillotining” of the “saints.” Is oral history the right companion in our endeavour to learn from our past errors?

Ongoing violence, discrimination, war and crimes against minority religious groups and women must be eradicated. Both Christianity and the Baháʼí faith are minority religions in Iran where religion and tradition (e.g., wearing of a hijab [veil]) are still the cause of violence and bloodshed. The lives of Christians in the Gaza Strip (also known simply as Gaza) are threatened by the war between Radical Islam and Judaism. Through interfaith dialogue intended to overcome stereotyping and historical grievances, religious, cultural and political open-mindedness pave the way for positive transformation. Comparative historical research showcases the shared experiences, theology, ideals and fates of two early converts from two global religions. Christianity was founded by Jesus, who proclaimed a new interpretation of the Yahwistic religion of Israel. The Babi faith was founded by the Báb, a merchant who proclaimed a new interpretation of Shia Islam in 1844. Christianity and Islam are the largest world religions with 31.11% and 24.9% of the world population, respectively, while Judaism (0,18%) and Baháʼí faith (0,07%) are minority global religions. Despite huge differences in time, place, religion and social status, the lasting impact that Paul the Apostle had and still has on Christianity and the effect that Jenab-i Táhirih had and still has on the Babi faith serve as an example of how religious historical research can find common ground as a foundation for initial interaction between members of opposing religions to stop and eradicate current conflict situations.

This paper presents a historical analysis of gender discrimination within the Johane Marange Apostolic Church, with a focus on its headquarters in Manicaland Province, Zimbabwe. The study explores the church’s doctrinal evolution, traditional gender roles, and marriage practices, highlighting their profound impact on the educational and economic opportunities of women. Rooted in both biblical interpretations and African cultural norms, the church’s teachings emphasise male authority and female subordination, perpetuating gender inequalities. The analysis is enriched by detailed case studies from Manicaland Province, illustrating women’s lived experiences and the intergenerational effects of these discriminatory practices. Furthermore, the paper compares the Johane Marange Apostolic Church with other African Initiated Churches (AICs) to contextualise its unique challenges and reform efforts. Despite significant resistance to change, there are emerging voices advocating for gender equality within the church, driven by increased awareness of human rights and external support. The paper concludes with recommendations for promoting gender equality through educational initiatives, legal reforms, community engagement, and support services, emphasising the need for a multifaceted approach that respects cultural and religious contexts while advancing women’s rights.

This study looks at the historical and theological roots of Pentecostal Christianity in Nigeria, from early 20th-century Bible schools to its contemporary status as a vibrant religious movement. It employs a qualitative research design, combining historical records, church documents, and modern interpretations to present a detailed view of the growth of Pentecostalism. The study focuses on specific examples, such as Bible lessons in Lagos, Ijebu-Ode, and Ilesa, as well as the Deeper Christian Life Ministry, which were chosen for their historical significance and representativeness of varied settings. These stories demonstrate how grassroots initiatives, scriptural teachings, and lay leadership all contributed to the growth of Pentecostalism. The findings not only show striking similarities between Nigerian Pentecostalism and the Early Church, especially in their focus on faith healing, prayer, and Holy Spirit-led worship, but also how the contemporary Church adjusts to local cultural and sociopolitical contexts. However, the study identifies gaps in theological continuity, such as a lack of emphasis on sacramental rituals and community ethics, which raises serious concerns about the selective appropriation of Early Church traditions. Finally, the study indicates that the long-standing influence of fundamental Christian teachings has profoundly altered Nigerian Pentecostalism, establishing it as a transformative movement with substantial theological and socioeconomic implications for the Nigerian religious landscape.

John Wesley was the founder and anchor of the Methodist movement. As he grew older, he realised the implication his death would have on the movement. In 1786, he documented his envisioned fears, “I am not afraid that the people called Methodists should ever cease to exist either in Europe or America. But I am afraid lest they should only exist as a dead sect, having the form of religion without power” (Wesley 1786,1). Contrary to his fears, his 1739 statement, “The World is My Parish” (Wesley 1739,42), was fulfilled as Methodism arrived in Africa four years after his death as a religion with the power to transform society. This paper presents the birth and developments of the Africa Methodist Council as a counter to Wesley’s 1786 fear and a confirmation of his 1739 statement “The World is my Parish.” The numerical and philanthropical growth of Methodism in Africa is evidence of its visibility and power to transform the African society, true to the 1739 conviction and contrary to the 1786 fear. This paper uses a qualitative research methodology to present the development of the AMC. Furthermore, the paper is informative and utilises Wesley’s fears and his vision of Methodism in the world to discuss the birth and development of the Africa Methodist Council. The paper concludes by buttressing the view that Methodism in Africa fulfils Wesley’s statement of the world as his parish. It also affirms the power of Methodism to transform society.

This article reports on a study that aimed to examine the role of women in African Pentecostal Churches in Zimbabwe, with a particular focus on their often-unrecognised contributions. Prompted by the acknowledgment that women have been crucial in the establishment and expansion of these churches, the study utilised a historical narrative approach to chronicle Priscilla Ngoma’s (1928–1998) influence on the growth of the Assemblies of God Africa (AOGA), which was founded by Archbishop Ezekiel Handinawangu Guti (1923–2023) on 12 May 1960. After Zimbabwe gained its independence on 18 April 1980, the church was renamed the Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa – Forward in Faith church (ZAOGA-FIF). The study findings indicated that Ngoma and other women were instrumental during the church’s early years. She was the first woman to contribute significantly to the development of church talents (Matarenda) and was the sole female among the original five executive directors of the church. However, the study uncovered that patriarchal frameworks and the church’s literal Bible interpretation within the Zimbabwean Pentecostal Church overshadowed Ngoma’s contributions. Such a literal understanding of certain biblical texts and the patriarchal setting among many Zimbabwean societies has fostered ZAOGA theology summarised by the church’s rhetoric – “men must lead!”, leaving the marginalisation of women largely uncontested. The article argues that this marginalisation has led to the overshadowing and the unrecognition of many ordained female pastors who have become a forgotten memory following their husbands’ deaths. Based on interviews and an analysis of unpublished documents in the National Archives of Zimbabwe, the article concludes that, in spite of Ngoma’s significant role in the founding and development of ZAOGA, not much has been written about her in the history of the organisation; hence, her ecclesiastical legacy may soon become a forgotten memory.

Ancestors play a critical role in African life and traditions. They are critical to how morality in Africa is conceptualised. Ramose and others have exposed that life in Africa is lived holistically, and ancestors play a significant role in guiding the living. Among the key aspects of becoming an ancestor is dying a natural death, having played an upstanding role in the community and having an offspring. Recognising these key parts of the criteria, this paper seeks to explore what natural death means in the face of coloniality and conquest. This paper argues that coloniality has not only killed the flesh but the living-dead. This being the case, I advance the argument that the history and presence of inculturation liturgies do not address the issue of double death. This causes a problem with the way morality is conceptualised using the African ancestral framework. Unnatural death in this paper refers to deaths that occur as a result of sickness, murder, and accidents, for instance. I argue, therefore, that ontic and epistemic death is unnatural. Addressing Christians who embrace African spirituality and Christianity, this paper advocates for the adoption of a liberative-liturgical praxis. In such a liberative-liturgical praxis, recognising the wounds and deaths of our ancestors epistemically and ontically becomes a critical part of our worship. This paper concludes by avowing that the integration of epistemic and ontic reflections of the wounds of those who have passed can play a critical liberative-reconstructive role liturgically, in the manner in which morality is framed for the African Christian society. Methodologically, this paper uses the desk research method, which is literature-based and requires no empirical research methods.

In this article, I critically probe the role of Christian missionary imperialism in South Africa and its destructive contribution to the oppression of the isiXhosa language and culture, untangling the roots and shadows of a system that sought to distort indigenous identity under the guise of Christian salvation. Qualitative meta-synthesis and cultural imperialism as a theory are applied to anchor the argument. This article uncovers three notable findings. First, the use of language as a strategic and political weapon of imperialism obligated Christian missionaries and the church to abolish isiXhosa linguistic and amaXhosa cultural structures, and replace them with Western philosophies, elevating English and Afrikaans as the dominant mechanism of education and religious discourse. Second, the Christian church’s condemnation and oppression of ancestral amaXhosa practices led to their gradual erosion under the crushing weight of Christian dogma. Third, through its pervasive influence, missionary imperialism imposed Western cultural values that disconnected the threads of intergenerational transmission of amaXhosa knowledge systems, leaving far behind a fractured cultural mosaic that continues to obstruct the recovery of amaXhosa heritage in a post-colonial scenery. In the end, by interweaving historical accounts, ethnographic critiques, and cultural discourses, I unmask the indelible scars of Christian missionary and church interventions and advocate for the revitalisation and advancement of the isiXhosa language and amaXhosa culture.