AbstractWe propose an analysis of copular structures of the type “DP is DP” based on the existence of a silent predicate of asymmetric identity. Our proposal is based on a cognitively grounded notion of identity as identification of one object on the basis of the properties of another. We argue that our proposal is preferable over Russell's view that the copula is ambiguous between a predicative interpretation (as in “Socrates is wise”) and an equative one (as in “Socrates is a man”) but also improves upon Longobardi's and Moro's influential analyses, which entail that DP's are ambiguous between a referring type (<e > or < et>t>) and a predicational type (<et>). In the new analysis proposed here, copular structures receive a uniform predicational interpretations and DPs are uniformly interpreted as referential.

In this paper, I study the nature of adnumerative or numerative forms; i.e. morphologically dedicated inflectional forms that can only be used with numerals or quantifiers (e.g. Russian dva časá ‘two o'clock’ vs. [gen sg] čása). Adnumeratives are cross‐linguistically very rare; yet they raise some interesting theoretical discussions. This work is based on the framework of Canonical Typology, which assumes the existence of a handful of discrete and cross‐linguistically recurrent morphosyntactic features. Nevertheless, adnumerative forms present a challenge to that distribution, because, as I argue, adnumeratives lie between case and number values. This might well represent a theoretically undesirable scenario, and thus, be diachronically unstable. However, the data I have gathered prove that there are adnumerative forms that have survived in this penumbra for centuries and one can also adduce more evidence of diachronically stable cross‐linguistic phenomena between two feature values (e.g. the anterior). Therefore, I propose that this theoretical space may not be as dark previously depicted and I ask questions for further exploration.

AbstractThis research aims to clarify the concept of sequentiality in language: the case in which a number of things occur one after the other, as seen in phrases like a queue of customers, a strand of programs and a fleet of cars. Utilizing Langacker's theory of Cognitive Semantics, the study seeks to substantiate two claims. The first is that the meaning of a linguistic expression is understood in terms of the domain in which it is embedded. The second is that the meaning of a linguistic expression is the outcome of the specific construal imposed on its content. The paper proposes that the choice of a sequential phrase is influenced by how the speaker perceives and describe a situation. The study intends to demonstrate that each sequential phrase carries a unique meaning that sets it apart from others. When two or more sequential phrases modify a noun, they indicate semantic contrast, with each phrase offering a different perspective. The findings show that sequential phrases have distinct functions and are distinguishable in their usage through examples provided.

AbstractThis paper investigates two puzzles concerning gapped topicalization in Chinese: (i) DPs are restricted from undergoing multiple gapped topicalization via Agree and movement, while prepositional phrases do not face this limitation; (ii) DP gapped topicalization, typically viewed as an instance of Ā‐movement, is able to feed anaphoric binding, a property conventionally associated with A‐movement. I propose that these two puzzles can be elucidated by adopting three hypotheses: (i) Van Urk's (2015) featural approach to A/Ā‐distinction, (ii) Coon & Bale's (2014) composite probing mechanism, and (iii) Deal's (2015, 2024) interaction/satisfaction model of Agree. I will also demonstrate how this proposal readily provides a systematically consistent derivational mechanism to generate successive‐cyclic topicalization in Chinese.

AbstractThis paper explores patterns of cross‐linguistic, intra‐linguistic and individual variation in the acceptability of sentences with extraction from islands, a classic object of attention of generative grammar. It asks which “competence” concept better fits the presented data. We contrast two alternative views: one that ascribes a multilingual competence to individual speakers, in the “rich competence” tradition of acquisition theory, and another one based on a “competence‐free” kind of model, which is framed as an instantiation of the minimalist approach to the language faculty. We conclude that the latter eliminativist approach is better suited to account for variation in the acceptability of island sentences.

AbstractThis paper tackles the issue of whether syntactic head movement exists in Japanese. Sato & Hayashi (2018) and Sato & Maeda (2021) propose that Verb‐Echo Answers (VEAs), an instance of fragment answers, in Japanese are derived via the so‐called Verb‐stranding TP‐Ellipsis (VTPE; i.e., TP‐ellipsis accompanied by verb‐raising to C), thereby claiming that head movement exists in Japanese as a syntactic operation. In response, this paper argues that pro and Argument Ellipsis (AE) in Japanese sufficiently account for the key observations presented in their works. Specifically, a careful examination of the discourse in each question‐answer pair reveals that the seemingly problematic scope patterns in VEAs do not call for the VTPE analysis. We also show that the unacceptability of voice mismatches in VEAs can be explained by a discourse‐based analysis within the Question Under Discussion framework. Further, we provide an extensive discussion on the alleged evidence against the pro/AE analysis concerning adjunct‐inclusive readings. We show that negative scope reversal effects, which Sato & Maeda (2021) argue occur in VTPE, do not occur between adjuncts and negation in the novel data. Given this, we discuss possible ways to account for the availability of adjunct‐inclusive readings in VEAs with no recourse to VTPE, and suggest avenues for future research. The proposed analyses of VEAs shed new light on intriguing aspects of ellipsis phenomena, which involve complex interactions between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics.

AbstractOn the basis of Abe's (2016) proposal that in the case of an A‐chain, any member can be the target for pronunciation, I argue that Japanese passives may have the bottom copies of the produced A‐chains pronounced. When the passivized subjects appear to occupy their original θ‐positions, it is standardly claimed that the relevant word order is derived by scrambling other material sentence‐initially. Contrary to this claim, I demonstrate that there are cases, including those of what Miyagawa (1989) calls the causative‐passive construction, where the passivized subjects actually occupy their original θ‐positions. I then provide evidence that those passivized subjects undergo “covert” A‐movement, hence giving support to my bottom copy pronunciation analysis.

AbstractThis paper investigates three puzzles concerning scalar nu‐V constructions in Taiwan Mandarin: (a) a scalar nu‐V construction is incompatible with state/achievement verbs, irrespective of the presence of a quantity phrase; (b) when combined with activity verbs, the inclusion of a quantity phrase appears obligatory for scalar nu‐V constructions in an out‐of‐the‐blue context; (c) under appropriate contextual support, bare nouns and demonstrative phrases can replace the typically obligatory quantity phrases to form a grammatical scalar nu‐V construction with an activity verb. We argue that the solutions to these puzzles lie in three core meaning components of scalar nu‐V constructions: (a) scalar presupposition; (b) association with focus; (c) volitional requirement. Specifically, we propose that (a) scalar nu is a scalar verbal modifier that forms a verbal compound with its following verb; (b) scalar nu introduces a scalar presupposition (based on the scalar associate) and the volitional requirement in scalar nu‐V constructions. If our analysis is correct, it suggests that the scalarity of a construction may come from a verbal modifier (e.g., scalar nu) in the formation of a compound verb, thereby enhancing our understanding of the compositionality of compound verbs in natural language.