The article is devoted to analysing the role of ancient Greek thinkers in the history of Ukrainian philosophy. Ukrainian philosophical thought, like all Ukrainian culture, is based on two fundamental sources: ancient cosmism and the Christian belief in the immortality of the soul. This makes Ukrainian philosophy part of the pan-European tradition. The search for European roots leads to the need to study the philosophical views of the population of ancient Greek colonies in the territory of modern Ukraine. Taking into account the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine, the emphasis is placed on the largest of the Greek colonies available today – Olbia, the ruins of which are located near the village of Parutino in the Mykolaiv region. The article is written within the framework of the interdisciplinary methodology of the Ukrainian studies paradigm and takes into account the results of research in classical ancient literature (Herodotus, Diogenes Laertius, Dion Chrysostom, Ovid), prosopographic, epigraphic and archaeological discoveries. The first colonists in Olbia were citizens of Miletus, a city in Ionia with a world-famous philosophical school. It is hypothesised that the Olbiopolitans were familiar with the natural philosophical views of the metropolis: Thales, Anaximander, Anaximenes. This is indirectly indicated by the prevalence of graffiti with the name Anaximander in Olbia. Researchers have discovered bone plates with inscriptions such as “Life-Death-Life-Truth”, “Peace-War”, “Truth-Deception”, “Body-Soul”, “Dionysus-Orphics” testify to the popularity among the Olbiopolitans of ideas of Orphism and Pythagoreanism about the immortality of the human soul, the possibility of resurrection of the dead and “eternal return”. In the Hellenistic period, Dion Chrysostom wrote in his “Oratio Borysthenitica” about the philosophical conservatism of the Olbiopolitans, who loved Homer, although they were also familiar with the views of Plato. It is emphasised that Greek philosophy spread among the barbarian population of the Northern Black Sea region through Olbia and other colonies. The conclusion is made about the connection between ancient cosmism through Neoplatonism and early Christian ideas about the world, God, and man, which became decisive for the later Ukrainian philosophical tradition.

The article is devoted to determining the role of the natural environment in shaping the mental foundations of the Ukrainian ethnos. It is argued that a specific locality in Europe determines the psycho-ethnic basis of Ukrainian society, which undergoes a multi-vector genesis precisely in the special natural conditions of ‘the integrity of space and time.’ The geopsychological influence of the biogeographical and specific biocenotic environment on the somatopsychic state of the human mind and the regional features of such influence, which are manifested in specific ethnic psychotypology, have been determined. These psychotypological characteristics are embodied in the way of thinking of representatives of certain communities, which today is referred to as “mentality”. We approach these states of the human psyche after coming from the archetypal foundations or prototypes of the human mentality. Therefore, we move on from various archetypal foundations that significantly influence the peculiarities of behaviour and economic activity (in particular, archetypes “man-plant” and “man-animal”) to the consideration of societies dominated by the so-called “agricultural consciousness”. Such societies always progress because, after having ensured their hunger-free living, they always strive to creatively improve their well-being, namely comfort, and actively resort to art in the form of the creation of a specific product. In return, people with the collecting consciousness and their own original “art”, evolve into the selective or appropriating consciousness, when the creative approach leads to the encroachment not only on the Nature, but also on those societies that generate the product the selectors steal. The agricultural reasoning instead offers agrotechnologies, pottery, cattle breeding, cooperage, agricultural inventory and many other things such as art, writing, literature, etc.

This article examines Ukraine’s European integration course as one of the main directions of contemporary foreign policy and a crucial mechanism for strengthening national security, ensuring sustainable development, and modernizing the state. It traces the historical evolution of Ukraine–EU relations, starting with the 1990 Declaration of State Sovereignty, the 1993 Verkhovna Rada Resolution “On the Main Directions of Ukraine’s Foreign Policy,” and the signing of the 1994 Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, and culminating in the granting of EU candidate status in 2022. The paper reviews key legal and institutional frameworks, including the Ukraine–EU Action Plan, the European Neighbourhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership initiative, the Association Agreement, and the establishment of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area. Particular attention is paid to the transformation of European integration following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, which turned EU accession from a political and economic project into a strategy for survival, recovery, and security consolidation. The study analyzes the economic, political, and security dimensions of integration, focusing on the harmonization of Ukrainian legislation with EU law, modernization of state institutions, promotion of democratic reforms, and the prospects for accession negotiations in 2025. Key obstacles to integration are identified, including insufficient competitiveness of certain economic sectors, difficulties in meeting financial obligations, and the need to improve the professional capacity of civil servants. The article highlights the EU’s role as a strategic partner in security cooperation, including Ukraine’s participation in PESCO and EUMAM initiatives and the signing of bilateral security agreements. The findings emphasize that Ukraine’s European integration course is a comprehensive strategy aimed at establishing the country as an integral part of the European political, economic, and security space, strengthening its international position, and improving citizens’ quality of life.

The article is devoted to defining the specifics of Roman expansion and understanding Roman frontier policy in the Northern Black Sea region. The study emphasizes the differences between modern and ancient concepts of a border, which complicates its demarcation. The potential limit of the Roman state's influence is defined through M. Mann's concept of the "empire of domination," which posited three levels of Roman expansion during the Republican era. Based on historical sources, the dynamics of the Roman presence in the Northern Black Sea region are traced. Particular attention is given to the establishment of a system of client and allied states on the frontier. The entry of such states into the zone of the Roman state's diplomatic influence created the groundwork for the full-fledged integration of this region as a Roman province. The study determines that Roman expansion was defined not so much by military means as by a political strategy of eliminating or weakening potential regional hegemons, exemplified by the Pontic Kingdom of Mithridates VI Eupator. The Roman presence in the region was defined by the integration of local elites through the institution of clientela, which was crucial in establishing dependence on Rome. The emergence of a sociocultural syncretism during the Romanization and Hellenization of the region is identified.

This article is devoted to the problem of comparing Ukraine's national values with European values. According to the Law of Ukraine “On National Security”, Ukraine's national security is defined as “the protection of state sovereignty, territorial integrity, democratic constitutional order, and other national interests of Ukraine from real and potential threats”. Experts rightly criticise this definition for being incomplete, since national values are no less important than interests. Values are also not mentioned in the Law of Ukraine “On the Basic Principles of State Policy in the Sphere of Establishing Ukrainian National and Civic Identity”. However, interests need to be complemented by values, as national interests in today's world can change rapidly under the influence of external and internal circumstances, while values are a stable foundation for statehood. Ukraine's strategic orientation towards European integration involves comparing Ukrainian and European values as part and whole. The basis of this process is a dialogue between European and Ukrainian cultural values. The system of values is revealed: a meaningful life, a vital system, an interactional, and a socializational system. To the usual complex of European values, such as freedom, democracy, and equality, others are added: "inner world", "deep respect for ordinary life", "self-fulfillment", as well as "freedom", "acceptable difference" and "practical rationalism of world domination". Among the Ukrainian values, the following are being analyzed: "desire for Order", "heartiness and sincerity", "freedom", "a feeling of a special connection with the environment", "a feeling of involvement in the affairs of other people", "the ability to overcome geopolitical traumas". Ukrainian cultural values are an open system, complemented by other components. Demonstrating the similarity between Ukrainian and European values in the table, the author concludes that the similarity of cultures makes Ukraine an integral part of the European sociocultural space.

The article is devoted to the problem of adequately understanding the role of Ukraine and the Ukrainian nation in European being. The authors focus not on economic, cultural, and scientific factors, which are also important, but on geopolitical and military-political factors. The article describes and analyzes the most important moments of active participation of Ukrainians in events that are extremely important for the whole of Europe. To this end, the authors use the concepts of active and latent geopolitical subjectivity, national subject, and actor. They introduce the concepts of “shadow agent” and “pulsating subjectivity” into scientific discourse for the theoretical understanding of the role of Ukraine and Ukrainians in the events of the 20th century. With their help, the authors seek to reveal as deeply as possible the essence of the “key moments” in European history to which Ukraine is directly involved. These include the destruction of the despotic Russian Empire in 1917, the halting of the Bolshevik invasion of Western Europe in 1920, and active participation – from September 1, 1939, to September 2, 1945 in combat operations against the totalitarian states of the Axis, the liquidation of the Gulag, and, ultimately, the dismantling of the USSR. The article concludes that throughout the 20th century, Ukraine and Ukrainians repeatedly played one of the key roles on the “geopolitical chessboard,” either as an active player or as a shadow actor, and if they had not done so, Europe would now look much worse, and European civilization might even have dissolved into the Eurasian geopolitical swamp. However, the real role of Ukraine and Ukrainians was not always recorded, so it seemed that historically significant events took place, but without Ukraine. Therefore, the authors note: “bringing” Ukraine “out of the shadows,” showing the whole world, and above all Europe, its true historical value as an integral factor, and often even the savior of European civilization, is today one of the most pressing tasks of the Ukrainian intellectual elite, including scholars of Ukrainian studies.

This article examines the role of Orest Sikorskyi (1880–1919), a Ukrainian educator, administrator, public and political figure, and organizer of the Ukrainian national movement in Balta and the Balta County of the Podillia Governorate, in the awakening of national consciousness among the local population amid revolutionary upheavals. Drawing on archival documents, eyewitness accounts, and contemporary scholarly research, the author considers O. Sikorskyi’s civic and educational activities in Balta as a significant local manifestation of the broader national struggle for Ukraine’s cultural and political self-determination. Born into a priestly family, O. Sikorskyi received a European education in History at the universities of Tartu and Halle, which shaped him as a representative of the modern intelligentsia: the profound moral and cultural values of his religious upbringing were integrated with a European worldview. His leadership of the commercial school in Balta, and later the Ukrainian gymnasium he founded, not only provided an institutional foundation for the development of national education but also fostered community cohesion in the face of prolonged political upheavals, war, and social instability. The tragic circumstances of his life underscore his dedication to Ukraine, and the lessons drawn from his experience remain relevant today, demonstrating the enduring connection between education and state-building.

The article examines the problem of justice and the duty of the warrior in the interpretation of the "Bhagavad-Gita" - a sacred text that is part of the Indian epic "Mahabharata." Particular attention is given to issues related to life, death, and the fulfillment of duty, i.e., following one's dharma, which should ultimately lead to spiritual perfection and liberation from samsara (the cycle of birth and death). The central element of the "Bhagavad Gita" is the discussion of the problems of war and peace, presented through the dialogue between Prince Arjuna and the god Krishna on the battlefield of Kurukshetra. The authors of the article analyze the philosophical reflections presented in the "Bhagavad-Gita" on how a person can find peace and satisfaction in a world full of conflicts by following true yoga. The article points out that the "Bhagavad Gita" also draws attention to the moral aspects of war, emphasizing the importance of a just struggle. Krishna teaches that the struggle must be just and that the sacrifices of war should not be in vain. Krishna explains to Arjuna that fighting is not an immoral act if it is done in accordance with the duty (dharma) of a warrior. The duty of a warrior is to protect truth and righteousness, even if it requires participating in battle. Krishna emphasizes that war should be the result of higher goals, such as restoring justice and order, and not for personal ambitions, profit, or revenge. The article emphasizes that the war in the "Bhagavad-Gita" is viewed as a necessary part of the universal process, in which it is important for everyone to impeccably fulfill their duty, following their dharma, without attachment to the results of their actions, doing everything as an offering to God. The article emphasizes that the war in the "Bhagavad Gita" is a multifaceted symbol that encompasses not only the external physical battle but also the internal struggle of each person for self-awareness, true understanding of their dharma, and spiritual liberation. The publication also conveys the idea that in the context of the "Bhagavad-Gita," war represents not just a physical conflict, but a symbol of spiritual struggle. The external conflict is merely a reflection of the internal, spiritual one. The entire "Bhagavad Gita" can be perceived as an allegory of a person's struggle with their own passions, attachments, illusions, and delusions. The article draws parallels between the teachings of the "Bhagavad Gita" and the issues of the contemporary Russian-Ukrainian war. The Russian-Ukrainian war is examined in the context of the "Bhagavad Gita" through several key concepts of this classic Indian sacred text. Particular attention is drawn to the fact that in the "Bhagavad-Gita," special emphasis is placed on ethics, the fulfillment of duty (dharma), the struggle between good and evil, as well as the issue of inner conflict and the importance of spiritual choice, even in the most challenging situations.

The article is dedicated to highlighting the image of the military of the Russian occupation army that was formed among the residents of the city of Kherson during the 2022 occupation period. The methodological basis of the research became oral history. This made it possible to focus on the life stories of narrators with different experiences and levels of life stability. What was experienced by the residents of the temporarily occupied city turned out to be an unexpected event for everyone and had an impact on their further lives. The authors relied on fresh memories, as their advantage lies in the important potential for reconstructing events, the image of the occupiers, and studying the experience. By recording the narratives of witnesses of contemporary events, we are dealing with factual and documentarily valuable interviews, which constitute the source base and will not be preserved in archives, while simultaneously providing researchers with answers to atypical questions. The article reveals the image of the Russian occupation army's military in many dimensions: the rules of life that the Russian military introduced in the occupied city; how local residents went through checks at checkpoints; observations of the military, how they behaved with civilians; how communication with the occupiers took place, with what difficulties they had to face during departure; how the Russian military conducted searches, detentions, arrests, and interrogations; how they abused civilians, keeping them in basements. The plots that the authors focus on could not be captured by photo and video cameras, and therefore the only way to learn about them is through documented interviews with eyewitnesses of these events. In the conclusions, it is emphasized that the Russian occupiers were remembered by local residents as wild, uncivilized tribes from the east, who were aggressive towards the peaceful civilian population. They tried with all their might to build a "russkiy mir" in Kherson and to show in their media that Kherson residents were happy with this situation. However, this was completely contrary to reality, as the population of Kherson was extremely negative about this alien element that destroyed the city's natural development. The image of the occupiers was exceptionally negative, as they destroyed the existing communication systems and infrastructure, mocked the civilian population, shot at and dispersed peaceful protest rallies, and banned freedom of speech, etc. The unique experience of the struggle of the self-organized civilian population is highlighted, as it conveys the essence of the resistance to Russian military aggression. In general, the article reveals numerous details of people's unique experiences under occupation: the atmosphere of occupation, the crimes of Russian troops, the torture of the civilian population, and the defense of their rights and freedoms by the Kherson residents, including the right to a Ukrainian future.

This article deals with the conceptualization of J. Habermas's discourse on historical memory and post-war societal identity. Analysis covers his criticism of Marxism as a tool of "essentialization of history" and social reductionism that devalues identities. It is substantiated that Habermas engages in active public communication directed against the traditional vision of the social institution of history, particularly against German historians who question the uniqueness of the Holocaust and the guilt of the German community. The author focuses on how Habermas, appealing to collective intelligence and rationality, rejects the reproduction of collective memory tied exclusively to conventional German identity. Analysis also covers the theoretical distinction of Habermas from the postmodern discourse of F. Lyotard on the role of the historical factor in the conditions of deliberative democracy. Habermas emphasized that effective public communication and the intention to form a com-mon European constitutional identity were the factors that helped overcome the conse-quences of the past and united societies against the violence of Nazism and Communism.