The aim of this paper is to review the leading theoretical categories used in analyzing dedemocratization in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and to assess their applicability to the changes observed during the third wave of autocratization (2008–2019). In this article Author reviewed following theoretical categories and concepts related to the process of withdraw liberal democracy: democratic consolidation and deconsolidation, erosion of democracy, regression of democracy, decay of democracy, democratic backsliding, and autocratization. Next, analyzing terms related to the outcomes of these processes consist of illiberal democracy, flawed democracy, hybrid regime and patronal autocracy. The paper offers a review of the main concepts and theoretical categories employed in studies on contemporary political systems. It also provides reflections on the use of these categories within the framework of transitology, highlighting their foundations and innovations. Additionally, the article shed lights on observed biases in studies about political systems, and a tendency to producing terms called “political systems with adjectives”.

The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have been strengthening cooperation in their region for several years. These countries share a fear of Russian policy, as well as a desire for energy independence. They also want to gain greater influence in the structures of the EU and NATO. Since 2015, the Three Seas Initiative (associating countries lying between the Adriatic, Baltic and Black Seas) and the Bucharest Nine (associating the countries of NATO’s eastern flank) have been operating. These structures have gained significant importance after Russia launched its aggression against Ukraine, as their member states have provided significant assistance to Ukraine and facilitated its provision by the US. In the near future, the Three Seas Initiative and the Bucharest Nine may become key structures of European security as well as strengthen economic integration in the region.

The article examines the evolution and contemporary determinants of relations between the European Union and the Southern Common Market (Mercosur), presenting them as an example of a complex and asymmetric interregional partnership. The aim of the article is to identify the principal factors that that either facilitate or impede cooperation between the two regional blocs against the backdrop of dynamic geopolitical, economic, and environmental transformations. Drawing on the theoretical framework of interregionalism, the analysis demonstrates that, notwithstanding recurrent crises and prolonged negotiation deadlocks, EU–Mercosur relations retain their strategic relevance. In the economic domain, asymmetry prevails, as the EU is primarily an exporter of industrial goods and technology, whereas Mercosur exports mainly raw materials and agricultural products. This imbalance generates tensions regarding market access and agricultural subsidies. In the political dimension, the partnership is shaped by normative conditionality, while in the environmental domain disputes arise over how to balance development with environmental protection, particularly in relation to the implementation of the European Green Deal. The last part of the article elucidates the geopolitical determinants of the partnership, including the increasing influence of China, the United States, and the BRICS, as well as the relevance of cooperation with Mercosur for the European Union’s pursuit of strategic autonomy.

This article aims to critically assess how artificial intelligence (AI) technologies are reshaping European border policing and to evaluate whether their deployment requires a broader framework of Security Sector Reform (SSR) within the European Union (EU). Using a qualitative legal research grounded in doctrinal and policy analysis, the study examines how AI-driven predictive analytics, biometric surveillance, and automated risk assessments influence law enforcement practices along the EU’s key migration routes. The research is guided by three hypotheses: first, that AI enhances border management efficiency but weakens transparency and accountability; second, that algorithmic systems increase the risk of discriminatory enforcement and human rights violations; and third, that embedding AI governance within SSR frameworks can mitigate such risks by reinforcing democratic oversight and institutional responsibility. By linking AI innovation to fundamental rights protection, the study contributes to ongoing debates on ethical governance and the human-rights-based regulation of border technologies in the EU.

One of the most interesting outcomes of the rationalist vs. reflexivist debate in the theory of International Relations has been the so-called practice turn which dates to the first decade of the XXI century and seems to be in full swing today. This already mature research programme is mostly an attempt to shift focus from the static, structural theorising characteristic of the previous debate towards more processual approach. The programme itself involves vast body of literature, multiple themes and diverse claims, transcending established boundaries within IR theory – providing a fertile ground for both brilliant insights and troubling contradictions.My aim in this paper is to explore the placement of A. Wiener’s conceptualisation of contestation in the theory of international relations. To achieve this, I explore the genealogy of related concepts, especially the practice turn in IR theory and the concept of Communities of Practice, which both consider work on contestation as part of their research programmes. Although the paper is primarily explorative and descriptive, it employs the tool developed for theoretical analysis, rooted in the recent work of Gałganek (2022), where philosophical positions that he identified in the field I have connected with existing paradigms (with his approval) for theoretical closure. To this, I also add Wendt’s (1999) division of existing paradigms into materialist and idealist ontology. The provocative title is meant to reflect a materialist critique of both the programme and contestation theory, while at the same time recognising the growing interest in IR ontology in contemporary IR theorising – a shift away from epistemology-heavy approaches of the late twentieth century.The main argument of the paper is that the scientific programme resulting from the practice turn in IR theory provided a much-needed processual and practical ontology. It is, however, paired with an interpretive and normative epistemology, which leaves it without tangible foundation. Contestation, as a product of the programme, inherits the same problem and would benefit from adopting a materialist ontology. In doing so, it could be reconciled with other materialist approaches, which would ground it and potentially allow contestation to be recognised as an organising principle not only in global governance, but in international relations as a whole.

The European Union’s external relations are an important issue in the context of the contemporary principles and functioning of the European community. In this article, the authors analyse a specific type of relationship between the European Union and non-democratic countries, i.e. the Republic of Cuba and the People’s Republic of China, based on determinants related to the concepts of democratisation, Europeanisation ad extra and value-based partnerships. The state of relations between these entities in 2004 and 2024 is presented. The differences that determined the European Union’s perception of these countries are highlighted. As part of the comparative analysis, the authors summarise the clear change in the European Commission’s policy shaping relations between these partners based on a cognitive framework and political, economic and normative issues. It was also observed that, apart from the established bilateral partnerships between the EU and China and Cuba, the countries in question have also revitalised relations between themselves. The authors point out that despite the earlier assumption of the importance of values in the context of building partnerships (based on strategic documents), in practical terms, democratic values are still not a determining factor in these relations. Economic issues continue to be the fundamental dimension of building relations.

The purpose of this article is to examine and evaluate the measures taken by the member states of the European Union towards migration crises. It has been proved that the mass influx of foreigners is treated as a threat to their borders, territories, and populations. It has been demonstrated that contemporary international relations are characterized by a return to the classical understanding of borders, their functions, and, consequently, security – conceived primarily as the protection of state territories and citizens. Combating irregular migration is framed as a matter of national interest, and reaffirmation of each state’s sovereign right to control migration flows. For the purpose of this study, a model of border fortification has been developed, comprised of three key elements: the first is the physical construction or reinforcement of border barriers; the second involves the EU’s legislative activity; and the third refers to the mechanism of remote border control – essentially, the externalization of borders into the territories of third countries. Given the interdisciplinary nature of the inquiry, the analysis draws on methods characteristic of the social sciences, with particular emphasis on those applied in political science, public policy and administration, international relations, and legal studies.

This article presents a comprehensive theoretical analysis of two competing philosophies of local governance operating simultaneously in rural Poland: the Village Fund (VF), representing direct participatory democracy, and the LEADER/CLLD approach, embodying deliberative partnership-based governance. Despite both mechanisms’ declarative pursuit of bottom-up development and local empowerment, this study demonstrates their fundamental philosophical divergence. The study uses a Weberian ideal-type methodology for comparison. It shows that although both models pursue local activation, they do so through profoundly different methods rooted in conflicting democratic traditions. The VF puts into practice Barber’s “strong democracy” through its majoritarian village assemblies, while LEADER/CLLD can be seen as the institutional expression of Habermasian deliberative democracy through tri-sectoral partnerships. This divergence extends beyond technical differences to represent competing answers to fundamental questions about legitimate decision-making, the nature of the demos, and the role of citizens in public governance. The article contributes to democratic theory by analyzing how these competing paradigms perform in practice, revealing both their theoretical limitations and potential complementarity within a pluralistic approach to local development.

Main focus of the article is promotion and support of the state’s maritime policy by politicians after 1989 as an important factor in the development of the Polish maritime economy. The lack of a coherent state maritime policy and related neglect of infrastructure, finances and personnel resulted in a decrease of both competitiveness and the pace of development of the Polish maritime economy, especially in the period immediately following the political transformation in Poland. The aim of the article is to draw attention to the creation of favourable conditions for functioning of entities of the maritime economy, which is an element of the national economy. Creation of legislation supporting the activities of the maritime economy and promoting maritime traditions present in Poland since the interwar period are equally important. The involvement of political parties in issues related to Poland’s membership in the European Union can also constitute support for the European maritime policy. The Baltic Sea is important to the state for many reasons – especially economic, strategic, but also social and political ones. The activities of political parties should focus on strongly emphasizing the need to recognize and invest in the maritime economy treated as a broad, multidimensional area, not forgetting about environmental issues.

This article addresses this gap by analyzing the first supralocal citizens’ assembly in Poland, organized by the Upper Silesia-Zagłębie Metropolis (Górnośląsko-Zagłębiowska Metropolia, GZM). Drawing on deliberative democracy theory, policy documents, and empirical material, including data from a World Café workshop with practitioners and scholars, the study examines the institutional design, implementation dynamics, and policy relevance of this pioneering initiative. We argue that the GZM Citizens’ Assembly represents a conceptual and institutional shift from local to supralocal deliberative governance, involving specific administrative, political, and territorial challenges. These challenges include ensuring inclusive representation across municipalities, embedding the process within strategic policymaking structures, and fostering inter-municipal collaboration. The case illustrates both the potential and the complexity of scaling deliberative practices. Overall, the study contributes to debates on democratic innovation and resilience by demonstrating how supralocal citizens’ assemblies can serve as laboratories for participatory governance in unitary states as Poland.