In this study, we investigated whether the perception of animal experience capacities, enabling individuals to recognize animals as moral patients, decreases instrumental violence against animals. Additionally, we aimed to distinguish this effect from the influence of perceptions of agency capacities, referred to as anthropomorphization. To achieve this, we conducted an online experimental study (N = 471, 54% women). Participants performed a manipulation task that increased their perception of the experience dimension of the animal mind and completed online questionnaires as part of a manipulation check to measure acceptance and intentions of instrumental violence against animals. Regression and mediation analyses revealed that increasing perception of the experience dimension of animal mind decreases instrumental violence against animals, particularly intentions to commit such violence, and this effect is unique and distinct from the effect of perception of the agency dimension, i.e., anthropomorphization. The key capacities in lowering violence were homeostatic emotions (pain, fear, hunger, and thirst) which indicate suffering that humans would want animals to avoid. However, when people perceive homeostatic emotions, increased perception of more complex capacities (anger, joy, pleasure, personality) and anthropomorphization do not result in an additional reduction in violence. We interpret these results to mean that people limit violence by using perception of animal experience capacities as pre-violation justification. These findings expand our knowledge about the functions of perception of experience capacities and demonstrate that people diminish animal experience capacities not only to rationalize violence but also as pre-violation justification to facilitate instrumental violence against animals.

While the objective level of intelligence is not associated with narcissism, relations to self-assessed intelligence (SAI) have been repeatedly reported. Existing research suggests that different facets of narcissism may have different associations with SAI. In the current daily diary study ( N = 176; N = 3975 total observations), we employed dynamic structural equation modeling to examine the relationships between facets of trait and state narcissism (i.e., agentic, antagonistic, and neurotic) and the level, variability, and instability of SAI assessed over 28 consecutive days. Both trait and state narcissism were consistently related to SAI: agentic narcissism showed a positive relationship, whereas antagonistic and neurotic narcissism showed negative relationships with SAI. Trait agentic and state antagonistic narcissism predicted greater variability of SAI scores throughout the study, while neither trait nor state narcissism predicted the instability of SAI. Finally, we found that experiencing increased agentic narcissism on one day, predicted perceiving oneself as more intelligent on the next day, but feeling smarter did not predict feeling narcissistic over time. Moreover, we demonstrated that differentiating between narcissism facets yielded more theoretically accurate results compared to distinguishing between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism.

Abstract We show that both the $n$-density and the bounded $n$-width of Kripke frames can be modally defined not only with natural and well-known Sahlqvist formulae containing a linear number of different propositional variables but also with formulae of polynomial length with a logarithmic number of different propositional variables and then we prove that this exponential decrease in the number of variables leads us outside the class of Sahlqvist formulae.

AbstractWhile modeling political participation as a latent variable, researchers usually choose whether to conceptualize and model participation as a latent continuous or latent categorical variable. When participation is modeled as a continuous variable, factor analytic and item-response theory models are used. When modeled as a categorical variable, latent class analysis is employed. However, both conceptualizations and modeling approaches rest upon very strong assumptions. In the continuous case, all subjects are assumed to come from the same homogenous population; in the categorical case, we assume that no quantitative heterogeneity exists within the latent classes. In this work, I argue that these assumptions are implausible and propose to model participation using zero-inflated measurement and regression models that assume the existence of two latent classes-politically disengaged and politically active-with the latter class being quantitatively heterogenous (people in that class are thought to participate to a varying degree). The results show that the models accounting for the latent class of politically disengaged have much better out-of-sample predictive accuracy. Moreover, modeling the zero-inflation changes estimates of measurement and regression models, and offers new research opportunities because with zero-inflated models we can explicitly tackle the question of what impacts the probability of ending up in the latent class of politically disengaged.

AbstractFollowing the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine since February 2022, Poland adopted institutional solutions and policies to facilitate the inclusion of Ukrainian refugees in the schooling system. We analyse geographical patterns and local determinants of the participation of children and young people from Ukraine in education in Poland. Applying a computer‐based geographic information system and statistical analysis to administrative data from schools and municipalities in Poland, we found that about 50% of the Ukrainian refugees at schools in Poland are of primary school age, while the rates for other age groups are significantly lower. Ukrainian refugees are more likely to attend public schools in affluent urban municipalities and places with more developed accommodation infrastructure. Clearly, the role of local resources was of key importance in the territorial distribution of refugee families in Poland during the first year of the war. Another factor that proved to be important in attracting refugees was the presence of pre‐war Ukrainian immigrants in schools. Observed patterns differ between spring and autumn 2022, which partly reflects the changes in migration to Poland and then back to Ukraine. We anticipate that much of the Ukrainian migration to Poland may outlast the current conflict. This situation creates further challenges for education in Poland—and even more so for Ukraine.

ABSTRACT The term “gay community” has been criticized for its inability to explain the pluralities in a specific cultural and political context. Based on in-depth interviews with 63 non-heterosexual males in Bulgaria, this study aims to revisit the theories of gay communities in a non-Western, post-communist context. The data from this study suggest that (1) the idea of a “gay community” is often rejected due to anti-communist notions and explicit engagement with individualism as anti-communitarianism; (2) belonging to a gay community is subjective, and initial verbal detachment from gay communities does not indicate a lack of factual belonging to such communities; (3) the concepts of “personal communities” and “family of choice” remain relatively irrelevant in the Bulgarian context; (4) the most significant factor for attachment to a gay community is the notion of “gay culture” and “gay scene”; (5) recent forms of “sexual attachments” have led to a certain political involvement; and (6) the “anti-gender campaigns” have revitalized the importance of gay communities and have brought an increasing number of respondents to certain involvement in gay communities and networks, challenging the theories of “post-gay” societies.

In the wake of the 100th anniversary, this paper examines the shift in Armenian genocide commemorations materializing in the USA for the 50th anniversary of the 1915 genocide. Explored are ritual aspects of the commemorative practices undertaken to pay homage to its victims. Accentuated is the 1965 landmark year during which Armenians from diasporas around the world (including the American at the heart of this analysis) took to the streets, for the first time, to demand Turkey’s recognition of the Medz Yeghern. Through the prism of two newspapers published in English ( Hairenik Weekly and The Armenian Mirror-Spectator), the author explores this ethnic mobilization of the Armenian-American community with its public protest against the decades-long injustice and silence. Unveiled are the inner workings of the commemoration planning, as well as the ways by which Armenian-Americans narrated their tragedy to the host community (in which they were already well-settled). The article depicts the preparations for and the semicentennial itself as the moment of formation of an ethnic body politic – one transcending intra-ethnic competition and dispute even as the group remained formally divided.

Abstract This paper aims to trace how the meaning of ethics in the research and innovation (R&I) sector is discursively and procedurally revised within two consecutive modes of legitimizing public policies in the European Union (EU), namely, good governance and better regulation. The text draws insight from Ernesto Laclau’s work on discursivity, contingency, and hegemony and Chantal Mouffe’s critique of consensual political theories. It shows that with the policy transition from responsible innovation to breakthrough and disruptive innovation, the possibilities to employ ethics in interrogating the ambiguous nature of science and technology advancement become very limited. Ethics is currently construed as a means for unclogging the innovation process and embracing the collective production of risks. The paper demonstrates that the recent emptying of ethics within EU R&I is an expected effect of hegemonization practices and discursive configurations promoting and stabilizing the science–market alliance in science and policy relations.